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The sunny South. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1875-1907, June 26, 1875, Image 5

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[For The Sunny South.] “SID I, MAMA.” BY J. T. R. Tun?—“ Pat Malay “If Pat don’t ‘pop* the question soon, 1*11 scratch him off me slate; I'm quite eighteen you know, mama— I hev no time to wait. Sid she to me, “ Me darlin’ chilt, You should not be a goose; The hist o’ min want roping in,— Go fashion you a noose.” “Faith,” an’ sid I, “God bless the mon! I’ll make him all me own, An’ hev the x>raist to change me name T<> Mistress Pat Malone.” I fell uie bark thin in me chair. An’ dhraimed a pliseut dhraim; I dhraimed that Pat me lad and I Were one an’ jist the same. But whin next I saw me darlint, I told the dirthy loot I dhraimed a hon’sum, swaitish mon Had come an’ cut him oot. ‘Och!” sid Pat, “an* it is mesilf That wants you for me own; No mon shall iver hev you, swaate, Excipt it’s Pat Malone.” Thin took me hond an’ kindly sid, “Me heart’s in daap distriss; ’Twill break, ’twill blaade forivermore, Uuliss you’ll say me yis.” An* thin I quite forgot mesilf. An’ lained upon his brist; An* the blissed man—uoo! noo! noo! I cannot tell the rist. Yis, he schmacked his darlint s chaakes Quite forty times or more! ‘O Pat,” sid I, “’twill break me heart.— • You niver done so before!” An* whin the widding-day was fixed An’ talked all o’er and o’er, He hugged me neck, the saucy dhorge, An* took full forty more. a Burke county planter of most sterling worth, every State, until the hopes of its opponents many and varied. His life has been an eventful later. Governor Johnson found himself located and Burke was honored by many such a citizen, were revived by the check it received by the one. and to make proper record of it would re- at Milledgeville, his name on the electoral ticket, Governor Johnson graduated at Franklin Col- election of Governor Wise, in the State of Vir- quire a book instead of a few columns in a news- and in Alexander Stephens' district. It was a lege, in August. 1*34. and in a month thereafter ginia. It remained to be seen if it should cap- paper. I can call to mind other distinguished Whig district by an overwhelming and unrednei- was admitted to the bar at Columbia Superior ture Georgia, the next most important Southern citizens who have been longer in office or official ble majority. ‘‘Little Aleck" was master of the sit- Court. He at once began the practice in Augusta, State. This placed a great responsibility on position, but none who have held so many dif- ation and the pet of the district. It was Governor Georgia, and there remained until 1839. On the Governor Johnson. If the battle was lost in ferent places of public trust, and yet have been Johnson’s duty and fate, from his locality and nineteenth December. 1833, he was married to 1855. the probability was it would be lost in the nearly all the time in the public service. The position, to confront Mr. Stephens on the stump. Mrs. Walker, the daughter of Hon. Wm. Polk. Presidential campaign of the next year, and that prescribed limits for this sketch will not admit of Maryland. In the fall of 1839, he removed was a stake the South, in her then condition, of elaboration, and yet the right idea of Gov- to Jefferson county, Georgia, and there remained could not afford to lose. Governor Johnson met ernor Johnson’s official life cannot be given until the early part of the year 1x44. when he this responsibility ably, faithfully and energet- without it. Brief reference and contrasted sum- removed his family residence to Midway, near ically, as was his habit, and it resulted in the mary must suffice. There are points in Gov- Milledgeville, for the purpose of educating his defeat of his strongest opponent. Judge An- ernor Johnson's career that must receive special children, still retaining his plantation and plant- drews. There was also a third candidate in the notice, or justice will not be done him. ing interest in the county of Jefferson. That person of Hon. B. H. Overby, as the candidate The first is the difference with a lar«e majority was the year of a Presidential campaign. Party of the temperance party. With the aid of prej- Q f b { 8 personal and political friends in 1860, and bibed his learning. He knew he had “ to meeta spirit ran high, and Governor Johnson was drawn udices against foreigners and the bias for tern- acceptin'* a nomination for Vice-President on foeman worthy of his sieeL” Stephens’ friends He (Mr. S.) had hitherto had comparatively an easy time of it, but now that he had to meet Johnson, all the powersof his mind were brought into requisition. He knew Johnson well. They were class-mates in college, and close friends. He had met him in the society debates and other elocutionary exercises. He knew his native powers and the spring from which he had im- fully into politics, having been placed on the Polk nnd Dallas electoral ticket. Immediately, he was spoken of in connection with the office of Governor. His friends desired to present peranee. the enemies of Democracy hoped and worked hard for its overthrow. For the first time in their political career, Toombs, Stephens, Cobb and Johnson battled side by side under OUR PORTRAIT GALLERY. HIOORAPHIC AL. SKKTf II OF HON. HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON. BY KICHARD H. CLARK. In contemplating the career and character of Herschel V. Johnson, the mind immediately and involuntarily associates with him three other dis tinguished native Georgians. From the oldest to the youngest, there is only the short, even infantile period of four years, and two of them drew their first breath in the same year. All of them, either wholly or partially, and together as to two, and nearly so as to the others, received their collegiate course in their beloved State, at her oldest and most cherished seat of learning. All of them chose law for their avocation—all engaged in State and National politics—all be came famous, and all began their careers at an early age, and within a shorter time than sepa- ted them at their birth. All acquired distinction with the same, or almost the same rapidity, and soon became the "foremost men” of all the State. Their names and fame likewise filled the nation— a nation that reveled in the grand intel lects of Clay, Calhoun and Webster. Four such men at the same period was a distinction enjoyed, among the States of the Union, alone by Georgia. The reader need not be told that the three who thus kept pace with Herschel Johnson are. Rob ert Toombs, Alexander Stephens, and Howell Cobb. No men since Wm. H. Crawford, Geo. M. Troup, John Clark, and John Forsyth, have had so much influence over the people of the State. As all were cotemporaries, and cotemporane- ously successful, I would that the parallel yet remained; but alas! the youngest—Howell Cobb, and (mb/ he—is numbered with the noble dead. His was the large brain, acting responsive to the yet larger heart, that made him the beloved “younger brother” of this quartette. In 1842, at twenty-eight, he was elected to Congress on the last general ticket presented for the suffrages of the people of Georgia. Than, myself a boy of sixteen, anxious to learn the history of my native State and her prominent citizens, I well remember the prediction made of him to me by Matthew Hall McAllister, while in the zenith of his career, and at “whose feet I sat,” anxious to be taught. He said, of the nine (and he knew them all), he is the youngest and the ablest, and would soon becoma a leader in Congress. The four had but well entered on their career when parties in Georgia underwent a reor ganization, and the people became divided into the Whig and Democratic parties. It was strange, and perhaps fortunate, that Cobb and Johnson espoused the Democratic, and Toombs and Stephens the Whig party; and thus the/our for a long time in the future were, politically, equally divided, and battled against each other. In giving these gentlemen such prominent position, I have not forgotten that either party had other very able men: but they were much older. I certainly would not overlook (who could?) Walter T. Colquitt, whose great and diversified talent culminated in ijenius. So varied and full were his intellectual gifts, that if he had devoted himself to the ministry, he would have rivaled Spurgeon: had he chosen the stage, no such comedian would have appeared since Garrick. As it mis, in his role of lawyer and advocate, he was as able as Erskine; and as a statesman, he was as eloquent as Chatham. Neither could I forget Berrien, with his clear and brilliant intellect—his stately person and manner—his perfect rhetoric and his splendid elocution, — all creating the pleasant illusion that Cicero had been bom again, and to Georgia was given the honor. And though much younger, yet Berrien had his rival in law and politics at the Savannah bar—Matthew Hall McAllister. The native pow ers of his mind were strong and versatile, and a more perfect and imposing specimen of physical manhood was rarely to be found. His talents were of such high order as to give him just claims to genius. He was appointed United States Circuit Judge for California and Oregon, and had he lived, would have been on the Su preme Bench; but death soon stilled his great heart forever. Among the celebrities of that time, was also Charles J. Jenkins, whom it is note superfluous to praise; and others who were still older than Governor Johnson and his cotemporaries referred to; and yet others who, whether older or young er. and however gifted, were not representative men—not tribunes of the people. The Hon. B. H. Hill, who is so justly distin guished for intellect and oratory, and fills such a large space in the public mind, never began his political career until 1855, and is more than a decade the junior of the eminent four. But while I have felt constrained to pass rap idly in review all that I have named, it is of Her schel V. Johnson I am specially to speak. His native county is Burke—a county that at tained large population and great wealth. His natal day is the eighteenth September, 1812. It is an honor to Governor Johnson to have the old and historic county of Burke for his birth-place, greater honor to Burke to have so distin- , guished a son. His father was Moses Johnson, accepting _ the ticket with Stephen A. Douglas. Whatever were concerned as to the conflict, and Johnson’s may have been thought of Governor Johnson at were elated that “Little Aleck’ wasatlast to "find the time, and for years subsequently, it is now his match. From Johnsons success in 1840, patent that he was right, and that his course was h's political friends had named him the “Coon owing to his superior political sagacity, prompted Killer, that is. Whig killer, and the} - proposed >m the stand-noint of true natriotism. He was make "Little Aleck one of Johnson’s vic tims. The debates began. It was soon discov ered that if Stephens used a Damascus blade, Johnson wielded a battle-ax with the strength of a giant. If he chose to charge, it was with the force of a battering-ram; if to defend, “the rocks would fly from their firm base as soon as he.” Just thirtv-two summers each had from the stand-point of true patriotism. He was a dear lover of his country, and of the Union as the only true means of preserving it. The pro cess of dissolution had for many years been going on rapidly. All the Protestant churches save one had been sectionally divided, and the National Whig organization had been entirely destroved. All was the result of the anti-slavery agitation. From the ashes of the Whig party seen = both were born the same year; both had had sprung a sectional party, organized to wrong graduated at the same college on the same day; and oppress the South, that, but for the vote of they were triends in boyhood and members of a single State—and that was saved by less than a the same church. They were under such cir- thousand votes—would have elected their Presi- cumstances the .State champions in that conflict dent in 1856. The probability is. that if the for their respective parties. All eyes in the State Democratic nominee had not been a citizen of were turned to this battle-ground. The Demo- Pennsylvania, that State would not have been crats, despairing of defeating "Little Aleck at secured, and the sectional candidate would have ^he polls, hoped for a compensation in his over- then been elected. Against all these potent ele- throw by Johnson in debate. The Whigs, know- ments of destruction there remained but one ing their champion s election was certain, were brake,—it was the Union’s last hope; that was onl -V concerned that he should sustain himself the National Democratic party. Mr. Calhoun, in his speech in the Unit'd States Senate on the slavery question, delivered March 4, 1850, had defined and predicted this very state of things. In substance, he said that the ecclesi astical and political organizations of the Union were “the cords” that held it together; that as heretofore in debate, and had every confi dence he would. When Stephens would get the advantage at one meeting, Johnson would set it off at the next. At various times the tight was pronounced “a draw.” If Stephens’hits were keen and withering, Johnson’s were heavy and crushing. If Stephens exceeded Johnson in the these had been snapped one by one, and if the certainty and precision of his weapons, Johnson . X1 .... 1 ~ .1 tj *. — i. • at : a .^4* *-1, process continued until the two great political organizations then existing were divided, the dissolution of the Union would follow. In only two years more, the National Whig party went to pieces, a wreck on the anti-slavery rock. In 1856, the Democratic party had so suffered in numbers from the anti-slavery excitement, that it was saved from defeat by less than a thousand votes in the second State in the Union. In this exceeded Stephens in the weight of the metal in his. One of Stephens’ arts in debate was to sometimes surprise Johnson by an entirely new speech on a new line when he ha l to lead off in debate. This would disconcert Johnson, and then “Little Aleck,” having the reply, would be sure to get the grin and the “hollow” on Johnson: but whenever the debate was narrowed down to the merits, no man could excel Johnson condition, the Presidential campaign of 1860 j 11 the expounding of propositions he had stud- presented itself, with Stephen A. Douglas as the ied; and being, as I think, on the right side of his name for nomination at the State Democratic ! the Democratic standard. I cannot with more Convention of 1845, but he declined to gratify brevity and perspicuity give the reason for this them. Then Hall McAllister was the Democratic nominee, but was defeated by the then incum bent, George W. Crawford. At the next guber natorial convention, in 1847, Governor Johnson i allowed his friends to use his name; but, after a only man who stood any chance of concentratim on himself the Northern Democrats. Governor Johnson saw and realized the situation. He ignored what seemed to him minor issues of principles and policy, and advocated the nomi nation of Douglas as a measure of relief, instead of the selection of a man. I do not now discuss the issues of the times, and pronounce who was right on the principles involved. As a Democrat, I differed with Governor Johnson, as did most of his personal and political admirers; but re garding his action now, in the light of subse quent history, I am compelled to admit his was the better policy. I also believe, if the Demo cratic organization had been a unit on Douglas, he would have been defeated; that it was already written in the book of fate that the Radical-Abo lition party was bound to succeed in the Presi dential campaign of 1860. Yet this belief does not change the wisdom of Governor Johnson’s course. If Douglas had been elected, as Buch anan had been, by a most meagre majority, and than by quoting the words of Judge Nesbit, an other old Whig, written the next year, when he said, “the Democratic party was the only ref uge that the perils of the times had left for hon est men”—a sentiment now almost unanimous in I hard contest and a close ballot, Geo. W. Towns the South, and must largely prevail in the North ,, . , . received the nomination. Governor Johnson : during the next Presidential campaign. ! we could not hope tor more, it would only have would have then been nominated but for the The most distinguished features of Governor P os tp°ned the crisis tour years longer. The fact that Southwestern Georgia—a growing and Johnson’s administration were the maintenance ^P eo Pl®>ho had the numerical power, populous section of the State, casting a large and elevation of the State’s credit; to perfect our u P d ul( l welded it with the soider of the anti- Democratie majority—claimed the nominee, and railway system already begun, and to reach new shivery sentiment, were determined that as soon presenting one of the most gifted and popular and hidden sources of wealth; to make the West- ? s P ossl ble African slavery should cease to exist j men of the State, he received the nomination, ern and Atlantic Railroad a source of revenue to in the Un,ted The lss,le wonld hllve soon But this happened well. Towns was a noble, the State; to foster public education; to sustain „ . - , . , - . generous man, and soon, in his administration, and perfect the institutions for the insane, deaf su ffi cl ® n t to change the Constitution, to accept he had the opportunity of recognizing Governor and dumb, and blind; to reform the imperfec- emiln 9 1 P n * ;lon wlt h governmental compensation, Johnson's eminent talents and services. Hon. tions of our militia system and imbue the peo- Walter T. Colquitt in 1848 resigned his seat as pie with a military spirit; to hold the banks to a j United States Senator from Georgia, and Gov- strict accountability, without embarrassing them, ! ernor Towns at once conferred that distinguished on the idea that a sound currency was necessary j position on Governor Johnson. He took his seat to a sound credit; to curb special, private and local on the fourteenth February, 1848, and held it legislation, as dangerous in policy and wrong until the expiration cf the term. j in principle; to discountenance rings formed While a member of the Senate, he was a dele- to control legislation and to accomplish jobs by gate to the Democratic National Convention that lobbying and bribing; to place the pardoning nominater Cass and Butler in 1848. Also, while power on its true basis, and to maintain the a member oi the Senate, he made several able rights, dignity and equality of the State. His and elaborate speeches on the questions of the was a successful administration of our State gov- times, which at once placed him in the front eminent, and was the culminating point of sta- rank of the debaters of that august body. Clay, bility and brilliancy in our State’s history, counting from our first organization until we were called to contend with war. In November, 1857, Governor Johnson retired from the Executive office and to private life, of which special notice should be taken, was his In November, 1849, Governor Johnson was While Governor in 1856, he received a flattering vote and action in the convention of January, elected Judge of the Ocmulgee Circuit, and thus vote in the Democratic National Convention for 1861, against secession. Governor Johnson’s succeeded to a position that had been adorned Vice-President, but John C. Breckinridge re- honest, strong conviction was that secession for by such men as Peter Early and L. Q. C. Lamar, ceived the nomination. | existing causes was unwise, unnecessary and de- The compromise measures of 1850 were not sat- During the interval from 1857 to 1860, Gover- struetive. Here, as on all occasions, he re- isfactory to the great body of the Democrats of nor Johnson lived in retirement at his planta- sponded to this conviction by able and earnest the State, and the schism this made led to a tern- tion home in Jefferson county. In 1860, the dis- efforts to defeat secession. He prepared an able porary disorganization of parties, and to the turbing elements that had been at work resulted 1 and elaborate report and resolution against sep- calling of a State Convention in 1850. That con- in the division and disorganization of the Na- arate State action for present grievances. It was vention, by a large majority, acquiesced in the tional Democratic party. It resulted in the nom- the only regular counter proposition presented, compromise, but without yielding the principle ination of two Democratic tickets. The one and made the issue clear and complete. He of State rights. The differences upon subrnis- supported by the main body of Southern Demo- supported his policy with his usual candor, the questions, the victory was his. But when j’ou come to tactics in debate, or any other sort of controversy, if there is any man can excel Aleck Stephens, I have not seen or read of him. Not John Randolph, on the hustings in old Virginia, “when in the pride and prime of his thrilling oratory,” could do it. Of course, such a debate by such men, with a crowd at the back of each, in a time of intense political excitement, was obliged to lead to per sonal differences. There was, for a time, an es trangement between these friends; but that has long since passed away, and they are now closer and better friends, if possible, than ever. Both are in the last decade of the “three score and ten” allotted to man, and can now look back at their old conflicts, in view of the vanity of life and the life beyond, as the mere “follies of youth.” In the Presidential campaign of 1848, Gover nor Johnson continued his labors before the peo ple for the success of the Democratic nominees. During that year, at Forsyth, Georgia, a grand discussion was had with Johnson and Colquitt on one side, and Toombs and Stephens on the other. It was a contest of giants. So well was each side maintained, it was not followed by the usual exultation of political friends. I realize that in thus exalting the oratory of Calhoun and Webster were then members, and just next to them were a number of the greatest minds of the nation—like Cass, of Michigan, and Clavton. of Delaware. ern „n,l Afl.,nHe rerenne Sn lu - umteu okimss. me issue wouiu uuve so™ ernor Johnson and other noted Georgians, I ern and Atlantic Railroad a source of revenue to been upon us bilcked by a majority of States may be considered extravagant; but excellence “ ■ ‘ ~ in oratory was characteristic of the whole South, and Georgia has had more than her share. John Quincy Adams, on one occasion in Congress, from the very depths of his regrets, inquired: “By what fatality does it happen that almost all the elo juence and oratory in this body are on the slavery side ?” Governor Johnson has succeeded as well as a Judge as in any other sphere he has filled. His mind is eminently judicial, and his admin istrative capacity is fully up to his mental stand ard. He therefore prefers the quiet of the bench to the wrangles of the bar. He is just as strong a writer as he is an orator. He was specially employed by the party to edit the Federal Union during the gubernatorial contest of 1845, and his editorials were admired by friend and foe as models of that kind of writing. His style is taken from the English classics of the days of Addison, and hence is distinguished for its com bination of force and elegance. What is unusual with men of his profession, he writes a beautiful hand, and all his manuscripts are without inter lineations or erasures. He is social in his nature, and “given to hospitality.” While Governor, he and his excellent lady entertained with a liber ality and an elegance unsurpassed at the Gov ernor’s mansion. His leading traits of character are integrity, firmness, candor, a strong religious sentiment, and a courage that will dire do what ever conscience dictates. In illustration of the latter quality, in early life he set his face against or resist unto arms the decrees of the govern ment. If there ever was a point of time, then or since, when the Southern people would not fight for their negroes, I cannot discern it. Yet we did not try the effect of a concentration on Douglas as a means of preserving the only true conservative party then existing for the preven tion of disunion, and we seceded while there was a Democratic majority in the United States Senate. As a matter of pure judgment, such policy, pronouncing from the stand-point of a historian, was unwise; but hope was gone, the issue of forced emancipation by a violation of or a fraud upon the Constitution was imminent, and prior and subsequent events establish that the only remedy was forcible resistance. The other point in Governor Johnson’s career, ot state rights. 1 he ilitlerences upon suDmis- supported oy the main Doay oi southern Demo- supported ms policy witn ms usual canuor, dueli * , m ,| no proV o, ation or temptation could sion to these measures continued during the crats was John C. Breckinridge for President, force and ability. But a majority had resolved, ,, b j m hispurpose He is in short one year 1851, when the action of the convention and James A Lane tor Vice-President; the and it was voted down. Finding the destiny of of those grand me P n who illustrates the past civ- other was Stephen A. Douglas for Presi den , his State fixed for secession, he yielded acqui- ilization § f the South . H is is a type of manhood and Herschel \ Johnson tor 5 ice-President. escence as a citizen thereof in conformity with peeuliar to the South, and the apprehension is, I shall recur to this hereafter. The result was his long-established and cherished opinion of wheQ he and kin lrei spirits shall have the election ot Abraham Lincoln, a sectional the rights of the btates under the Federal com- passed away there will be none as good to take was submitted to the people of the State in the shape of Howell Cobb for Governor, on the plat form of the convention, and Charles J. McDon ald against it. The contest resulted in the elec tion of the former. Governor Johnson belonged President from the Northern division of the pact. As I witnessed Governor Johnson’s action and did able service in the ranks of the party Union, and as a consequence, the secession of in the convention, I likewise witnessed his con- ^ ’ that opposed the convention and supported Gov- eleven Southern States, the organization of the duct in the privacy of his room. His heart was Any sketch of Governor Johnson, nowevei ernor McDonald, but on the principle often pro- Southern Confederacy, and a war between the heavy and his face was sad. He then foresaw, as long or short, would lack completeness if there claimed by him by speech and writing, for the sections of gigantic proportions. well as human vision could, that which was to was n °t reference to the elegant lady who has preserration, not the destruction qf the Union. The When the convention of Georgia was assem- transpire—all the calamities that have befallen been the sharer of his joys and his sorrows. Ut next year, 1852. was a Presidential election, and bled to decide what action her people should us as a people. In the future, whether in pri- 1 the former, they have had their full share, and Governor Johnson's wing of the party, acting take, Governor Johnson was returned as one of vate or public station, he directed all his efforts 1 of the latter, enough in the death of talented sons under his advice, gave up their temporary or- the delegates fro u the county of Jefferson. I to mitigate the horrors of that horrible war. and lovely daughters. Governor Johnson has ex- ganization, united with the national Democracy shall also hereafter allude to Governor Johnson’s Judged by the result, and having regard to the perienced the felicity of having his witede voted by sending delegates to the convention, and by participation in this convention. In 1862, Dr. conscientiousness of his motives, and Governor to the gratification of his laudable^ ambition to putting out an electoral ticket in support of the John W. Lewis, who was one of the Confederate Johnson again gave exhibition of his superior nominees. Pierce and King. This ticket, despite Senators from Georgia, acting under the ap- political sagacity in opposing secession, the strong and bitter opposition to it, through a pointment of Governor Brown, resigned, and The first political campaign that brought forth regular Whig ticket and an irregular Democratic Governor Johnson was elected unsolicited to Governor Johnson’s powers as a thinker and ticket, was elected, and at the head, as one of the fill the vacancy. In December, 1863, Governor speaker, was that of 1840. It was the most ex electors for the State at large, was Herschel V. Johnson was again elected by the Legislature to Johnson. In June, 1853, Governor Johnson re- the Confederate Senate, and remained a member ceived the Democratic nomination for Governor, of that body until the surrender of General Lee. His opponent was Charles J. Jenkins. They Governor Johnson was elected to the State Con- citing one this nation has ever experienced. Those who have only knowledge of our Presiden tial campaigns since 1848 can have nc adequate idea of that. There is no space to describe it. make for himself a mm; anl to live a life of public usefulness. She is possessed of a supe rior mind, and it has received the highest cul ture. She graced the Executive mansion and the plantation home with the same simple ele gance each requires. She is at once an ornament to refined society and the useful head of her do mestic household. She has been to her husband an indispensable friend and; counsellor, never stumped the State together, and after a hard and vention of 1865, called into existence by the Suffice it to say that party rancor was at its high- failing to cheer and encourage him out of his close contest, during which their old friendly proclamation of Andrew Johnson, then the Pres- est pitch, and the people, including women and natural proneness “ to look on the dark side, relations were preserved, Governor Johnson was ident of the United States, and was chosen as the children, were wild with excitement. Governor She is one of the celebrated and numerous South- elected bv 510 majority. Perhaps in no guber- President of that body. After the reorganize- Johnson was then but twenty-eight years of age. ern family of Polk, which embraces among its natorial contest Georgia had ever had were the tion of the State upon the plan of President Andy His form was large and bulky, his face was smooth members a President of the L nited States and a opposing candidates so equal in all the elements Johnson, Governor Johnson was elected in 1866 and beardless, and his entire make-up gave you Bishop who drewhis sword and fell in the cause of true manhood. Socially, morally and intel- to the United States Senate, until the fourth of the impression that he was only an over-grown of the South. Her lather was a most aistin- lectually, either was the peer of the other, and March, 1867, and again, at the legislative session boy. Expecting not much when he arose, guished citizen^ of Maryland, having been to* • " ‘ x Ti ~ r 'on- -- J ■“ rident trepidation, having this tu nore modified, you were soon to th ie of listening to one of the most ar ~ --- -• —— —— a triumph nevertheless saddened by the deep organization of the seceded States, Governor powerful orators in the State or the Union. His It is happy for the country'that Governor Jojui- regret on Governor Johnson's part that the issues Johnson never took his seat under these elec- bulky form gave yet more force to his sledge- son is enabled to continue his usefulness in the of life should bring him in conflict with Charles tions. During all these times, and until the ses- hammer blows. His oratory, although powerful, office of Judge of the Superior Court. It is an J. Jenkins. sion of the Legislature in 1872-3, Governor John- was without seeming design or knowledge of it office not beneath the dignity of the most exalted. In 1855. Governor Johnson was again the Dem- son held no official position, remaining a citizen on the part of the speaker. His words escaped and it is to be hoped that his health and strength ocratie nominee. By this time, the old Whig of Jefferson county. At that session, he was ap- without the labor of utterance. His style was w ih enable him to discharge its duties as long as party, from various causes, had become disinte- pointed and confirmed Judge of the Superior animated, but of the animation the speaker, like he desires, unless called by his fellow-citizens, grated, and instead thereof, there was set up the Courts of the Middle Circuit for eight years, the effect of his telling oratory, was unconscious, as he deserves to be, to some higher sphere of native American party, commonly called “Know- which position he now holds and adorns. He simply discharged his duty to the best of his distinction and usefulness. I his may be so, or Nothing.” This party had swept everything be- I believe I have referred to all the positions, ability, and left the effect to take care of itself. Governor Johnsons popularity was always an fore it in almost the entire North and West. It official or semi-official, which Governor Johnson This campaign gave him a State reputation. : unsought one. The people appreciated and callea^ seemed that it would carry its triumphs into has held. As the reader will perceive, they are , In the next Presidential campaign, four years *°r him.