Newspaper Page Text
From the M. Y. Herald.
Senator Toombs’ Lecture in BostoV.
Movent—lt* OoMtitntional dab is and He influent,
m Society and the African Race.
[COXCM'DKD.]
In inviting yonr calm consideration of the scc-
IT ft "7 l \y'' rr ‘ lam fu!l y P^ded
ihat even if I sliould succeed in convincing vour
reason and judgment of iu truth, I shall hare no
aid from your sympathies in thiß work ; yet if the
principles upon which your social system is found
ed are sound, the system itself ‘is humane and
just., as well as necessary. It* permanence is
based upon the idea of the superiority by nature
of the white race over the African; that this su
periority is not transient and artificial, but per
manent and natural; that the same power which
made his skin unchangeable black, made him in
ferior, intellectually, to the white race, and inca
pable of an equal struggle with him in the career
ot progress and civilization; that it is necessary
Tor his preservation in this struggle, and for his
m '”i l interest, as well as that of the society for
which he is a member, that he should be a servant
and not a freeman, in the commonwealth. I have
already stated that African slavery existed in the
colonies at toe commencement o’s the American
revolution. The paramount authority of the
crown, with or without the consent of the'colonies,
uaa introduced it, and it was inextricably inter
woven with her framework of society, especially
m the Southern States. The question was not
presented for our decision whether it was just or
beneficial to the African or advantageous to ns to
tear him away by force hr fraud from bondage in
his own country and place him in a like condition
m ours. England and the Christian world had long
before settled that question for ns.
At the final overthrow of British authority in
these States, our ancestors found seven hundred
thousand Africans among them already in bond
age, and concentrated, from our climate and pro
ductions, chiefly in the present slaveholding States.
It became their duty to establish governments' for
themselves. They brought wisdom, experience,
learning and patriotism to the great work. What
they sought was that system of government which
would secure the greatest and most enduring hap
piness to the wholej*ociely. Thev incorporated no
utopian theories in their system. They did not
so much concern themselves about wliat right*
might possibly have in a state of nature, as
what rights he ought to have in a state of society.
They dealt with political rights as things of com
pact notot birthright; in the contrete, and not in
the abstract. They held, maintained and incor
porated into their systems as fundamental truths,
that it was the right and duty of the State tode
fiuc and lix, as well as to protect and defend, the
individual rights of such members of the social
compact, aud to treat all individual rights as sub
ordinate to the great interests of the whole society.
Therefore they denied “ natural equality,” con
demned men* governments of men necessarily re
sulting therefrom, and established governments of
luws—therefore free, sovereign and independent
republics. A very slight examination of our State
Constitutions will show how little they regarded
vague notions of abstract liberty or natural equali
ty in fixing the rights of the white race as well as
of the black. The elective franchise, the cardinal
feature of sur system, I have already shown was
granted, withheld or limited, according to their
ideas of public policy and the interests of the
State. Numerous restraints upon the supposed
abstract eights of a mere numerical majority to
govern society in all cases, are to be found planted
in all of our Constitutions, State and federal; thus
affirming this subordination of individual rights
to the interests and safety of the State.
The slaveholding States, acting upon these prin
ciples, finding the African race among them in
slavery, unfit to he trusted with political power,
incapable, as freemen, of securing their own happi
ness, or promoting the public prosperity, recogniz
ed their condition as slaves and subjected it to a
legal control. There are abundant means of as
certaining the effects of this policy on the slave
and on society accessible to all who*seek the truth.
We say its wisdom is vindicated by its results, and
that under it, the African in thesiaVcholdingStates
is found in a better position than lie lias ever at
tained in any other age or country, either in bond
age or freedom. In support of this point, I propose
to trace him rapidly from his earliest history to the
present time. The monuments of the ancient
Egyptians carry him back to the morning of time
Older than the pyramids they furnish the evidence,
both of his national identity and his social degra
dation before history began. We first behold him
a slave in foreign lands. Wo then find the great
body of his race slave# in their own native land,
and after thirty centuries, illuminated by both an
cient and modern civilization have passed over
him, we still find him a slave of savage masters,
as incapable as himself of even attempting a single
step in civilafion; we find him there still, without
government or laws or protection, without letters
or arts or industry, without religion, or even the
aspirations which would raise him to the rank of
an idolater; and; in hit* hiaulmost on
ly mark of humanity is that hewalks erect in the
image of the Creator. Annihilate his race to-day,
and you will find no trace of his existence written
half a score of years—lie would not leave behind
him a single monument, invention or thought,
worthy of remembrance by the human family.
hi the Eastern hemisphere, he has been found in
all ages, scattered among the nations of every de
gree of civilization, yet inferior to them all—-always
in a servile condition. Very soon after the discov
ery and settlement of America, the policy of the
Christian world bought large uumbers of these
people of their savage masters and countrymen,
and imported them into the Western world. Here
we are enabled to view them under a different and
far more favorable condition. In Hayti, by the
encouragement of the French government, after a
long probation of slavery, they became free; and
led ou by the conduct and valor of the mixed races,
aided by overpowering numbers, they massacred
the small number of whites who inhabited the is
land, and succeeded to the undisputed sway of the
fairest and best of the West India islands, under
the highest state of cultivation. Their condition
in Havti loft nothing to be desired for the most
favorable experiment of the race, for self-govern
men* and Civilation. This experiment has now
been tested for sixty years, anil its results are be
fore the world. Fanaticism palliates, but cannot
conceal the utter prostration of the race. A war
of races began on the very moment the fear of for
eign .subjugation ceased, and resulted in tlie exter
mination of the greater number of the mulattoes
who had rescued them from the dominion of the
white race. Revolutions, tumults and disorder,
have been the ordinary pursuits of emancipated
blacks. Industry has almost ceased, and their
stock of civilization has been already exhausted ;
and they are now scarcely distinguishable from
the tribes from which they were torn in their native
lands.
More recently the same experiment has been tried
in Jamaica, under the auspices of England. This
was one of the most beautiful, productive and pros
perous of the British colonial possessions. In 1828,
England, following the false theories of her own
abolitionists, proclaimed the total emancipation of
the black race in Jamaica. Her arms and her power
have watched over ami protected them; not only
the interests, but the absolute necessities of the
white proprietors of the land compelled them to
offer every inducement and stimulant to industry ;
vet the experiment stands before the world a con
fessed failure. Ruin has overwhelmed the propri
etors; and the negro, true to the instinets of his
nature, buries himself in filth, and sloth, and crime.
Here we can compare the African with himself in
both conditions—in freedom and in bondage; and
we can compare him with his race in the same cli
mate and following the same pursuits—compare
him with himself under the two different condi
tions in Hayti and Jamaica, and with his race in
bondage in Cuba. And every comparison demon
strates the folly of emancipation.
In the United States, too, we have peculiar op
portunities of studying the African race under dif
ferent conditions. ‘Here wo find him in slavery;
here we find him also, a freeman in both the slave
holding and lion-slaveholding States. The best
specimen of the free black is to be found in the
southern States, in the closest contact with slavery,
and subject to many of its restraints. Upon the
theory of the anti-slavery men, the most favorable
condition in which you can view the Africau is in
the non-slaveholding States of this Union. There
we ought to expect to find him displaying all the
capacities of his race for improvement and pro
gress. With a temperate climate, with the road of
progress open before him—among an active, indus
trious, iugeuious and educated people—surrounded
by sympathizing friends, and mild, just and equal
institutions. If he fails here, surely it can be
chargeable to nothing but himself. He has had
seventy years in which to cleanse himself and his
race from the leprosy of slavery. Yet what is his
condition here to-day ? He is‘ free—he is lord of
himself; but he finds it truly a “ heritage of woe.”
After this seventy years of education and probation
among themselves, his Inferiority stands as fully a
confessed fact in the non-slaveholding as in the
slaveholding States. By them he is adjudged unfit
to employ the rights ami perform the duties of citi
zenship. Denied social equality by an irreversable
law of nature, and political rights by municipal
law, incapable of maintaining the unequal struggle
with the superior race, the mclancholv history of
his career of freedom is here most usually found in
the records of criminal courts, jails noorhouses
and penitentiaries.
These facts have had themselves recognized in
vie most conclusive manner throughout the north
ern States. No town, or city, or State encourages
j iey emigration ; many of them discourage it by
legislation. Some of the non-slaveholding States
nave prohibited their entry into their borders un
mil TL c ,1 m,n ‘ 9 ‘ auces whatever. Thus it seems
1,1, ~TT T Ol °f inferiority of the race is equally
admitted everywhere in our country, lint we treat
it differently. The Northern States admit it, and
to rid themselves of the burthen, inflict the most
true! injuries upon an unhappy race; thev expel
them from their borders, and drive them outof
their boundaries, or into their poorhouscs, as wan
dcrers and outcasts. The result of this policy is
ei erywhere apparent—the Btatisiics of population
siipply the evidence of their condition. In the non
slaveholding States, their actual increase during
the ten years preceding the last census, was but a
little over one per cent, per annum, even with the
addition of emancipated slaves and fugitives from
labor from the South; clearly proving that in this,
their most favored condition, when left to them
selves, they are scarcely capable of maintaining
their existence, and with the prospect of a denser
population and a greater competition for employ
ment Consequent thereon, they are in danger of
extinction.
The Southern’ States, acting upon the same ad
mitted facts, treat them different’!v. They keep
them in the subordinate condition In which they
found them, protect them against themselves, anil
'compel them to contribute to their own and the
public interests and welfare; and under our sys
tem we appeal to facts open to all men, to prove
that the African race has attained a higher degree
of comfort and happiness than his race has ever
before attained in anv other age or country. Our
political system give the slave great and valuable
rights. His life ts equally protected with that of
his master—his person is secure from assault
against all others, except liis master; ami his pow
er in this respect is placed under salutary legal re
straint. He is entitled bv law to a home, to ample
food and clothing, and exempted from “excessive”
labor; and when no longer capable of labor in old
age or disease, is a legju charge upon his master,
llis family, old and young, whether capable of la
bor or not, from the cradle to the grave, have the
same legal rights. And in these legal provisions
they enjoy as large a proportion of the products of
their labor as any hired labor in the world. We
know that their rights are in the main faithfully
secured to them ; but I rely not on our knowledge,
but submit our institutions to the same tests bv
which we try those of all other countries. These
are supplied by our public statistics. They show
that our slaves arc larger consumers of animal
food than anv population in Europe, and larger
than any other laboring population in the United
Stales ; and that their natural increase is equal to
that of any other people. These are true mid in
disputable tests that their physical comforts are
amply secure. In there were less than seven
hundred thousand slaves in the United States ; in
1850, the number exceeded throe and a quarter
millions. The same authority shows that their in
crease for the ten years preceding the last census
was above twenty-eight per cent., or nearly three
per cent, per annum—an increase equal, allowing
For the element ot foreign emigration, to thewhite
race, and nearly three times the blacks of the
North.
But these legal rights of the slave embrace but
a small portion of the privileges actually enjoyed
by him. He has, by universal custom, the control
of much of his own time, which is applied at his
own choice and convenience to the mechanic arts,
to agriculture, or to some other profitable pursuit,
which not only gives him the power of purchase
over many of the additional necessaries of life, but
over many of its luxuries; and in numerous cases
enables him to purchase his freedom when he de
sires it. Besides, the nature of the relation of mas
ter and slave begets kindness, imposes duties and
secures their performance, which exist in no other
relation of capital and labor. Interest and hu
manity co-opcrate in harmony f..r the well-being
of slave labor. Tims the monster objection to our
institution of slavery—that it deprives labor of its
wages—cannot stand the test of a truthful investi
gation. A slight examination of the true theory of
wages will further expose its fallacy. Under a sys
tem of free labor, wages are usually pajd in mo
ney, the rep.ea nta’ive of products—under ours, m
products themselves. One of your own most dis
tinguished statesmen and patriots—President John
Adams—said that the difference to the slave was
“imaginary.” “Whatmatters it (said he > whether
a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm
gives them annually as much money as will buy
them the necessaries of life, or gives them those
necessaries at shorthand All experience has
shown that, if that be the measure of labor, it is
safer for the laborer to take his wages in products
than in their supposed pecuniary value. There
fore, if we pay iu the necessaries and benefits of
life more than any given amount of pecuniary
will buy, our laborer is paid higher
than the laborer ivho receives tnnt rnimunt of
wages.
The most authentic agricultural statistics of
England, show that the wages of agriculture and
unskilled labor in that kingdom not only fails to
furnish the laborer with the comforts of our slave,
but even with the necessaries of life; and no
slaveholder could escape a conviction for cruelty
to his slaves, who gave them no more of the neces
sities of life for their labor than the wages paid to
their agricultural laborers by the noblemen and
gentlemen of England would buy. Under their
system, rnau has become less valuable and less
cared for than domestic animals; and noble dukes
will depopulate whole districts of men to supply
their places with sheep, and then, with intrepid
audacity, lecture and denounce American slave
holders. The great conflict between labor and
capital, under free competition, has ever been how
the earnings of labor and capital shall be divided
between them. In new' and sparsely settled coun
tries, where land is cheaj) and food is easily pro
duced, and education and intelligence approximate
equality, labor can successfully struggle in this
warfare with capital. But this is an exceptional
and temporary condition of society. In tlie Old
World, ttiis state of things has long since passed
away, and the conflict with the lower grades of
labor has long since ceased. There the compen
sation of unskilled labor, which first succumbs to
capital, is reduced to a point scarcely adequate to
a continuance of the race. The rate of increase is
scarcely one per cent, per annum; aud even at
that rate, population, uutil reeentlv, was consider
ed a curse. In short, capital has become the mas
ter of labor, with all the benefits, without the natu
ral burthens of the relation.
In this division of the earnings of labor between
it and capital, the Southern slave has a marked
advantage over the English laborer, and often equal
to the free laborers of the North. Here, again, we
are furnished with authentic data from which to
reason. The census of 1850 shows that on cotton
estates of the South, which is the chief branch of
our agricultural industry, one half of the arable
lands are annually put under food crop. This half
is usually w holly consumed on the farm by the la
borers and uecessary animals. Out of tne other
half must be paid all the necessary expense of pro
duction, often including additional supplies of rood
beyoud the produce of the laud, which usually
equals one-third of the residue, leaving but one
third for nett rent. The average rent of land in
the older non-slaveholdiug States is equal to one
tliird of the gross product, and it not uufrequentlv
amounts to one-half of it, (in England it is some
times even greater,) the tenant from his portion
paying all expenses of production, and the expen
ses of nimsclr and family. Then it is apparent that
the laborer of the South receives always as much,
and frequently a greater portion of the produce of
the land than the laborer in New or Old England.
Besides, here the portion due the slave is a charge
upon the whole product of capital, and upon the
capital itself. It is neither dependent upon sea
sons nor object to accidents, aud survives his
qivn capacity for labor, and even the ruin of his
master.
But it is objected that religious instruction is
denied the slave. While it is true that religious
instruction and privilges are not enjoined by law
in all of the States, the number of slaves who are
in connection with the ditfereut churches abun
dantly prove the universality of the enjovinent of
these privileges; and a much larger number of the
race in slavery enjoys the consolations of religion
than the efforts of the combined Cristain world
have ever been able to convert to Christianity out
of all the millions of their Countrymen who re
main iu their native land. Yet the slave, and of
those connected with slavery, are consiaut themes
of abolition denunciation. * They are lamentably
great; but it remains to be shown that thev are
greater than with the laboring poor of England or
any of her country. And it is shown that our
slaves are without the additional stimulant of want
to drive them to crime—we have atjeast removed
from them tke temptation and excuse of hunger.
Poor human nature is here at least spared the
wretched fate of the utter prostration of its moral
nature at the first of its physical wants. Lord
Ashley’s report to the British Parliament shows
that in the eapital of that empire—perhaps within
hailing of Stafford House and Exeter Hall—hunger
alone daily cngulphs its thousands of men and
women in the abyss of crime.
It is also objected that our slaves are debarred
the benefit of any edncation. This objection is well
taken, and is not without force; and for this evil
the slaves are greatly indebted to the Abolitionists.
Formerly, in some of the Jslav eholding States, it
was not forbidden to teach slaves to read and write;
but the character of the literature sought to be
furnished by the Abolitionists caused these States
to take counsel rather of their passions than their
reason, and to lay the axe at the foot of the evil.
Better counsels will in time prevail, and this will
be remedied. It is true that the slave, from his
protected position, has less need of education than
the free laborer, who has to struggle for himself
in the career of society; yet. it is both useful to
him, his master and society. The want of legal
protection to the marriage relation is also a fruit
ful source of objection among the opponents of
slavery. The complaint is not without foundation
—this* is an evil not yet remedied bylaw; but mar
riage is not inconsistent with the institution of
slaver}' as it exists among us, and the objection,
therefore, lies rather to an incident than to the es
sence of the system. But, in truth and fact, mar
riage does not exist to a very great extent among
slaves, and is encouraged and protected by their
owners; and it will be found, upon careful investi
gation, that fewer children are born out of wed
lock among slaves than in the capitals of two of
the most civilized countries of Europe—Austria
and France. In the former, one-half of the chil
dren are thus born; in the latter, more than one
fourth.
But even in this we have deprived the slave of
no pre-existing right. We found tho race without
any knowledge of, or regard for, the institution of
marriage, ana we are reproached with not having
as yet secured them that with all the other bles
sings of civilization and religion. To protect that
and other domestic ties by laws forbidding, under
proper regulations, the separation of families,
would be wise, proper and humane, and some of
the shareholding States have already adopted par
tial legislation for the removal of these evils. But
the objection is far more formidable in theory than
practice. The accidents and necessities of life
produce infinitely a greater amount of separation
in families of the while than ever happens to the
colored race. This is true, even in the United States,
where the general condition of the people is pros
perous. But it is still more marked in Europe.
The injustice and despotism of England towards
Ireland have produced more separation of Irish
families, sundered more domestic ties, within l the
last teti years, than African slavery lias effected
since its introduction into the United States. The
twenty millions of freemen in the United States
are witnesses of the dispersive injustice of the
Old World. The general happiness, cheerfulness
and contentment of the slaves attest both the mild
ness and humanity of their treatment, and their
natural adaptation to their condition. They re
quire no standing armies toenforce their obedience,
while the evidences of discontent and the appli
ances of force to repress it, are everywhere visible
among the toiling millions of the earth. Even in
the Northern States of this Union, strikes, and
labor unions, and combinations against employers,
attest at once the history and discontent of labor
among them. England keeps one hundred thou
sand soldiers in time of, peace, a large navy, and
an innumerable police, to secure obedience to her
social institutions ; and physical force is the sole
{guaranty of her social order —the only cement of
ler gigantic empire.
I have briefly traced the condition of the African
race through all ages and all countries, and de
scribed it fairly and truly under American slavery,
and I submit the proposition is fully proven that
his position in slavery among us is superior to any
which he has ever attained in any uge or country.
The picture is not without shade as well as light.
Evils and imperfections cling to man and all of his
institutions, and this is not exempt from them.
The condition of the slave offers great opportuni
ties for abuse, and these opportunities are fre
quently used to violate humanity and justice. But
the laws restrain these abuses and punish these
crimes in this, as well as in all other relations of
life. And they who assume it as a fundamental
principle in the constitution of man that abuse is
the unvarying concomitant of power and crime of
opportunity, subvert the foundations of all private
morals and of every social system. No where do
these assumptions find a nobler refutation than in
the general treatment of the African race by
Southern slaveholders; and we may with hope
and confidence safclv leave to them tne removal of
existing abuses, and such further ameliorations as
may be demanded by justice, humanity and Chris
tianity. The condition of the African, whatever
may be his interests, may not be permanent among
us: he may find his exodus in the unvarying laws
of population. Under the conditions of labor in
England and the Continent of Europe, domestic
slavery is impossible there, and could not exist
here or anywhere else. The moment wages de
crease to a point barely sufficient to support the la
borer and his family, capital cannot afford to own
labor, and it must cease. Slavery in England
ceased in obedience to thi» law, and not from any
regard to tffjcrtr ami h»»wnfc|, api**. ;^.- r f , . v
population in this country may produce the same
result, and American slavery, like that of England,
may find its euthanasia in the general prostration
of all labor.
The next aspect in which T propose to examine
this question, is its effects upon tho material inte
rests of the slaveholding States. Thirty years ago
slavery was assailed mainly on the ground that it
was wasteful, unproductive and unprofitable labor.
Some years ago we were urged to emancipate the
blacks in order to make them more useful and pro
ductive members of society. The result of the ex
periments in the West India Islands, to which I
have before referred, not only disproved, but utter
ly annihilated this theory. The theory was true
as to the white race, and not true as to the black ;
and this single fact made thoughtful men pause
and ponder before advancing further with this fol
ly of abolitionism. An inquiry into the wealth
and production of the slavenolding States of this
Union, demonstrates that slave labor can be eco
nomically and profitably employed, at least in agri
culture, ami leaves the question in great doubt
whether it cannot be thus employed in the South
more advantageously than any other description of
labor. Tiie same truth will be made manifest by
a comparison of the productions of Cuba and Bra
zil, not only with Hayti and Jamaica, but with the
free races in the similar latitudes engaged in the
same or similar productions in any part of the
world. The slavenolding States, with one half of
the white population and between three and four
millions of slaves, furnish alone three-fifths of the
exports of the republic, containing twenty-three
millions of people; and their entire products, in
cluding every branch of industry, greatly exceed
those per capita of the most populous Northern
States. The difference in realized wealth in pro
portion to population, is not less remarkable and
equally favorable to the slaveholding States. But
this is not a fair comparison—on the contrary, it
is exceedingly unfair to the slaveholding Stutes.
The question of material advantage would be set
tled on the side of slavery whenever it was shown
that our mixed society was more productive and
prosperous than any other mixed society with the
inferior race free, instead of slave. The question
is not whether we would not be more prosperous
and happy with these three and a half millions of
slaves in Africa, and their places filled with an
equal number of hardy, intelligent and enterpris
ing citizens of a superior race, but is simply wheth
er, while we have them among us, we would be
most prosperous with them in freedom or bondage.
With this bare statement of the true issue, 1 can
safely leave the question to the facts already refer
red to, and to those disclosed in the late census.
But the truth itself needs some explanation, as it
seems ty be a great mystery to the opponents of
slavery how the system is capable at the same time
of increasing the comforts and happiness of the
slave, the profits of the master, and do no violence
to humanity. Its solution rests upon very obvious
principles. In this relation, the labor of the’coun
try is united with and protected by its capital, di
rected by the educated and intelligent, secured
against its own weakness, waste and folly—asso
ciated in such form as to give the greatesfefficien
cy in protection, and the least cost of maintenance.
Each individual free black laborer is the victim
not only of his own folly and extravagance, but of
his ignorance, misfortunes and necessities. His
isolation enlarges his expenses without increasing
his comforts; his want of capital increases the
prices of everything he buys, disables him from
supplying his wants at favorable limes or on ad
vantageous terms, and throws him into the hands
of retailers and extortioners. But labor united
with capital, directed bv skill, forecast and intelli
gence, while it is capable of its production, is freed
from all these evils, and leaves a margin. both for
increased comforts to the laborer and additional
profits to capital. This is the explanation to the
seeming paradox.
The opponents of slavery, passing by the ques
tion of material interests, insist that its effects on
the society where it exists is to demoralize and
enervate it, and render it incapable of advance
ment and a high civilization, and upon the citizen
to debase him morally and intellectually. Such is
not the lesson taught by history, either sacred or
profane, nor the experience of our own past or pre
sent.
To the Hebrew race was committed the oracles
of the Most High. Slaveholding priests adminis
tered at lus altar, and slaveholdmg prophets and
patriarchs received his revelations and! taught them
to their own, and transmitted them to all other gen
erations of men. The highest form of ancient civ
ilizatiun and the noblest development of the indi
yidual man are to be found in the ancient slave
holding commonwealths of Greece and Rome In
eloquence, in rhetoric, in poetry and painting, in
architecture and sculpture, you must stiU go and
search amid the wreck and ruins of their genius
for the ‘pride of every model and the perfection
of every matter ’ and the language and literature
of both, stamped with immortality, pass on to
mingle with the thought and the speech of all
lands and all centuries. Bull wilt not multiply
illustrations. That domestic slavery neither en
feebles nor deteriorates our race—that it is not in
consistent with the highest advancement of men
and society is the lesson taught by all ancient, and
confirmed by all modern history. Its effects in
strengthening the attachment of the dominant
race to liberty, was eloquently expressed by Mr.
Burke, the most accomplished and philosophical
statesman England ever produced, in his speech
on conciliation with America, he uses the follow
ing language: “Where this is the case, those
who are free are by far the most proud and jealous
of their freedom. * * I cannot alter the nature of
•pan. The fact is so, and these people of the
houthern States are much more strongly and with
a higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to lib
erty tlian those to the northward. Such were all
the ancient commonwealths—such were our Gothic
ancestors, ancj such, in our day, were the Poles •
and such will be all musters of slaves, who are not
slaves themselves. In such u people the haughti
ness of domination combines itself with the spirit
of freedom, justifies it, and renders it invincible/’
No stronger evidence of what progress society
may make with dflmu..c slavery could be desired
than that which the present condition of the slave
holding States presents. For near twenty years
foreign and domestic enemies of their institutions
have labored, by pen and speech, to excite a dis-'
content among the white race, and insurrection
among the black. These efforts have shaken the
uatioual government to its foundations, and hurst
tho bonds of cliristiau unity among the churches
of the land, yet the object'of their attack—these
States—have scarcely felt the shock. Iu survey
ing the whole civilised world, the eye rests not on
H single spot where all classes of society arc so
well contented with their social system, or have
greater reason to he so, than tfie slaveholding
States of this Union. Stability, progress, order,
peace, content, reign throughout our borders; not a
single soldier is to he found in our widfely extended
domain to oyerawe or protect society. The desire
for organic change nowhere manifests itself.
Within less than seventy years, out of live feeble
colonics, with less than’one and a half million of
inhabitants, have emerged fourteen republican
States, containing nearly ten million of inhabi
tants —rich, powerful, educated, moral, retined,
prosperous and happy ; each with republican gov
ernments, adequate to the protection of public
liberty and private rights, which are cheerfully
obeyed, supported and upheld by all classes of s<>
eiety. With a noble system of internal improve
ments, penetrating almost every neighborhood,
stimulating and rewarding the industry of our
people; with moral and intellectual, surpassing
physical improvements; with churches, school
houses nnd colleges daily multiplying throughout
the land, bringing education and religious instruc
tion to the houses of all the people, they exhibit a
spectacle which challenges the admiration of the
world. None of this great improvement and pro
gress has been aided bv the federal government;,
wo have neither sought "from it protection for our
private pursuits, nor appropriations for our public i
improvements. They have been effected by the i
unaided individual efforts of an enlightened, moral, |
energetic and religious people. Such is our social i
system, and such our condition under it. Its po
litical wisdom is indicated in its cflects on society ;
its morality by the practices of the patriarchs aiid
the teachings of the Apostles. We submit to the
judgment of the civilized world, with the linn con
viction that the adoption of no other system under
our circumstances would have exhibited the indi
vidual man, bond or free, iu a higher development,
or society in a happier civilization.
Boston, Feb. 14.—Hon. Henj. Seaver, late mayor
of this city, died this morning.
Conconn, Feb. 15.—The Whigs have nominated
Ichabod (lodwin for Governor,
New York, Feb. 16.— Cotton is firm, and the
sales to-day have comprised 4,5<1il bales. Flour is
quiet at previous rates. In Wheat nothing was done.
Corn was firmer, and worth 82 cents per bushel.
Rice was firm, nnd Freights were firmer.
New Aouk, Feb. 16.—The Bank of ihc Repub
lic reports that bankers ask 169, % for drafts on
London. Southern bank drafts are quoted at
loand produce drafts at from 107(u 108 V.
J3T"Ladies, they have Come. N. Daly
ha* jutt wceiveil three hundred pair Side Lace
and Tab Colored ; and 1, 12, %}£ 1
sizes.
Also, a fine variety of Stock. Call and see him.
feblS 2t
Heavy Clothinglbr Servants.—J. 31.
Newby A Co. have on band a large stock of Satti
nett Frock and Pea COATS, Sattinett PANTS
Heavy VESTS, Ac., suitable for servants.
Also, Water Proof Coats, Pants and Hats, for
Draymen, Wagoners, &c. They will be sold low.
oc'J
S3T* Daguerreotypes.—The Chalmers
Dagurrreax Gallery is now open for the season.
sepl4
Cash paid for Woollen, Linen, Cot
ton and Silk Rags, by E. Campfield,
jan2o ts Corner River and Jackson sts.
Hats i Styles for Spring, 1856.-
Beebee & Co.’s Spring style Moleskin HATS; Gen
in’s Spring style Moleskin HATS; French soft
Spring style HATS, of various colors and shapes,
very handsome. Also, Trades Spring style Mole
skin HATS, just received, and ready for inspection,
at GEO. W. FERRY’S,
feblO Masonic Hall Building, Broad-st.
53T Georgia, Richmond Countv.-Infe
iuojL Court op said County, at Chambers, Feb’y
11th, 1856.—1 n conformity with a requisition from
hia excellency, Herschl V. Johnson, Governor of
Georgia, requiring an election for a Senator, for
the County of Richmond, to fill the vacancy caused
by the Death of Hon. A. J. Miller, it is hereby
ordered, that an election be held at the Court
House and at the several precincts established by
law, in the county of Richmond, on Monday, the
3rd day of March ensuing, for a Senator for the
County of Richmond, to fill said vacancy, within
the usuals hours required by law, regulating elec
tions. JAMES B. BISHOP, J. I. C.
B. 11. WARREN, J. r. C.
G. F. PARISH, J. I. C.
A true extract from the minutes of the Inferior
Court, setting at Chambers, this 11th day of Feb’y,
1856. febl2-td B. F. HALL, Clerk.”
Gentlemen’s Dress Hats for Spring,
1850. WM. N. NICHOLS has received, and is
now opening his Spring Styles of Gentlemen’s
HATS, manufactured expressly for him, by Beebe
& Co., and other makers, to which he invites the
attention of bis friends and the public.
Opposite the Bank of Augusta. ts febO
August a Waynesboro’ Railroad,
Augusta, Feb’y. sth, 1856.—Until further notice,
the Freight on Cotton from Augusta to Savannah
will be Fifty (50) Cents per bale.
febs ‘ C. A. BROWN, Agent.
Ambrotypes—A new style of PIC
TURES, far exceeding in beauty and durability,
anything ever before made. The exceeding firm
ness, depths of light, and shade and richness of
tone, is wonderful. They do not reverse the sub
ject ; but represent every thing in its true position.
They are without the glare of a Daguerreotype, and
can be seen in any view.
Instructions given in the Art. Daguerreotypes
as usual taken in every style of the Art. Speci
mens of Ambrotypes can be seen at Tucker’s l*re
mium Gallery.
N. B.—Daguerreotype MATERIALS for sale as
usual. uovlT I. TUCKER.
1 JOHN R. PEESCOTT, Jr.,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, Warrenton, Oa.,
will practice in Colombia, Burke, JeffersoD,
Washington, Hancock, Warren, Lincoln, Ogle
thorpe, Taliaferro and Wilkes counties.
few" _ 1 y
CLAIBORNE SNEAD.
Attorney at law. office,Law
Range, Augusta, Ga. Sm* jan24
E. J. & W. T. MILLIGAN,
Attorneys at law, win practice in
the counties of the Western Circuit, and the
counties of Madison, Elbert and Hart, of the North
ern Circuit.
R. J. MILLICAN, j wif. T. MILLICAN,
Jefferson, Geo. j Carnesville, Geo.
jan29 1 j
JESSK M. JONES. j ANDREW JACKSON.
JONES & JACKSON,
ATTORNEY'S AT LAW, Warrenton, a.
will practice Isiw and Equity in co-partner
ship, in the counties of Warren, Jefferson, Hancock,
Taliaferro and Columbia. All business entrusted
to their professional management, will receive
prompt attention. ts jan4
J. J. MARTIN,
ATTORNEY AT LAW, Augusta, Ga. Of
fice corner of Campbell and Greene-strects.
Will attend to the collection of claims in Edgefield,
Abbeville and Barnwell Districts, South Carolina.
<lcc2B dkcly
LUTHER C. ROLL’
Attorney at law, office on wash
ingtonstrect, between Broad and Ellis streets,
Augusta, Ga. ly oc7
COL. JOS. LAWTON SINGLETON,
ATTORNEY' AT LAW , Sylvania,Scriveu
county, Georgia. api ly
WILLIAM R. McLAWS,
Attorney atlaw, commissioner of
New York, Virginia, North and South C’aro
. lira. Office, Clayton’s new building, opposite his
. old office, Washington street, will attend promptly
, to applications for Bounty Land under the late acts
> ** Congress. _ . ■ , apl
J. B. HAYNE,
ATTORNEY" AND COUNSELLOR AT
Law, Way rise boro’, Burke county, Georgia.
I I i’ractices in the Middle Circuit.
feh‘23 ly
GEORGE T. BARNES,
f A TTORNEY AT LAW, Augusta, Geor
, gia, may be found, for the present, at the of
. tic of Col. John Milledge, overG. W. Lewis' .Store.
febgS ._ ly __
JOHN S. SALE,
ATTORNEY ATLAW, Augusta, Georgia.
Office one door above State Bank.
_feb2 ly
WILLIAM J. WILCHER "
Attorney atlaw • Warrenton, Geor- j
gia, will practice in the Northern Circuit of
Georgia, and in the counties of Burke, Columbia,
Jefferson, Richmond and Washington, of the Mid
dle Circuit. nov22 6m
MACKENZIE & LAWSON, I
, A TTORNEY AT LAW, Waynesboro’,
xm. Burke county, Georgia, will practice in Burke,
I Seriven, Jefferson, Washington, Tattnall, Mont
gomery, Emunual and Richmond counties.
| ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, JOHN f. LAWSON.
WILLIAM A. REID,
ATTORNEY" AT LAW, Eatonton, Gcor
. gia. Refers to Hon. F. 11. Conk, Greensboro’.
septS ts
lfAßCl’g A. DELL. MARUENII'S A. BELL.
BELL & BR0.„
ATTORNEY AT LAW, Atlanta, Geor
gia, will give strict attention to business en
• trusted to their professional care. Conveyancing
and Collecting done with correctness, vigilance and
l fidelity.
Office in Granite Front Building, opposite
% Hie Holland House. 6m novK
LAW NOTICE.
IH 4VE taken the office on Broad street, over
I)rs. Barry A Battey’s Ding Store, where I will
be found in future, and practice on ray own account,
dec 14 ly GARLAND A. SNEAD.
J. W. GOSS,
W AREHOUSE AND COMMISSION MER
CHANT, Augusta, Georgia .,
Will be found at the extensive* Fire-Proof Ware
house of L. Hopkins. d*c jyltf
r.I.VTPN STIiPHKNM. K. U, JOHNSTON.
wrssnrmmm oik.
Attorneys at LA\v7sj!*fa. Georgia, j
will practice in the counties of Hancock, :
Warren, Taliaferro, Oglethore and Wilkes, of the
Northern ; Greene, Putnam and Morgan, of the
Oglethorpe; and Washington and Richmond, of the
Middle Circuits. docl
D. R. STANFORD & CO,.
TtfANUFACTURERR of the STODART
IvJB- PIANO PORTE, 501 Broadway, New York.
ADAM STODART, I O. A. MORRIS,
D. tt. STANFORD, | G. H. GRIB.
Manufactories, Nos. 15,17, 19 and 21 Tenth st.,
between sth and Bth Avs., and S4th and Ssth sts.,
between Bth and 9th Avs.
scpto d&cßm
R. S. MILLER,
||QK MEETING STREET, Charles
■- *9*9 ton, S. C. SODA, SUGAR, BUTTER,
WATER AND LEMON CRACKERS.
|3F* Orders promptly attended to._£gJ j
HU. L. liCCLCKG, ] R. H. MCCLCNO, '
McCLUNG & CO.,
COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
AND
PRODUCE DEALERS,
KnoxviUe , Term.
Refer to T. W. Fleming, Esq., Augusta, Ga.
jaii22 6 in
MARINE, FIRE AND LIFE INSUR
ANCE AGENCY.
CHARTER OAK Life Insurance Company,
Hartford, Conn. Capital $300,000. Endorsed
by the State—will insure lives of white persons;
also, Negroes, Fire and Marine.
Granite Insurance Company, New York. Capi
tal, $300,000.
Columbia Insurance Company, Columbia, S. C.
Capital, $150,000.
Farmers’ Insurance Company, Utica, New York.
Capital, $200,000.
The undersigned. Agent for the above Compa
nies, is prepared to take Marine and River Risks,
and insure Dwellings, other Buildings, Household
Furniture, Merchandise, and other personal proper
ty, against loss or damage bv fire, on the most fa
vorable terms. J. H. ANDERSON, Ag’t,
febso Mclntosh street, Augusta, Ga.
AUGUSTA WORKS, AUGUSTA, GA.
THE undersigned having purchased the exten
sive Machine Shops, Foundry and Car Shop,
with all the machinery attached to the same, here
tofore belonging to the Company, known as the
“ Augusta Machine Works,” are now prepared to
execute orders for CASTINGS, MILL GEARING
GIN GEARING, MINING MACHINERY, STEAM
ENGINES and BOILERS, SAW MILLS, complete;
SHAFTING and PULLEYS, Railroad CARS and
IRON, Steamboat MACHINERY, and every de
scription of work usually made iu first Jass Ma
chine Shops, of Iron, Brass, or Wood. Orders for
work, not specially contracted for, must be accom
panied with cash deposit of 50 per cent, on the sup
posed value of the work ordered, and the remain
der paid on delivery of the work. Address all let
ters on business to L. HOPKINS & CO.
PROPRIETORS:
HENRY H. CUMMINS, 1 GEO. W. SUMMERS,
W. M. D’ANTIGNAC,. I ROBT. Y. HARRISS
oc3 LAMBETH HOPKINS. ly
'H7INDOW SHADES.-200 pair of Wim
w W dow Shades, including some very hand
some Oil and Transparent, suitable for Drawing
Rooms, Parlors, 4c., together with all the fixtures
to match. For sale cheap, at
feblb diw . A. BLEAKLEY’S.
-g AAA PIECES OF WALL
1 "I^Wvr PAPER—some of which is
very cheap and handsome. Price from 9 to 75
cents a-piece, with suitable Borders to match. For
sale by febl6-d2w A. BLEAKLEY’.
SJTIIART>B SllGAß.—Stuart’s A and B
td7 Clarified SUGAR, just received by
feblo HAND, WILCOX & CO
J REED’S PATENT CHRONOMETER
rWIHIS is an improved Steam Engine, for which
■ Letters Patent were granted to Jdhn A. Reed,
of New Yol-k, January 9,1855. The nature of this
Improvement consists of the increase of power
about 20 per cent, and reducing the weight of the
Engine one-half. The saving of fuel is effected by
letting the steam in on both sides of the cylinder;
doubling the size of the port, and balancing the
pressure, removing the friction and weight of the
slide valves, eccentrics, cross heads, connecting
rods, 4c. The exceeding simplicity of this Engine,
renders it much more durable and easily managed
than any other, and when placed upon the boiler
with wheels it is portable though effective.
These Eugines received the First Prize Medal at
the great Exhibition in Paris. There are abont
Seventy-five of them now in operation, all giving
great satisfaction.
puces:
1 Horse Engine, $l5O Boilers and fittinga file
» “ 800 “ “ 15#
« “ “ 300 “ “ 300
8 “ “ 400 “ “ 400
10 “ “ 500 “ “ 500
All sizea from 1 to 100 horse power at the shortest
nonce.
Also, Reed’s Patent Steam Pump, the simplest
and most durable one in use, for raising water or
supplying boilers.
Further information may be had by addressing.
TOUSLET 4 REED,
declS d",m 95 Maiden Lane, New York.
FOUNTAIN'S INDIA STOEE.
it KQ BROADWAY', New Y'ork, is foil of
WsJsJ Goods from CHINA, JAPAN and IN
DIA, which embrace Novelties and Dress Goods,
which are only to be found at the above establish
ment. Seersucker, Coacan, Pongees, Satins; also,
Scarfs and Shawls from $5 to sßoo. Scarfs, Hand
kerchiefs, Dresses, 4c., manufactured from the
fibres of the Pineapple, handsomer and more dura
ble than silk. Fashionable Bonnets madeof the same
can be washed and remodeled to suit the taste, and
worn for years. Also, thousands of Eastern I Asi
atic; articles, well worthy of the attention of all.
Milliners will be supplied per mail with samples
of the Pineapple, or, can liave Pattern Bonnets of
the latest fashion, black and colored, sent by express
to any part of the country.
P. S.—lndia China in sets and single pieces,
Vases, 4c., 4c. my 29
WOOLEN MACHINEEtT
0. L. GODDARD, NEW YORK,
ONLY' manufacturer of the original STEEL
RING and TOOTH BURRING MACHINES
j and F LED ROLLS, to be attached to First and also
Ito Second Breakers and Finishers of Woolen
j Carding 31achines. The attachment to Second
Breakers and Finishers is new and very important.
These Machines are in successful operation, on
First Breakers, in most of the principal Woolen
Factories in the United States, Canada and Mexico,
and are deemed by experienced manufacturers, as
the most perfect machines used, and indispensable
to the enenomical and successful manufacture of
wool.
They are in fact the only strong, durable and suc
cessfully operating machines in use. No carding
machine should run an hour without them.
The Feed Rolls are strong and durable, and wor
thy of attention.
Circulars explaning these Machines and Rolls,
references to mills having them in use, &c., mav bo
had by addressing C. L. GODDARD,
No. 3 Bowling Green, New York, to whom or
ders should be directed.
sept 13 ly
COMBS, FANS AND FANCY GOODS.
WILLIAM TASKER,
jA 4h PARK PLACE, Aw York, invites the
I -O. V attention of Southern and Western Mer
chants to his new slock of FANS, COMBS, Hair
Tooth and Nail BRUSHES, Ladies’ RETICULES
PERFUMERY, SOAPS, I’ORTMONNAIES, Jet
and Bead BRACELETS, POCKET-BOOKS, Dress
BUTTONS, PINS and NEEDLES, HOOKS and
EYES, Watch GUARDS, Wax, Coral and Glass
BEADS, NECKLACES, 4c. India Rubber Combs,
Canes, Ralls and Toys of every description. Scis
sors, Razors and Cutlery, Gold and Gilt Jewelry,
Accordeons and Violins, including a general and
very large stock of English, French and German
FANCY GOODS, which will be sold at the very
lowest prices for (huh or Approved Paper.
Orders by letter selected and put up in the
best manner. WILLIAM TASKER,
10 Park Place, New Y'ork.
l P. S.—Please cut this out. ly- mvl
MERILLO IRON WORKS.
j MERRILL A JACQUES, 142 Centre Street, A T . York
Manufacturers and Dealers in
Wrought lion Pipes, Fittings, Tools, and
every description of apparatus connected with
Steam, Water and Gas, for heating and lighting
Steamers, Churches, Hotels, Private Dwellings,
Hospitals, Asylums, Villages, Factories and Ilafis.
Also, Valves, Cocks, Pumps, Ullages, Boilers and
Boiler Flues, made to order.
f aSfcftSßi" •"ontajrwj.
work of any other invention.
Orders solicited from all sections of the country
andjiromptly attended to. ly je26
SNUFF AND TOBACCO.
PETER LORILLARD,
Kn. 42 Chatham Street , Xew York,
of Petek * GSorgk Lorillard,
offers for sale all kinds of SNUFF and TO
BACCOS ill general use. For particulars, a Price
Current can be obtained by addressing as above.
This establishment is one of the oldest of the kind
in the United States. ly febl3
GUNS, PISTOLS, POWDER, SHOT, &c,
IH AVE just received a large addition to my
former stock of GUNS, PISTOLS and GUN
NING APPARATUS, which makes my assort
ment complete, and superior to anything in thia
market, and respectfully invite the attention of all
who are in want of any article in the line. It con
sists of—
RIFLES, of my own manufacture;
Double GUNS, by the best, makers, Steel Barrel* ;
“ ** Stub Twist, all varieties;
Single Barrelled GUNS, Twist Barrels;
Deane, Adams 4 Deane's Repeating PISTOLS, a
superb article;
Colts PISTOLS, all sizes; also, Allen's Six Bar
relled PISTOLS;
Single Barrelled Self-Cocking PISTOLS, Ivory and
Wood Handles; ’
Single Barrelled Rifle PISTOLS, Steel Barrels-
Powder FLASKS, Shot BELTS, Game BAGS,
Dog CALLS, Percussion CAPS, all varieties, Gun
WADS, Drinking FLASKS and CUPS, Elv's Shot
CARTRIDGES, POWDER and SHOT, Bar LEAD;
Also, a good assortment of I’ocket and Pen
KNIVES, SCISSORS, RAZORS, 4c. Thankful
for past favors, and solicits a continuance.
ZPv Guns Re-stocked and Repaired neatly and
promptly, and Rifles made to order and warranted
E. H. ROGERS, 205 Broad-st
Angnsta, Ga., Dec., 17,1855. ts decl9
FURNITURE ! FURNITURE !
Benjamin & Goodrich, Broad street,
opposite Lambuck 4 Cooper’s, respectfully
announce to their friends and the public, that they
are now receiving daily a choice and well selected
assortment of all kinds of FURNITURE, such ax
BOOK-CASES, SOFAS, CHAIRS,
TKTE-A-TETES, CENTRE TABLES, BED
STEADS, YVINDOYV SHADES, 4c., of the latest
and most fashionable designs, which they guaran
tee to sell as low as can be bought in this'citv, and
mvite all who wish to purchase, to call and oxamine
their stock.
ALL WORK WARRANTED.
Mattresses and all kinds of Furniture, maniifac
tun i and repaired to order, with neatness and dis
patch. BENJAMIN & GOODRICH.
Augusta, Nov. 1,1855. novlT
HNEW CLOTHING STORE,
AS NOW open, next doorto Thos. Richards
4 Son s Book Storee, Broad street, an entire
new and extensive stock of READY’-MADE CLO
THING, and every variety of articles belonging to
gentlemen’s furnishing es'tablisemeuts, made up of
the best materials ana latest styles, which I will
sell cheap for caeh. My old friends and customers,
and all others wanting articles in my line, would do
Well to give me a call before purchasing elsewhere,
as I am prepared to give them the best of bar
gaincs
<U*c ISAAC MAYER.
SEED OATS,—-500 Bushels Georgia Seed
Oats, just received. Apply to
JOHN CASHIN,
febli No. 4, Warren Block,
RICE,— 25 Tierces of Rice, now landing. Ap
ply to JOHN CAftHIN,
feb!4 No. 4, Warpen Block.
HAVANA ORANGES Ten thousand
Choice Oranges, in fine order, now Landing
and for sale, by
GIRARDEY, WIfYTE 4 CO.,
febl? General Commission Merchants,