The sunny South. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1875-1907, April 17, 1875, Image 5

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

[For The Sunny South.J THE OLD FIRE-PLACE. An Eccentric Old Man'* Lament. BY BARMEN AS MIX. Beside my fire-place, bent with years, 1 now recall the loved “Bang Syne,” And sometimes through my blinding tears The flames like dancing spectres shine. The old-time circle meets no more,— Poor Betsy’s in the orchard lying; She was the prop of Dnnley's store,— Poor wife! she always would be buying, How much of joy has come to me While Bitting here on nights of yore— My youngest toddler on my knee, The others playing on the floor. How brightly burned the logs of gum— Those mammoth “butts" on which we doted: By jings! it makes my back ache some, Even now, to think of all I’ve “ toted.” All gone,—the old man's left alone. To make the best of vanished joys; No more around the old hearth-stone Will meet my darling girls and boys. I’d like to see them ere I go;— Poor Bob—I want to ask his pardon For warming up his jacket so Once when he “sassed” me in the garden. There stands the cradle, old and gray. In which we rocked our children all,— See, while the flames in beauty play, Its shadows darn ing on the wall! The precious freight it used to hold, In other times, have danced as sweetly; Why, Jane, when she was six years old, Could beat the ballet folks completely. I haven’t heard from Joe for years; I have his last dear letter yet; It’s soiled by time and—yes, by tears, For Joe was once his father’s pet. Here, hours and hours he’s sat and played His precious fiddle—lazy fellow! He hugged the fire so much, he made His new jeans breeches very yellow. The old fire-place is crumbling fast; The “dogs ’’ are broken, and the hearth Is now a wreck whereon is cast A record of the jars of earth. And there’s the poker—broken; dear ones Have pressed i t—all I cherish so. Betsy once pressed the wrong end—guns! How quick the poor soul let it go! My fire burns low. The old deck's hands Have paused to pass the time of night At twelve. I cover well the brands, And in my room the stars' wan light Itevcals the mantle black. In gloom I view it through my closing lashes,— It seems to me a ghostly tomb Above the dead fire’s peaceful ashes. demagogue which are so potential in swaying the masses, and because of a conscious unfitness, by reason of a characteristic conservatism and moderation, for success in the partisan's role of narrow prejudice, Mr. Hill consented to be sent to the Legislature in 1851, as a Union man, with the distinct understanding that his purpose in accepting this service was to aid in commit- held after the war, and there sounded the key- ting Georgia irrevocably to the compromise of note of resistance to the reconstruction measures 1850 as a final adjustment of the slavery ques- as intended to degrade the/victims of the wrongs tion. they inflicted no less than they dishonored their In his ante helium record, the conspicuous fea- authors. He counseled the people of Georgia tures are an ardent nationalism aud Unionism, to refuse to be a consenting party to the shame and a sagacious opposition to agitation of the which he contended was imposed upon them by slavery question as leading to a war of the sec- the reconstruction scheme of the Federal Con- tions, in which the South would inevitably lose gress. At this period, Mr. Hill's power as an the battle, and republican institutions be thereby orator was transcendently displayed. He was seriously menaced in America. His speeches in the incarnation of eloquent zeal in opposition to the decade from 1851 to 1861 are replete with the wrongs he believed to be meditated against prophetic declarations, and as we read them now his people and against Anglo-Saxon civilization, sound as though they had been dictated by the Under the influence of his magnificent appeals, voice of Fate. His pleas for the preservation of his burning invective and his dauntless courage, the Union moved the nation, and though in the the white people of Georgia became suddenly which would be necessary to give a just state- less by the fickle favor of the multitude. Rich ■ butes of statesmanship — originality, sagacity, ment of his public services during the past eight in the elements of greatness that have given to self-reliance, and discretion. Of that compre- Outside of the State, especially at Wash- mankind its benefactors, Mr. Hill is indeed poor hensive and non-partisan breadth of view and action which befits the statesman, and which tells the people “unpalatable truths: reasons with them on the calamities to which their chil dren may be subjected; ridicules their whims, denounces their vices, passions and prejudices; implores the well-meaning but misguided masses to shake off stupor and rise to the dignity of an exalted destiny,” Hill is a shining example. He can never be of those who dwell in ington, he is understood to be more directly re- in the arts that have for a score of years been the sponsible for the present political status of avenues to political success in America. His Georgia than any other of her leaders. He pre- sterling honesty and blunt truthfulness, and high sided over the first Democratic State Convention courage, not less than his massive intellect, give 0UK PORTRAIT GALLERY. DISTINGUISHED GEORGIANS. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH HOIST. B. H. HILL him a noble disdain of fawning upon the masses and catching up the street cry of popular preju dice, and will impel him at any time, without re gard to his personal interests, to defend the Ther- mopylse of what he believes to be Truth against a host of assailants. Under any circum stances, Mr. Hill must ever remain a colossal figure in the history of the last two decades of Georgia; to the minds of those who have differed with him. a distinct and formidable power, and to his friends, the symbol of the shaping brain and guiding hand that rescued Georgia from the ruin menaced by war and reconstruction. Office is not necessary to render such a man great in the eyes of his countrymen. Pitt, out of office, was hailed with acclamations by a grateful peo ple who refused to notice George the Third; the absence of Cato’s statue only reminded the peo ple of the surpassing greatness of the absent pa triot. Mr. Hill belongs to a class of public men for whose eminent exemplars we have to look back at least a quarter of a century in American poli tics. and of whom there have been few save Peel and Gladstone among the publicists of England of the present century. Knowing little of the mere tactics of party, nor conversant with the duties of the drill-master, and courting no in fluence with the “chiefs of fifties and captains of tens,” they are yet the brain and the heart of the great popular impulses that make history in its most dignified sense. Gladstone does not owe his massive fame to his long tenure of office, to the splendor of his oratory, to the depth and extent of his erudition, nor to his knowledge of the maneuvres of parties. His supreme work has been that of the author of a great party, which, though in temporary eclipse, is the ma terialization of the British constitution, the ex pression of the genius of Great Britain —a party that has saved England equally from License and Prerogative, and exhibits her to-day as a “ Tower of order ’Twixt the Red-cap and the Throne.” BY FRANK H. ALFRIEND. In the lives of men who have made a decided and visible impress upon their time, the phase of interest is the logic of their public careers more than the detailed incidents of personal his tory; the raison d'etre of their fame rather than the consecutive narration of the dates and thea tres of the separate successes whose aggregate has given their authors to history. “Great men are those who have felt much, lived much,” is a sufficient definition of greatness, and to the attainment of this standard neither longevity nor length of official service has always been either essential or auxiliary. Striking person ality in public men is the key to that high and enduring fame that separates really great men from the average public celebrities of their age. Chatham and Mansfield, Pitt and Fox, Brougham and Canning, Gladstone and Disraeli, Palmers ton and Derby, Clay and Jackson, Jefferson and Hamilton, Stephen A. Douglas and Jefferson Davis—these and similar men have been the heirs of that impressive individuality that makes the real leader. Such men are to be followed or fought—to be cordially loved and implicitly re lied upon, or heartily hated, as general political sympathies and affiliations may lead us. It is upon such promontories of genius and character that the light of history breaks as the sunlight falls first upon the loftiest peaks of the range, for these are the monumental men whose lives epitomize their time. In the life of Mr. Hill there is much to exeite the Lues Boswelliana, that disease of biographers that provokes to unmeasured panegyric and at times to the record of the most trivial details of daily life. His interesting boyhood, full of bright promise and ambitious effort; his triumphs at college; his innumerable successes at the bar and on the hustings; his brilliant party leader ship before and since the war; his dramatic ca reer in the Confederate Senate—all these offer the opulent field of a narrative replete with the incidents that are the elements of entertaining, personal biography. AVe give in this limited sketch merely the salient incidents of a life which, at its meridian, has been crowded with events of singular dramatic interest, and which, though its public phase is hardly a score of years old, illuminates the philosophy of half a century of American history. Benjamin Harvey Hill was born in Jasper county, Georgia. September 14. 1823. His father removed to Troup county in 1833. and it was in the latter county that his boyhood and voting manhood were passed. During his preparation for college under the instruction of a graduate of Yale, he gave such marked manifestations of su perior talent that his instructor endeavored to persuade him to make Yale his Alma Mater: but the youth, with that love of Georgia which has been the key and solution of his public career, elected to be educated at the University of his native State. He entered the sophomore class in 1841, graduating three years later, after an academic career of unexampled distinction, during which he earned every honor that the University or the Demosthenian Society could confer, and at his graduation taking the first honors undivided. After a course of legal study under that eminent lawyer and counsellor,William Dougherty. Esq., Mr.' Hill began the practice of law at LaGrange in August, 1845. In November, 1845, he was married. Mr. Hill's practice from the begin ning of his career was large and lucrative, and while yet young in his profession he achieved many brilliant triumphs which are conspicuous in the annals of the bench and bar of Georgia, i Disposed to avoid political service, equally ibecause of his contempt for the low arts ot the To-day Hill is signalized as the foremost Geor gian of his time, because in his life there is a noble philosophy—a splendid unity of plan and of character, which numerous passages of rare splendor do not cause us to forget for even a moment—a consecration to duty and a perfect freedom from the practice of those expedients to success that so often seduce and degrade genius. His brilliant intellectual triumphs achieved on every field of endeavor; the popular ovations that now attend his appearance in public, and that in other days have made his progress through Georgia like the triumph of a eonqheror of an- tiqu’ty; the trophies of his eloquence in the legal forum; the proofs of his sagacity as a states man; his chivaliic courage,—all these Georgia holds, as but the brilliant setting —the lavish ornamentation of a life which is a brilliant epi tome of a glorious epoch of her history, a rec ord of her own high manhood, and a vindi cation of her claim to share the noblest achieve ments of American genius and patriotism. In estimating the sources of Mr. Hill’s power and the characteristics of his stisngth, we are embarrassed with the fertility of the theme. [ Since the days of Sergeant Prentiss, no popular lawyer and orator has been the author of so hot temper of the hour which called from the massed in a Macedonian phalanx, seemingly ma ?y triumphs of oratory as this great tribune public man the highest display of virtue, the ready to again defy the monster that had but ; ? nd advocate ot Georgia. Nearly every court- courage of his opinions, his national views did recently subdued them. When reconstruction i 1 ?'} se ln the State has its associations connected not meet with popular endorsement,— he had had become law, despite the protest of the peo- some client saved from a_ desperate danger, become in the eye of the, country the symbol of pie, and by reason of their helplessness, or to Southern Unionism, and the name of “Ben Hill, use his own epigrammatic phrase when “suc- of Georgia,” was as familiar as any in the land. cessful usurpation had become law,” Mr. Hill Refusing a re-election to the Legislature, be- ; counseled submission to the laws and the adop- eause by the splendid Union triumph in 1851 he I tion of a policy that would relieve the situation hoped the slavery question was finally settled, of as much of its evil as would be prevented by , ,, , .. -. he also declined a nomination to Congress in the people of Georgia having possession of their ! ^. e ] ,00 ]p than of the logical deductions of a 1853. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise local and State government. His “Notes upon ; mm< l of prodigious grasp, and an unequaled bv the legislation of 1854 he believed to be an the Situation,” published in 1867-68, will live in ! capacity tor appropriating the .ruits of the mves- act of bad faith—a disturbance of the Compro- American political literature as among the ablest “gallons ot others. He has the credit, indeed, mise of 1850—a re-opening of the slavery ques- and most valuable of contemporary expositions. . having established more original proposi tion fraught with peril to the institutions and lib- In 1872, Mr. Hill warmly espoused the Greeley I tlons - t d v educ 1 ed . from - logl ° of ‘l 16 law ? than erties of the South, and again Mr. Hill entered movement as providing a healthful liberalization !in - y ° . er “lwyer in Georgia. A most rare politics in the service of Georgia and the Union, of the politics of the country and promising an i P°' v ? r r p er V l 8 elllT J 8 ^ r ’ “^l, - - - - —i—• . , ,•. ■ - ° is his dexterity with the courts not less than with juries. It was said of Erskine, that he “had invented a machine by the secret use of which, in court, he could make the head of a judge nod assent to. his propositions; whereas his rivals, who tried to pirate it, always made the same head move from side to side.” Lord Brougham said of him: “Juries have declared that they felt it impossible to remove their looks from him when he had riveted and, as it were, fascinated, them by his first glance; and it used to be a common remark of men who observed his motions, that they resembled those of a race horse—as light, as limber, as much betokening strength and speed, as free from all gross super fluity or encumbrance.” Hundreds of anecdotes accord to Mr. Hill gifts no less miraculous than those of the great English barrister. In Mr. Hill’s popular addresses, there is a sin gular dignity, breadth, directness and simplic ity. They lack only the classical mellowness and rhetorical wealth of Mr. Webster’s speeches to make them quite the equal of Mr. Webster’s best oratorical productions. His public addresses combine, in a remarkable way, the analytical and synthetical methods of discussion; and hence, while he wants the elasticity and agility of cer tain schools of oratory, as realized by their most “Party's poud, wherein Lizard, toad, aud terrapin— Your ale-house patriots—are seen In Faction’s feverish sunshine basking.” It is in his character as a patriot—as a Geor gian —that the fame of Mr. Hill will expand and brighten as his career develops and his life is studied. Grand as is his intellectual stature, great as a lawyer and orator, and distinguished as a statesman; and though her history shall be lustrous with the story of his prowess, Georgia, most of all. will crown him with the laurel that the Romans awarded to eminence in patriot ism. As the Georgian of the future contem plates the effigies in the Pantheon of his native State, his eye will fall upon one towering figure, which, while it reminds him of the gloomy days of civil strife, when Georgia bled in a fruitless struggle for community freedom, and of the darker days of menaced degradation that fol lowed, will yet, like the stately monument of Chatham in Westminster Abbey, “with eagle face and outstretched arm,” seem to bid Georgia “be of good cheer, and to hurl defiance at her foes.” or some doughty political knight-errant “floored” by the capitaviting eloquence and the gladiato rial prowess of “Ben Hill.” Like the great Eng lish lawyer, Erskine, whom in his professional character Mr. Hill greatly resembles, his legal learning is less the result of original study of believing the safety of the one to be best secured early pacification by an abandonment of the po- by the maintenance of the other. “Take care, litical issues which were the legacy of the war. my fellow-citizens,” said he upon a memorable The present attitude of Mr. Hill with reference occasion, referring to the repeal of the Missouri to public questions is one of catholicity and Compromise, “that in endeavoring to carry conservatism entirely consistent with his ante- slavery where Nature's laws prohibit its en- cedents. Always a national man until secession trance, and where your solemn faith is plighted made it necessary for him to choose between that it shall not go, you do not lose the right to his own people and those who menaced their , hold slaves at all. ” rights, his restoration to public life would sig- Declining a nomination by the Know-Noth- nify the acquisition of a powerful brain and an ings, whose ritual, especially its religious test, eloquent tongue to the ranks of those who are he condemned, he announced himself in 1855 striving to save constitutional liberty and to an independent candidate for Congress upon give to the whole land and all its people real the platform of opposition to agitation of the freedom and genuine peace, slavery question and maintenance of the Union. ; Whatever the issue of the present popular de- After a brilliant canvass, which made his name mand, seconded by an unprecedented unanimity a household word throughout Georgia and the of appeal from the Southern press, that Mr. Hill Union, he was defeated by sixty-eight votes in a be given the service of the nation, there is sig- district usually giving two thousand Democratic nificance in the spontaneity of the demonstra- majority. In 1856, Mr. Hill canvassed the State tion and encouragement of a reviving public as a Fillmore elector, meeting the most distin- spirit. Whether Mr. Hill and men of similar guished Democratic orators and winning new representative genius and character shall in the laurels by his uniform oratorical triumphs. His early future fill high official positions, involves j text everywhere was, “The Northern extremist less of interest to themselves than of pertinence | who would have the Union at the expense of the i in the question of the extent to which popular Constitution and the Southern extremist who sensibility and appreciation have recovered from would save the Constitution by destroying the the demoralization consequent upon the change • Union, are to be equally condemned. Let us and turbulence of our recent past. There is no , have both, my countrymen—the Constitution better barometer of the public morals of an epoch I noted exemplars, he yet presents a massive ag in violate and the Union as its surest defense.” than its treatment of men of eminent ability and ! gregation of the varied machinery of eloquence, In 1857, Mr. Hill, despite his protest, was merit. Socrates condemned to the hemlock, : that makes him in Georgia what Chatham was in | nominated as a candidate for Governor, and Miltiades languishing in a prison, Aristides ban- England—more dreaded by his adversaries than again canvassed the State, although aware of the ished, were eminent patriots of antiquity whose impossibility of overcoming the large and well- * ’ organized Democratic majority. In 1859 he again consented to go to the Legis any orator of his day. Among contemporary orators, Mr. Hill lacks the Mirabeau-like fervor and fire of Toombs; the skilled dialectics of severe virtues fatigued a depraved populace, and modern history responds in numerous apt illustrations of the injustice and unreason of Stephens; the epic and dramatic power of popular caprice. In high-strung moments, the ' Henry A. Wise; the “orderly but not,ornate” oratory of Jefferson Davis; the haut-boy sweet ness of voice and rhetorical fence of the late William L. Yancey, and the spirit of historical lature, making the declaration that he wished to be in that body to meet the issue of Secession, masses are prone to honor eminent intellect and which he believed would inevitably arise in the conspicuous public virtue, while in seasons of event of the election of a Republican President, relaxed sensibility and suspended popular intel- an event he declared to be more than probable, ligence, there is no Clodius, nor Cleon, nor Again as State elector he canvassed the State for Wilkes, nor Logan, nor Butler—-a too-ready Bell and Everett, in 1860, upon the platform de- prostitute for the indulgence of the vulgar and dared by the convention that nominated them,— brutal passions of the hour. And in this con- “ The Union, the Constitution, and the enforce- nection we are not confined to the extremes of meni of the laws.” public feeling—to either a sodden coarseness or Mr. Hill was a member of the convention that a flippant levity and unconcern of the masses on - - - -. . . adopted the Ordinance of Secession—a measure the one hand, or to the instances of high and : rival, Fox. He has the intrinsic strength of which he opposed until the moment of its pas- noble popular impulse, such as frequentlv occur Eitt and the agility in debate of Fox. He is a sage. When Georgia had left the Union. Mr. in the history of all representatitve governments. : gladiator in debate, and in this capacity would Hill immediately became the champion of unity In the less pronounced stages of national devel- gi y e the South. in Congress, a chai^pion with among her people, leading the thousands who opment are ample exemplifications; in seasons had followed him in all his political contests to of moderate virtue and intelligence, the philos- the earnest support of their native State in the ophy of the time is to be read in the men who perilous course upon which she had embarked, are the recipients of public honors. Gladstone, Elected to the Provisional Confederate Congress, in retirement after a voluntary abdication of the and philosophical inquiry of R. M. T. Hunter. Of recent orators, the writer recalls none so much resembling Mr. Hill, in style and method of treatment of a subject, as the late John B. Baldwin and the late John M. Botts, both of Virginia. Among English orators, Mr. Hill finds his prototype in the younger Pitt and his great all the esprit of Percy and the might in battle of Coeur de Lion. Like all great orators, Mr. Hill is easy and en tertaining in conversation. As was said of Can- „ „ ning, so it may be said of Mr. Hill,—he is “too Mr. Hill was subsequently chosen under flatter- leadership of a great party—a' judicious leader- busy not to treat society as more fitted for relax ing circumstances to the Confederate Senate. A ship that has lifted England from many a rut of atio'n than display. He is neither disputatious, proud passage in his life and in the history of feudalism without disturbance of her conserva- declamatory, nor sententious—neither a dictator Georgia is Hill's record as a Confederate Sena- tive balances—merely proves that England for nor a jester.” tor. Georgia knows the story of the patriotic the time-being prefers the subtle graces of Dis- Mr. Hill has all the more prominent physical ardor with which, forgetting old party associa- raeli to the sturdy Saxon political virtues and requirements of oratory. His person is tall and tions and political antecedents, he became the the antique, unaccommodating, statesmanship of commanding—his frame, like his head, being right arm of the Confederate civic leader, and Gladstone. When the American people -shall large and shapely. His eye is of the “orato- tlie devotion which so often won for him the renew their allegiance to the constitutional tenets rical gray,” and when he is speaking, is full of measured eulogy of its first and incomparable and traditions of the statesmen that made Amer- fire. Among his most valuable physical attri- military detender. The fervid encomiums of ica for three-quarters of a century illustrious ! butes, is a voice of wonderfull compass and Davis and the tranquil confidence of Lee are the among the nations, the first expression of this clearness. As Macaulay said of Lord Chatham’s sum of all praise that a devoted Confederate restored public spirit will be an enlightened voice, Mr. Hill s voice is one, “when strained to should desire, and these Hill has had in abund- discrimination in the selection of public ser- . its full extent.” to rise “like the swell of the anee. vants. ! organ of a great cathedral,” to shake “the house The barest outline of Georgia history since the In the entire range of contemporarv political with its peal and be heard through lobbies and termination of the war gives the statement of what biography, there can be found no public man downstair-cases.” is perhaps the most illustrious portion of Mr. with a personality to be affected less by political As a statesman, Mr. Hill lacks only the train- Hill's life. It hardly becomes the purpose of the promotion, or its absence, than Benjamin H. ing of executive experience. He has given evi- present paper to narrate those details of politics Hill, and with an assured fame, to be disturbed dence of possession of many of the highest attri- [For The Sunny South.] FASHIONS FOR SPRING-. BY MARY E. BRYAN. Spring has been backward and so have mo distes and fashion importers. It is at last deci ded what styles, fabrics and colors are to be worn. PLAIDS A SPECIALTY. In the first place, plaids are the specialty of the season. But they are not worn alone; they are invariably made up with some fabric of plain ground. Thus, the plaids are usually in bright colors,—scarlet, blue, violet, interwoven with black, drab or ecru, while the plain, ground fabric is in some of the neutral tints or the new delicate shades. FABRICS. Drapery being the predominant idea in female attire at present, all fashionable fabrics are adapted accordingly, and are of soft, limp, cling ing qualities, so as to drape gracefully. Striped and plaided varieties of a tine, soft goods called limousine, India chuda cloth, thibesienne (a hand some silk and wool fabric), biege, the cliambery gauzes and the soft Mexican tissues—all these will be worn in stripes and plaids as well as in the neutral tints. NEW COLORS. Black of course keeps its place as the ordinary street dress, and black grenadine and tissue will be as much worn as ever. Gray and ecru will continue to be favorite colors for street wear, en- lived by combination with livelier tints in plaids and stripes. A favorite color for dinner wear is papier or paper color—a shade of yellowish brown. Straw or lemon color, pale rose, a clear blue called ceil, argent, a delicate silver gray, and the different shades of pearl—these are used for dinner and evening dresses, brightened by being made up in combination with some richer and livelier colors. NEW STYLES FOR STREET DRESSES. Walking dresses are still made with skirts to clear the ground. The front breadth is gored so as to be perfectly plain and the fullness all drawn to the back breadths. The basque bodice is generally worn finished by bretelles. The over skirt is the bias tablier pointed or rounded in the front and draped in the back with a sash of the same. Many dresses are merely trimmed in a way to represent the overskirt which is omitted. Home dresses are trimmed on the front breadths while the train is worn plain. A perfectly new waist is called the pololviise basque, and has a double set of side forms in the back, the inner sets being extended to deep sash ends or wide breadths that are looped up in the usual man ner or made to form a large, drooping bow. TRIMMING. Shirred flouncing and knife pleating is still the favorite trimming. Shirrings from top to bottom is very much used upon skirts and often the shirring is finished by fringe or passamen- terie. Lengthwise shirring is also used on the coat sleeve, which is still worn finished by a cuff. Standing collars are still put around the necks of most dresses. HATS AND BONNETS Of French chip, English and American straw braids, have made -their appearance. The bon nets are worn with larger crowns and well-defined brims, wider in front than in the back. This shape favors a good deal of inside trimming, and accordingly we see a plentiful dressing of flowers and loose bows and loops of soft, twilled ribbon. Scarfs are very fashionable for hat trimming. They are usually of bright-colored plaid silk twilled. Clusters of field poppies, bunches of cherries, red currants and strawberries are used in decorating hats, for cardinal red is the favor ite color for trimming all head-wear this season. The shapes of hats are innumerable, but the English walking hat is still considered most lady-like for traveling, morning shopping and general utility purposes. SCARFS AND MANTLES. Wraps of silk trimmed in jet and lace are worn for the present. The lace fichu bids fair to be generally approved. Scarfs of tissue and grena dine in plaids and checks and lace scarfs fin ished with jet will be worn as the season ad vances. GLOVES AND SHOES. As a general rule, gloves should correspond with the tints of the dress where a colored dress is worn, only they should be a shade lighter. All the delicate wood tints and neutral shades are seen in gloves that are worn for church and street. For evening wear, gloves have from four to twelve buttons, and instead of being white, are most delicately and exquisitely tinted in the pale or neutral colors. Shoes are worn more round at the toes and with low, square heels. The Polish buttoned boot and Congress gaiter are worn on the street; but for in-door wear or evening toilet, greater license is given, and rich and fancifully-shaped slippers, sandals and lozenged boots are worn “in order to display the handsome, fancy-col ored silk hose that is now so popular. ” • Self-Reliance.—Young men, don’t rely upon upon the good name of your ancestors. Thou sands have spent the prime of life in vain hopes of aid from those they call friends, and thou sands have starved because they had a rich father. Rely upon the good name which is made by your own exertions, and know that the best friend you have is an unconquerable de termination united to decision of character. Never reproach a child with the misdeeds of its parents, no matter how deserving they may be of your censure. It is the very refinement of cruelty, and in the heart of the child there will spring up hatred for you which will nevi eradicated.