Newspaper Page Text
I Corretoonderux ot iht ConotUutionalut.\
GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
Milledgeville, Feb. 12, 1556.
SENATE.
On motion of Mr. Shuopshike, the Senate re
considered the action of yesterday, relaiing to the
bill lost, amendatory of the several acts exempting
certain property as debtors front levy and sale.
BILLS OX THEIR PASSAGE-
A bill of a committee to amend the act incorpo
rating the Mechanics’ and Traders’ Bank in Savan
nah. Passed. , . , , . .
A bill to require persons having lands out of the
county in which thev reside, to make returns of the
number, district and county in which the land lies.
bill to compel slaveholders in Effingham conn
tv to keep a white person on their farm or planta
tion. Passed.
A bill to protect the people from the evils re
sulting from the establishment of Bank agencies.
Mr. Sm»3, of Decatur, offered a substitute, to
which an 'amendment was offered. The whole
matter was referred to the committee on Banks.
The committee on the Asylum for the blind, pre
sented a report, recommending an appropriation
to erect suitable buildings: representing the insti
tution as worlhv of State patronage.
A bill to authorize certain persons to grant cer
tain lots iu the counties of Appling, Early and
Irwin. Lost, _
A bill for better defining the powers of the In
ferior Court in Thomas county. Lost.
» A bill to define and limit the jurisdiction of the
Courts of Ordinary in this State. Lost.
A bill to organize a new Judicial Circuit out of
the counties of lleard, Campbell, Coweta, Carroll,
flarrolson, Spaulding and Polk. Referred.
A bill to determine the time of service of Grand
and Petit Jurors, and exempting all persons con
nected with Cemeteries in Savannah from jury
duty. Passed.
A bill conferring certain powers on the Mayor
and Citv Council of Savannah. Passed.
A bill to incorporate the town of Morgan, Cal
houn county. Passed.
A bill to change the county line between Ran
dolph and Calhoun. Postponed.
A bill to incorporate the “North Western Bank
of Georgia,” to be located in Ringgold. Ayes 44,
navs 21. .
A bill to incorporate the town of Lamar, m Ba
ker county. Passed.
A bill to change the North Western terminus of
the State road. A substitute was offered by Mr.
Dabxet, of Gordon, authorizing the Governor to
sell or lease the part of the road in Tennessee. It
was made the special order for Friday next. The
committee appointed to investigate the cause and
course of the lawsuits between Georgia and Ten
nessee, about the Western and Atlantic Railroad,
reported, recommending a sale of the part ot the
road in Tennessee. No action was taken on the
report.
A bill to regulate the “costs” in the Supreme
Courts of this State. Lost.
A bill to amend the Cth section of an act incor
porating the “Dalton Turnpike Plank or Railroad
Company.” Passed.
A bill to change the lime for holding Inferior
Courts in the county of Worth. Passed.
A bill to authorize the investment of trust funds
in the Dougherty couuty Railroad. Lost.
A bill to compensate the Sheriff and Deputies of
Wilkes county for certain services. Passed.
A bill to remove certain disabilities from certain
persons divorced. Passed.
Mr. McMillan moved so to amend as to divorce
a couple, one of whom (the husband) is in the
State Penitentiary. Mr. Pope raised the constitu
tional point, whether or not the Legislature could
grant a divorce. The Chair decided not. Mr.
McMillan appealed, and upon the appeal the dcri
*ion was sustained.
HOUSE.
Mr. Crook made an unsuccessful motion to re- j
consider tlie action of the House relatiug to the
Kansas bill lost yesterday.
Dr. Phillips earnestly sustained the motion, and
Mr. Harris, of Fulton, opposed it.
Mr. Tbbhuke moved unsuccessfully to reconsider
the rejected bill, exempting physicians from mili
tia and patrol duty.
BILLS OX TIIFIR PASSAGE.
A bill to appropriate $4,000 for the erection of
suitable buildings for the Academy of the Blind.
Passed.
A bill to incorporate the Georgia College of
Scieuce and Agriculture. Passed.
A Senate bill regulating pilot fees for the port
of Savannah. Passed.
A bill incorporating the Hydrant Water Works
of Columbus. Passed.
Senate bills incorporating the Union Coal and
Iron Mining Company, the Georgia Coal Mining
Company, and the Pocahontas Mining Company.
Passed after some amendments.
Senate bills forming a new county from Lee and
Randolph counties. Passed.
A bill incorporating the city of Brunswick.
* prorttftng tor the payment of teachers of
poor children.
All accounts for arrearges shall be examined by t
ihe Grand Jury of each county, and reported to (
the Inferior Court, who shall levy an extra tax of
20 7xo* cent, for the payment of these. Passed. (
A bill to incorporate a Savings Bank in the city
of Augusta. Passed. j
The House had under consideration to-day as
the special order, the bill introduced by Mr. Jones,
of Muscogee, providing for garnishments in cer
tain cases, intended as a retaliatory measure upon ,
the Northern Abolitionists, for not agreeing to the
Fugitive Slave law. A substitute was offered by ,
the Committee on the Judiciary.
Mr. Crook, of Chattooga, offered a substitute,
which is ordered to be printed. So the matter
rests.
A bill requiring Agents at the depots on the
Western and Atlanta Railroad to weigh, receipt
for, and mark produce, &c. Passed.
A bill reducing Sheriffs bonds of Hart county, to
SIO,OOO. Passed.
A bill regulating the fare of passengers on the
railroads in this State from stations, half stations,
and quarter stations, so as to be at the same rate
per mile that had been established bv the railroad
Companies to their through route. Passed.
A bill authorizing the Ordinaries of this State
to issue cost execution for costs in certain eases.
Passed.
A bill to incorporate the Hancock Internal Im
provement and Banking Company. Lost.
A bill to form a new county from Early and Ba
ker, to be called Miller. Passed. A.
Milledgeville, Feb. 12th, 1856.
SENATE.
BVEXIXG SESSION.
The Senate agreed to the following House reso
lutions :
Whereas, There is an act of Congress in force
compelling, among water crafts, all steamboats on
any river to provide themselves with life-preser
vers, and
Whereas, The steamboats in Savannah liver,
plying between Savannah and Augusta, will not
provide themselves with the same, and will not
take passengers on said river because the passage
money will not warrant the outlay necessary for
the purchase of such life-preservers; and, there
fore, persons living contiguous to said river, are
frequently put to serious inconvenience for want of
conveyance from and to different points thereon,
Therefore, he it Resolved, by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the State of Georgia , in Gen
oral Assembly met, That our Senators and Repre
sentatives in Congress be, and are hereby request
ed, to use their immediate exertions to procure the
repeal of said law, so far as it relates to said .Sa
vannah river, and the steamboats plying on the
same from Savannah up said river, and down to
the same.
And belt further Resolved, That His Excellency,
She Governor, transmit to each of our Senators and
Representatives in Congress a copy of these reso
lutions.
BILLS ON THEIR PASSAGE.
A bill to incconiorate the town of Warsaw.
A bill to extend the charter of the Savannah In
stitution for Savings. Passed.
A bill to lay out a new county from Cass, Pauld
ing, Floyd and Polk. Passed.
A bill to repeal an act defining the duty of the
Inferior Courts in relation to the building oi bridges
iu Jackson county. Passed.
A bill to amend the law in relation to the taking
cf Bonds in the Courts of Ordinary. Lost.
HOUSE.
BILLS ON THEIR PASSAGE.
A bill to reduce the Sheriff’s bond in n&rt coun
ty to SIO,OOO. Passed.
A bill authorizing Ordinaries to issue fi. fas. for
costs in certain cases. Passed.
A bill to make Administrators, Executors and
Guardians liable for costs in certain cases. Passed.
A bill to provide for the preservation and trans
cribing of Public Records at Milledgeville, now in
decay. Passed.
A bill to incorporate the town of Morgan, in Cal
houn c-onaty. Passed.
Milledgeville, Feb. 13th, 1856.
SENATE.
On motion of Mr. Peeples, of Clarke, the Senate
reconsidered the bill lost yesterday, to provide for
the payment of teachers of poor children.
The’ Senate also reconsidered the bill lost for
better defining the duties of the Inferior Court of
Thomas county.
Mr. Knight successfully moved to reconsider the
action relating to the bill passed confining the ju
risdiction of the Courts of Ordinary. The bill was
referred.
The Senate reconsidered its action relating to
the bill adding an additional section to the act of
incorporation of the Georgia and Florida steam
boat Company.
The Senate also reconsidered its action rela
ting to the bill authorizing the investment of trust
funds.
The Senate also reconsidered the bill allowing
certain persons to practice medicine.
BILLS ON THEIR PASSAGE.
A bill, reconsidered, exempting certain proper
ty of debtors from levy and sale. Mr. Shropshire
offered a substitute, which was received and the
bill was passed.
The Committee of Public Education, reported
this morning in favor of further endowing the
State University.
Mr. Peeples made a few remarks explanatory of
and sustaining the report He stated they had a
large library, and it was increasing daily from do
nations and purchases, and the budding now con
taining it was not sufficiently large for all purposes,
and an appropriation of $25,000 was required
for the erection of a Hall for the library, contain
ing lecture rooms also, SIO,OOO should be added to
the Terrill endowment of $20,000, the interest of
the latter not being sufficient for the employ of a
competent professor. Much was said in favor of
this by Mr. Peeples, showing a liberal, generous
spirt to aid the cause of education.
Mr. Wellborn, of Whitfield, arose, and asked
what he (Mr. Peeples) would do in case they
asked a further donation from the State in the
year 1857.
Mr. Peeples —l a*n not disposed to dodge the
question, but will answer openly. I would give it
to the Institution, I would do anything to aid in
the general diffusion of knowledge, and the ad
vance of the cause of Education. Edmund Burke,
the great statesman, characterized it as thej**clieap
defence of nations/’ worth more than forts and
fortifications. Aid could not be asked for a more
worthv or important object, and there is nothing
to which I would more cheerfully make an appro
priation.
The Committee, to whom was referred the bill
requiring persons holding lands out. of the coun
ties in which they reside, to return the number of
the lots, the district and county, reported a substi
tute altering the original, by the proviso that the
returns shall be made unless the titles have been
lost, thus rendering it impracticable. After being
amended, a little and desultorily discussed, it was
passed.
BILLS INTRODUCED.
By Mr. Swinxey, of Kinchafoonee, to change the
act of incorporation for Hardmouey, and change
the name to Weston.
By Mr. Harris, of Troup, to authorize the Infe
rior Court to levy an cxira tax to build a Court
House.
AFTERNOON SESSION— nOI'SK BILLS ON TnEIR PASSAGE.
A bill to confer certain privileges on Chas. R.
Garret. Passed.
A bill to authorize persons holding lands on wa
ter courses, to build banks and dams, under cer
tain restrictions. Passed.
A bill to change the name of Augusta and
Wavnesboro’ railroad, to the Augusta and Sa
vannah railroad, and to enlarge the charter.
Passed.
A bill to relieve James Mitchell, of Muscogee
count v. Passed.
A V>ill to authorize Justices of the Inferior
Courts of Liberty and Mclntosh counties, to ap
point the county Surveyor to draw oft’ the county
line. Passed.
A bill to make a final disposition of the assets of
the Central Bank. Passed.
A bill to incorporate the Columbus Fire Com
pany, No. 4. Passed.
A bill to incorporate the 18th and 19th sections
of the Ist article of the Constitution, disqualify
ing persons for Senators, convicted of haying ac
quired office by unfair means, and requiring each
member to take oath. Lost.
A bill to incorporate the Atlanta Gas Light Com
pany. Passed.
A bill appropriating $3,000 to remove obstruc
tions in the Satillo river, for the quicker passage
of rafts of woods, Ac. Passed.
Several amendments were proposed but voted
down. There was one appropriating SIO,OOO t
Conasanga l iver, and another for the Oconee.
A bill to allow certain women to be free dealers.
Lost.
One amendment directed that all female free
dealers should dress a l<i bloomer.
A bill to incorporate the Columbus Iron Works
tampanr. J^jrL, ornonttc , he „ank of Madi
soih tooc located in Madison, Morgan county.
Passed.
A resolution was agreed to, requiring the com
mute on Hanks to ascertain the amount of taxes
due the State from the Hank of Augusta.
A bill to amend the patrol laws of this State so
far as relates to the county of Glynn. Passed.
A bill to reduce the number of Jurors required
for inquest in Chatham county. Passed.
A bill to allow Trustees to make returns to
Courts of Ordinary. Lost.
A bill to incorporate the White Path Gold and
Copper Mining Company. Passed.
A bill to authorize Inferior Court of Catoosa
county to levy au extra tax for county purposes.
Passed.
A bill to incorporate the Bibb county Orphan
Asylum. Passed.
A bill to authorize the Inferior Court of Bald
win county to levy an extra tax for county purposes.
Passed.
The House took up the reconsidered Iliwassee
Railroad bill this morning, and after a lengthy de
bate, it. The speeches were repetitions of
those made during the first consideration of the
bill. The vote was, ayes 63, nays 52.
The bill next taken up bv the House, was one
appropriating one hundred thousand dollars for
the purpose of suitably repairing the State house.
Mr. Crook, of Chattooga, offered a substitute,
appropriating $500,000 for the erection of a new
Capitol, leaving a blank, to be filled out with the
locality. Part of the morning, and the whole of
the afternoon was consumed in a rambling, inef
fectual, general discussion of this matter. Nearly
all spoke, and disregarding the will of the majority
of the people of Georgia, expressed in the result
of the late gubernatorial election, to have the
Capitol permanently located at Milledgcville, many
other places were proposed to fill the blauk.
To locate Capitol at Milledgeville, ayes 57, nays 60.
“ Macon, “ 50, “ 70.
• 4 Atlanta, “ 44, “ 67.
“ “ Indian Springs, Ixist*
“ “ Griffin, Lost*
“ " Stone Mountain “ 31, “ 65.
“ “ Savannah, “ 21, *• 70.
“ “ Brunswick, Lost*
The ayes and npys were not taken upon the
places marked with a star. Pending action on the
matter, the House adjourned.
It is to be hoped that the House will take no has
ty inconsiderate action on this bill. Let it be re
membered that the people in tlieir sovereign capa
city distinctly and unmistakably willed, by their
suffrages, that the Capitol should remain at Mil
ledgeville, and consequently any bill removing the
Capitol to any other place will be directly contrary
to the wishes of the majority of the constituencies
in this State. A.
P. S.—A very laughable occurrence took place
to-day in the Senate chamber. The gallery was
filled with pretty ladies, and several of the mem
bers, unable to resist the temptation, left the dull
arena of legislation, to go and breathe a lighter,
pleasanter atmosphere, and whisper softrnothing
to the fair. While thus enjoying themselves, some
envying, less fortunate member, interrupted the
proceedings of the House, by moving to grant leave
of absence for the remainder of the day, to the
members in the gallery, supposing they could not
sufficiently compose their minds to come down to
dull business. The permission was loudly and
unanimously granted, mnch to the discomfiture of
the “ladies’ men.”
Muscogee Railroad.
It will be seen by their advertisement in another
column, that the* Muscogee Railroad Company
have declared a dividend of 4 per cent., payable
the first of March next. This road has been doing
a profitable business for the last six months, as
will be seen by the following statement :
Gross Earnings for the six months
ending January 31st, 1856 $104,900 73
Expenses 46,489 11
Nett Profit* $58,411 62
Columbus Sun, Feb. 12.
Major-General J. B. Harrie, who died at Rich
mond, Va., on Friday last, was wounded at the
siege of Tripoli, and served his country on other
occasions.
Reported for the ConstUutionalist.
Debate on the Kansas Bill.
Milledoyille, Feb. 11, 1856.
HOUSE.
The bill was introduced by Mr. Crook, of Chat
tooga, and its object is to aid in its settlement with
a slavery population, by an appropriation of $50,000
from the Treasury of (Georgia.
A bill to promote the settlement of the territo
ries of the United States.
It appropriates $50,000 in aid of Kansas emigra
tion, to be raised by a special tax on slaves, to be
expended at the rate of SSO to each grant
Mr. Crook moved a suspension of the rules this
morning, in order to consider this bill; and open
ed the discussion with a few explanatory remarks.
Mr. Jones, of Muscogee, moved to strike out the
feature requring the imposition of a special tax on
slaves, and defended his by some observa
tions explanatory of the deleterious effect this fea
ture would exercise in arousing jealousies between
white and slave labor, and the incipiency of a
species of Kansas excitement in Georgia; and he
was, also, opposed to class legislation.
Mr. Crook, energetically repudiated any wish to
engender such jealousies or to legislate for classes.
His chief reason for the insertion of the words
“ on slaves,” was that, as they were the great ob
ject and cause of the act, they might be the ones
to act on the defensive, though he would not de
sire to let the burden of taxation rest on them, and
have them bear the responsibility. Another rea
son for his so doing, was to stop the palaver of
northern Abolitionists; as by assessing slave pro-
Eerty, they could not say to the southern white la
orers, the tax of slave labor falls on you. The
motion to strike out was carried.
Mr. Irwin, of Wilkes, considering that this was
a gratuitous donation, thought a majority of two
thirds was necessary to carry it He characterized
the whole matter us improper and unsound, for re
cognising the truth and wisdom of noninterven
tion, it would be inconsistent to meddle with home
affairs of a distant State or Territory.
Mr. Lewis, of Hancock, proposed a substitute,
authorizing the investment of $1,000,000 in Kansas
lands, the monev to be raised by the sale of State
bonds, and a Commissioner to be appointed to
purchase the lands. Lost.
Mr. Crook again strenuously supported the bill,
pleading the great necessity of some action on
this really important matter. The proper time
had arrived for the acquisition of Kansas to the
ranks of slaveholding States; the tempting fruit
was lying before our eyes, ready for our grasp, and
we must be laboring under a strong hallucination
to refuse the splendid prize. The speech abound
ed in tine patriotic sentiment, and glowing appeals
■ to Southern interests and Southern principles.
Mr. Jones, of Muscogee, differed from the gen
tleman in his estimation of the character of this
bill. He did not consider it in the light of a do
nation—a gift. If this was to aid in the perpetua
tion of slavery, it was no donation, lie did not
consider it necessary to prove that our interest and
the perpetuation of slavery were convertible terms,
or that the birth of new Abolition States militated
against Southern weal. He denied the existence
of such a principle as non-intervention. Legal
charters have been granted to Emigrant Aid Socie
ties, and thus indirectly countenanced intervention.
He was in favor of making an open or d bold man
ifestation of our intentions, by legislating in our
own Assemblies. These measures are self-protec
tive, and we have undisputed right to adopt any
means for our future safety, lie had been told
that we had endorsed the non-intervention princi
ple. He admitted it, hut asked non-intervention
on the part of whom? Why, Congress, of course.
Congress does not, nor never did, possess the pow
er of interference in the settlement of territories,
and the establishment of their forms of govern
ment ; and why is this? Congress is our creature,
and consequently can exercise no power not ex
pressly accorded to it by us. From us it received
its vitality and strength, aud by us was it restrict
ed of the’ power of interference. Hut with a free
independent sovereign State, intervention is an in
herent right, whether by money, by the press, by
legislation or other just means,’ in order to perpet
uate existing institutions, and all the Free-soil,
Abolition States, possess the same right. They
have the same right lo organize “Emigrant Aid
Societies” that we have, and we have the right to
repel force with force. The existence of slavery,
and the existence of the Union, are closely connect
ed; when one falls the other follows it. Domestic
slavery, as it exists in the South, is a conservative
and preservative element. Look at the Free-soil
States. With what rapidity are they becoming in
corporated with anarchical and despotic elements.
Their Society is a hot-bed for the germination of
all kinds of extravagant insane “isms.” Their
educated men are fanatics, and their ignorant, are
fanatics’ tools. Our Southern country is unpollu
ted bv the ivild disorderly scenes that are enacted
at the North. African Slavery is necessary to the
preservation of Republican principles. Sir, lam
a propagandist, and would not hesitate to plant
the “Black Flag,” us it has been sac on ugly tinn
ed. in the ceuifp as ■»... ♦**■*•*• »
prove* tlie continued existence of slavery from
time immemorial. If white men cannot have
black slaves, they will have white ones. The South
has her blacks’ the North her whites. Let the
world pass judgment upon the condition of the
two. They are not to be compared. While the
South enj’ovs the blessings of peace and tranquili
ty, the North trembles with the throes of tumultu
ous passion, and is threatened with ruin. And if
the gloomy prospect of disunion is realized, which
must take’pface, unless some miraculous, unfore
seen circumstance shall arise equal to the dread
emergency, the Black Flag will wave over New
York city, and will be welcomed as a substitute for
anarchy and despotism. If, Sir, our wisdom ad
vises, and our interest demands an effort in self-de
fence, who can better take the lead than Georgia—
rich, prosperous, powerful, standing foremost
among the Southern States in her advocacy of a
correct policy for the whole Union—let her lead the
van.
Mr. Ward, of Butts—Sir, I do not approve of
this plan, and oppose it, because I am a friend to
Kansas. A wiser and more politic plan will be to
organize Emigrant Societies in every county. A
fellow countryman of mine, some time ago,' who
has been to Kansas, addressed the people of Butts,
and he recently returned with seventy true men.
No difliculty was experienced in getting funds, or
men. This, Sir, is the proper plan to work out
your purposes. Trust in the noble sous of the
South, and their wannest wishes, and greatest ef
forts will not be wanting. Establish AiS Societies,
and appeal to the Southern feelings of true Geor
gians, and as the danger increases that necessitates
this action, so will increase the efforts. Your men,
too, will be true men, upon whom you can depend.
This, Sir, is the true plan, if you would succeed.
Mr. Thornton of Muscogee: Sir, my efforts for
Kansas will compare with the efforts of any mem
ber on this Moor. lam a member of an Aid Socie
ty, and my whole influence has been used in the
accomplishment of its object. But, sir, I cannot
fully endorse the sentiments of my colleague, that
such societies are morally right. I deny the right
of Massachusetts to send her paupers and incendia
ries to Kansas. If she has a right, it is the right
of the mule to kick one over. I consider these so
cieties as wrong in principle, and not the legiti
mate children of Republican principles; but it is
necessary to tight the devil with fire. Massachu
setts commenced the battle, and we must tight to
conquer. Besides, sir, there is a wide difference
between State and individual entciprise. Suppose
Massachusetts should invest her surplus millions
in the colonization of a Territory, to be admitted
as a non-slaveholding State, into the Union, in the
existing state of affairs, I would willingly arm my
self to aid in the redress of such an outrage. But
let Georgia pass this bill, and T ask if we could
with consistency, even protest, much less tight,
against such an act. We set the precedent, they
but follow in our track. This rule, then, must
work both ways. If Massachusetts cannot, conso
nantly with right, enforce her institutions on the
Territories, Georgia is similarly bouud. The Tei
ritories arc our mutual property, are neither the
sole property of the one or the other. The grand
leading principle in the Georgia Platform of 1850,
is non-intervention—intervention at the hazard of
disruption. Such a contingency as the necessity
of the platform to keep Georgia from “laying on
violent hands” was never dreamed of. Shall we,
then, as Georgians, the constructors of this glorious
fabric, sound enough to bear upon its broad, deep
surface, the whole Union, and upon which fifteen
sovereign States already stand, be the first to strike
the death blow? I trust not, sir. Let Georgia
pass the bill, and her proud position will be lost—
ner prestige gone. Sue would feel deep reproach
were she to yield her foremost position; but how
much deeper would be her shame, were she to
violate her honor, by repudiating this platform.
Sir, I trust for the honor of the State, this bill will
not pass.
Mr. Crook : Mr. Speaker, the idea of executing
your project by private effort, is somewhat chemen
cal. The original settlers of Kansas were pro
slavery men, and now a government has been es
tablished there, or attempted to be established,
which they despise and condemn. Massachusetts
has commenced the war of intervention by flood
ing Kansas with her creatures. Aye, sir, already
has the reckless spirit of Abolitionism been turned
upon the sacred pillars of the Georgia Platform.
They tremble ’neath the sacriligious touch, yet
those who rest their security on this Platform are
unconscious of the trembling; no warning is given
of approaching danger. I consider, sir, that the
time lias come when action is necessary, when re
sistance is a defensive measure. Let Georgia pass
this bill, and lead the way, and fourteen sister
States will support her in her onward course^—in
a short time nearly a million dollars will be raised
for the defence of our dearest rights and our
homes.
Mr. Harris, of Fulton: Mr. Speaker, while I
sanction the noble sentiments of the gentleman
just preceding me, I do not agree with liis judg
ment. No one can advocate Southern rights, as
warmly and boldly as lie has done, without exci
ting a* thrilling response in my bosom. I honor
his intentions, but disapprove his policy. Sir, the
object of this bill is to make the State of Georgia
a great “Colonization Society,” intent upon forcing
our political institutions ui>on a Territory, the
common property of the whole Union. I advocate
the establishment of private, monied and physical
enterprises, for the perpetuation of our Southern
Institutions; but the principles laid down in
this bill, I consider, as radically non-conser
vative, and pernicious. I admit there is a
storm raging about us, but let us be calm and self
possessed, and have perfect control of our ship. We
want no buncombe speeches on clap-trap ha
rangues. Let us bring this measure test of
sound dispassionate statesmanship. What is the
object of the bill? “to promote the settlement of
the territories of the United States.” This is un
precedented in the history of our State. Georgia,
m her sovereign capacity, is to embark in the gen
eral colonization scheme. Allowing that this is
lawful, and just, and proper, is it prudent and po
litic, to send forth the bone and sinew, the muscles
of the country, the bulwarks of our liberty, the pil
lars of safctv’and security to our wives and mo
thers, the vitality and life of Georgia, to permauent
lv locate in a distant laud ? Is it good policy to
depopulate the country ? Another argument urged
by the supporters of this bill is, that the poor and
destitute of Georgia are sent where they can make
fortuues. Why do we wish to ship oft* our poor?
Let the legislature of our State show a considera
tion and eare for her needy. Give them sym
pathy at home. They are ascapable of devotion
to the interests of the State as any, and will stand
by you in danger. Sir, my postion is one which may
be looked upon with suspicion, but consciousness
of right nerves me to its support. In the settle
ment of new territories, slave labor depreciates
free labor; and the larger the number of laborers,
the less will be the wages. Applying these truths
to Kansas, we see that every man there who owns
no slaves, has two reasons’ for opposition to their
introduction; and more forcibly will they be felt
by the destitute we send there. Our object in
sending them there being, to prepare the way to
introduce slaves. 1 here disclaim all imputations
on the poor man, for I am the poor man’s friend.
But, Mr. Speaker, what is Georgia called upon
to do, in this bill ? To enter, sir, into a contest with
Massachusetts, who is sending forth her paupers
and beggars to Kansas, in a body. Can we main
tain tlie contest? Would it not be stooping, for
us to do so ? Massachusetts is pouring out and
relieving herself of her corruption. Georgia is
parting with her very fife-blood. Gentlemen have al
luded to threatening dangers that are about to rise,
thick and heavy from the dark future. I feel the
truth of their gloomy forebodings; the Union in
in danger. Is this the time for depopulating our
land ? jVo, sir. If our people need sustenance,
wrench and tear oft* the Treasury doors, and let
the tide flow out. Give them labor in works of
internal improvement. I never shall advocate any
measure that contemplates the depopulation of
Georgia. If our destitute wish to try their fortunes
on the rich, fertile soil of Kansas, I am willing to
aid them bv private donation ; but this bill, a bill
hiring them to leave the homes of their childhoods,
and the graves of tlieir parents, I shall oppose. 11'
you pass this, you open the way for Massachusetts
to aaopt a similar policy.
Sir, it does not become me to approach that tem
ple where lie enshrined the ushers of Calhoun, yet
I can gaze at the monument that commemorates
his greatness. The South is beginning to discern
his worth. He laid down the great principle, that
concurrent majorities obviate and counterbalance
numerical majorities. He was treated with deris
ion, and he would have done, by an equitable ad
justment of powers, what you would uo by viola
tion of existing agreements. By consulting the pro
ceedings of our Congress, toarecent period, you will
find that the American Union totters to its fall. Who
is there that, like Sampson, would precipitate to the
dust the noble structure? Our policy should be
eminently self strengthening, bv the encourage
ment of everything capable of improvement, by
schemes of education, internal improvement, Ac.
A few days ago I urged this course, but to no pur
pose. Now you tear down the ramparts of your
State by sending oft* your population. Sir, the
times are gloomv. Empires, Kingdoms and Prin
cipalities are falling in rapid succession.
“ Ilow little do we know that, winch we are!
ivm wnaf we snail op. TUB Eternal surge
Os time and tide rolls on, and bears afar
Our bubbles; as tlie old burst, new emerge
Lashed from the foam of ages—-
While the graves of empire heave,
But as a passing wave.”
Let us be calm, and wise as a “serpent, but gen
tle as a dove.”
Mr. Smith, of Union—l confess Mr. Speaker, I
have been disappointed in ray expectation, of not
hearing one anti-Kansas speech, on this floor. Tlie
gentleman from Fulton, sir, is opposed to emigra
tion, as our country will be depopulated. If this is
true now, it was years ago. Where would Texas
be if it were not for emigration? The doctrine of
anti-emigration was not in vogue then. Our
fathers beheld the rich, smiling, waving lands
which stretch out to tlie Pacific ocean, and they
went hither, and made them their own. lam in
favor of this bill, of securing Kansas to ourselves.
It is a pearl of great price, and it is only necessary
for us to stretch forth our hands to obtain it. I
am surprised at the avowal of Mr. Harris’s senti
ments, that slave labor is antagonistic to free labor.
Is not this the argument of the Northern Aboli
tionists? If this assertion is true, then, in order
to advance the interests of her citizens, Georgia
should abolish slavery.
Mr. Harris— Didn’t you understand Mr. Wiiitk,
the Kansas lecturer, to say that many emigrants
from Tennessee and some from Gordon county,
had turned against slavery after going there ?
Mr. Smith —I did hear it, and with deep mortifi
cation. But the gentleman does not mean this as
an argument; that eighty out of every eiglity-nine
emigrants will prove traitorous to our cause. If
so, i deny that such is the truth. Such a charge
would be a slander upon the honesty and truthful
ness of the South. But to return to the argument
of slave labor versus free labor. Is it so in Eng
land ? In England laborers earn from $lO to $lB
per month; aud in New York the wages are less
than they are in the South, for the same work.
Mr. Harris— The gentleman misunderstands my
position. lam applying the principles to new ter
ritories. Slave labor is only profitable where it is
continuously employed.
Mr. Smith— ls the gentleman means to intimate
that slave labor is not profitable in Kansas, lie is
mistaken. Hemp bands get more than the cotton
hands of the South. I hope, Sir, that this false
idea of slave labor, as opposed to free labor, will not
induce us to give up that magnificent territory.
But, Sir, it has been asserted this bill proposes a
crusade. 1 deny it. It simply proposes to meet
force with force. lam in favor of the bill, and if
my county should refuse to bear her part in the
expense, I will bear it for her. In conclusion, I
would sav, let us sustain the gallant State of Mis
souri. Snc is battling for the South and Southern
institutions. Men can be obtained to send to Cu
ba, to Texas, and when a sister State is bravely
contending for our rights, we should breast the
storm with her, even if we do it alone.
The bill was put and lost, ayes 43, nays 63.
Sale of Negroes—High Prices,
A sale of negroes took place in Quincy, Fla., on
Mondav last, at which prices were paid in no de
gree indicative of the “hard times” so much
croaked about in certain circles. The first lot sold
consisted of fifteen, the bulk of whom were adults.
They brought, in cash, $12,260, being an average
of $Bl7 each. One fellow a field-hand brought
$1315 another field-hand, $llOO. Another
lot, numbering sixtv-five, of all ages, sizes and
sexes, averaged s7‘lo each. These were sold
on a credit of one, two and three years, with 8
per cent, interest, and brought the handsome sum
of $43,900. Some of them were knocked off at
round prices, as for instance —Jinsey, field-hand,
$1230; William, $1252; Archie, $1201; Leonard,
$1300; Matthew, $1201: Angelina, $1040; Harriet,
and 4 children, $3150; man, wife and 4 children,.
$4002; woman and 4 children, $4150 —all field ne
groes.—Florida Journal, Feb. 9.
Mr. Disraeli is a novelist of the third rank—a
poet the thirtieth ; in the House of Commons, he
is a great power.
Montague 'would have ranked below Prior as
a poet; as a man of affairs, he beat Godolphin.
T. B. Macaulay has retired from Parliament.
The Whigs intend to put forward Adam Black,
the publisher, to represent Edinburgh in his stead.
From the Richmond Examiner.
! Retaliation—-A Rightful Remedy-./
Constitutional Measure of Redress*
The question of the rightfulness and
tionality of retaliation as Between State aj»d State
of this confederacy, is now before Virginia- Re
taliation is a righful remedy and a constitutional
measure of redress. It is not only a rightful, but
is the right remedy for the South- Not that we
want the goods of the Yankees, but that seizing
their property touches them on the tender point.
The South wants her right*, and no more. She
does not want the goods, wares and merchandise
of the North, except for an adequate compensation;
but she means to obtain her rights and the redress
of he t crougs, by the exaction of value for value, if
she cannot’obUtn it by argument.
She will proceed upon the doctrine of ’9B, that
each party to the fetleral compact has an equal right
to judge for itself\ as veil as of infractions as of the
mode and measure of redress ; and she will exercise
her right of redress, in the mode she may deem
suited to the emergency, as a constitutional and
legitimate, and not as a rebellious or revolutionary
resort. It is a fallacy to suppose that all measures
of defence and resistance are unconstitutional which
are not enumerated in that instrument. It is a
compact between sovereu/n States, clearly express
ing all the stipulations which create their mutual
rights; but, trom its very nature, containing no
enumeration of remedies for the wrongs thafmay be
committed by State against State, or section
against section. Os these remedies for these
graver wrongs the States themselves are the sole
judges, and the Constitution is not the schedule.
When one State, or set of States, violate a right
conferred upon another, by the Constitution, the
remedy is to be sought, not in the Constitution, but
in those powers appertaining to sovereign States,
which were reserved by them to be exercised ac
cording as they might deem necessary and expedi
ent. For wrongs committed by or upon individ
uals, within federal jurisdiction, the federal courts
supply the requisites and proper redress. But for
the redress oi wrongs of State against State and
section against section, there are no regular pro
cesses or established tribunals; for the States
themselves are the sole judges of the mode and
measures of redressing them.
It is a fallacy to suppose that the right of redress
appertaining to the States as sovereign powers, is
only the single and extreme right of secession.
The doctrine of ’9B is much broader than this. It
not only asserts the ultimate right of seceding from
and abandoning the Union for just cause, but it
asserts also the mediate right of adopting such
measures, while remaining in the Union, as the
State may deem necessary and proper, to procure
redress or prevent the necessity of the ultimate
resort.
It follows, from these principles, that there is no
limit to the discretion of the State in devising
remedies for the wrongs inflicted by its associates,
and that those remedies may be resorted to with
out reference to the limitations of the Constitution.
If the aggression which the State would resist or
punish is in express violation of the Constitution
that instrument is no restriction upon it in devis
ing the most efficacious remedy; the State itself
being the solo and arbitrary judge of the “ inode
and measure” of redress. The wrong it suffers
mav be unconstitutional, but the remedy requisite
and necessary for redress cannot be unconstitution
al. No measure of retaliat ion, which the State may
deem necessary and proper, for the redress of un
constitutional wrong, can itself be unconstitution
al, though it be precisely of the same nature as the
°fhe municipal law denounces murder as a felo
ny, and makes hanging the punishment. But yet
it admits the citizen’s right of killing in self-de
fence. Tlu* same principle runs through the whole
system of legislation, and, of course, is inherent
in our federal constitution. That is felonious in
acts of aggression which the law respects as a sa
cred. inalienable right in acts of defence. Fools
and fauatics have looked to World’s Peace Socie
ties as the all-sufficient arbiters between nations
and sovereign States; but until these provide u
preventive of aggression, the right of self-defence
must continue to be respected as a sacred, inalien
able right of sovereign States menaced with ag
gression.
This sacred right is not restricted in the ease of
States as it is in the case of individuals. For all
minor offences against the individual, redress is
provided him b\ law in the courts of justice.
Against all injuries short of injuries to liis person,
the municipal courts afford him a sufficient protec
tion. His right of self-defence is only allowed in
cases of imminent danger of life or limb.
But, as between sovereign States, the right of
retaliation stands in lieu of the individual’s re
course to the judicial tribunals for minor injuries;
just as the right of War stands them in lieu of the
individual’s right of killing in self-defense. From
the nature of the case, there can be no tribunal
clothed with authority to compel the redress of
wrong as between sovereign States, and these are
obliged to be left the «uJ **.bin-ary judges of
The mode and measure of redressing their wrongs,
that being an attribute of sovereignty. Our fede
ral Constitution is a compact between Sovereign
States, and, as such, is only a schedule of stipula
tions in the nature of contract, creating mutual
rights, but, of course, prescribing no redress for
their violation, and providing no means of enforc
ing them. It stands to the confederate States pre
cisely in the relation in which the Law of Nations
stands to nations at large. It clearly detines the
duties and obligations obtaining between States;
but, of course, provides no “sanctions” to enforce
them; and is destitute of those “vindicatory” pro
visions which Blackstone declares to be “the prin
cipal obligation of human laws.”
Os all the parts of law the most effectual is the
vindicatory. For it is but lost labor to say, “do
this, or avoid that,” unless we also declare, “this
shall be the consequence of your non-compliance.”
We must, therefore, observe, that the main strength
and force of a law consists in the penalty annexed
to it. Herein is to be found the principal obliga
tion of human laws.”
It is precisely this pemlty for violation of its
provisions, in which the federal Constitution—as
a compact between sovereign States —is necessarily
wanting. It follows that the whole subject of re
dress belongs to the sovereign States as among
their reserved rights. It is somewhere; for there
can be no rights without adequate redress for
wrongs —it is not surrendered in the federal com
pact--it is therefore inherently and constitutional
ly with the States. And the only limitation upon
the States, in devising remedies for aggression is,
that these must in their judgment be incessant and
proper for the exaction of redress. If retaliation
will suffice, they may retaliate. If more violent re
course be requisite, that, too, is constitutional.
The reason and logic which sustain these con
clusions, are confirmed and supported by the prac
tical consideration, that the State which perpe
trates unconstitutional wrong, is, ipso facto, beyond
the pale of the Constitution —is virtually out of the
Union—is estopped from pleading the Constitu
tion against the redressive measures of the injured
State—and may be dealt with as an alien and stran
ger to the federal compact. Massachusetts, by her
“personal liberty act,” for instance, is virtually out
of the Union, is a stranger to the Constitution
which it has set at defiance, and may be legally
retaliated upon by measures apparently in the
teeth of the Constitution which it has abrogated.
Tt would be strange if she could invoke the protec
tion of a Constitution which she has wantonly
spurned and spit upon.
We are not, therefore, embarrassed by any con
stitutional scruples on tins subject. Retaliation is
a constitutional remedy; and the State of Virginia
is the sole judge of the mode and measure of it
as it respects herself. If Pennsylvania imprisons
our citizens for attempting the recovery of their
property within her jurisdiction, Virginia may
lay imposts upon her commerce, seize her ships,
and retaliate upon her in whatever manner and
degree she may deem expedient, in her sovereign
discretion. It is her right inherently ; it is her
right morally; it is her right constitutionally to
retaliate; and sink or swim, survive or perish the
Union, we go for the most efficacious and summary
measures of retaliation.
John Miller, who was burned to death in his
store at Rome, New York, lost his life by going in
after some $1,200 in gold, which he had hid under
the carpet in his sleeping room.
George W. Foster, Esq., of Florence, Alabama,
has endowed a professorship in the college of that
place with SIO,OOO. This endowment fills the
mathematical chair, and is called the Foster Pro
fessorship.
Lord Elgin, in his speech at Glasgow, said that
the people of the United States are really full of
sympathy for the Canadians, and that if Canada is
to join the British in fighting their battles, she
ought to be represented in the Imperial Parlia
ment.
Said Effendi, Jester to the Sultan, has just died,
in Constantinople, at the astonishing age of one
hundred and twenty years and seven months. He
held the post of buffoon under four Sultans, and
retained his comic powers to the last
Prince Paskiewitch is still alive, but beyoed
the possibility of recovery. His diaeaiie is internal
cancer.
[From the Washington Union.}
A Proclamation.
11 y the Prendent of the United State of
Whereas, indications exist that public ti.inqm..-
ty ami the supremacy of law in the Territory .4
Ivausas are endangered by the reprehensible act*
or purposes of persons, both within and without
the same, who propose to direct and control its
political organization by force: It appearing tha.
combinations have been formed therein to resist the
execution of the territorial laws, and thus ill el
feet, subvert by violence all present cnnsn-u-m.ml
und legal authority: It also appearing that per
sons residing without the Territory, but near it.
borders, contemplate armed intervention m‘Beat
fairs thereof: It also appearing that other persmib
inhabitants of remote States, arc collecting
engaging men, and providing amis for th
purpose: And it further appearing that combina
tions within the Territory are endeavoring by th.
agency of emissaries and otherwise, to induce in
dividual States of the Union to intervene in the af
fairs thereof, in violation of the Constitution of .h<
whereas, all such plans for the determination
of the future institutions of the Territory, if earned
into action from within the same, will constitute
the fact of insurrection, and, if from without, t oat
of invasive aggression, and will, in either ca >
justify and require the forcible interposition of the
whole power of the general Government, as well to
maintain the laws of the Territory as those ot the
U Xow, therefore, I, Franklin Pierce, President of
the United States, do issue this, my proclamation,
to command all persons engaged in unlawful com
binations against the constituted authority ot tne
Territory of Kansas, or of the United States, to dis
perse and retire peaceably to their respective
abodes, and to warn all such prrsous that any at
tempted insurrection m said Territory or aggres
sive intrusion into the same will be resisted, not
onlv by the employment of the local militia, but
also bv that of anv available forces of the United
Stetes*; to the end of assuring immmunity trom
violence and full protection to the persons, proper
ty, and civil rights of all peaceful and lnw-iyiiding
inhabitants of the Territory. „ _ . ..
If, in any part of the Union, the furv of faction
or fanaticism, inflamed into disregard of the prin
ciples of popular sovereignty which, under tne
Constitution, are fundamental in the whole struc
ture of our institutions, is to bring on the country
the dire calamity of an arbitrament of arms in
that Territory, it shall be between lawless violence
on the one side, and conservative force on tne
other, wielded by legul authority of the genera
° I call on the citizens, both of adjoining and of
distant States, to abstain from unauthorized inter
meddling in the local concerns of the Territory,
admonishing them that its organic law is to be
executed with impartial justice; that all individ
ual acts of illegal interference will incur con
dign punishment; and that any endeavor to inter
vene by organized force will ho firmly withstood.
I invoke all good citizens to promote order by
rendering obedience to the law; to seek remedy
for temporary evils by peaceful means; to discoun
tenance and repulse the counsels and the instiga
tions of agitators and of disorganizes; and to
tesiify their attachment to their country, their
pride in its greatness, their appreciation of the
blessings they enjoy, and their determination that
republican institutions shall not tail in their
hands, bv co-operating to uphold the majesty of
the laws und to vindicate the sanctity of the Con
stitution.
In testimony whereof, I have set my
hand, and caused the seal of the United States to
be affixed to these presents.
Done at the city of Washington, tlic eleventh dav
of February, in tha year of our Lord
[seal. ] one thousand eight hundred and lit
-1 J tv six, and of the independence of the
tlnited States the eightieth.
Franklin Pierce.
By the President:
W. L. Marcy, Secretary of State.
Appointments at the Capitol.
Mr. CtTLLOM, the Clerk of the House of Repre
sentatives, made the following appointments on
the 11th inst.
William I’. Ingram, of Kentucky, in the place ot
William V. McKean.
John M. Barclay, of Indiana, rc-appointed.
Daniel Buck, ot Vermont rc-appomted.
Thos. DeKalb Harris, of Georgia, re-appointed.
Isaac Strollm, of Ohio, in place of John Bailey.
William Haslet, of Pennsylvania, in place of
William Lee. . _ _ , , .
James C. Walker, of the District of Columbia,
in place of John Galpin. _ , _
N. B. Markle, of Indiana, in place of Robert S
Sproule.
E. A. Acton, of New Jersey, in place of R. JL
G. Martin.
John Harvey, of South Carolina, in place ol
John A. llunnicut.
C. B. B. Adams, of Connecticut, in place of Mat
thias Martin.
Robert W. Bates of the District of Columbia,
(messenger), in place of John It. Queen.
M. M. Hitcheox, of Virginia, (messenger', in
place of Francis lteilley.
Clerks in the Land'Office, under resolution of
May 4, 1848;
A. F. Parker, draughtsman.
William Bailey, of Pennsylvania, in ’place of
William Flinn.
J. 0. Greenlease, of Missouri, in place of J.
Pennybacker.
Joseph N. Gordon, of Maryland, in place of An
drew ,1. Higgins.
William 1). Washburn, of Wisconsin, in place of
D. L. Dalton.
Rufus Prentice, of Michigan, in place of Wm.
A. Steel.
Cuthbert P. Wallacli, of the District of Colum
bia, in place of John C. Boyer.
John J. Burnett, of Alabama, in place of John
S. Holfsman.
Charles F. Hurlbut, of New York, iu place oi
Lewis Plitt.
From the Richmond Examiner.
The Parsons Bill.
A novel and remarkable bill has just been intro
duced into the House of Delegates, by its slow
coach Committee on Retaliation. The bill indi
cates some pluck and spirit in the committee, and
so we are not inclined to enquire how so very slug
glisli a committee could have reported so efficient
and spunky a bill. There is nothing good that
comctli out of Nazareth; but here is something
very good coming out of the Rip Van Winkle leg
islative committee on retaliation.
The provisions of the bill alluded to, and known
as the “Parsons bill,” are the following, in sub
stance, ns we have heard them stated ; for we have
not been able to examine it; Parsons was in pur
suit of five or six runaway slaves. Overtaking
them on some railroad in Pennsylvania, lie seized
them on the spot and attempted to secure them.
The mob interfered, rescued and carried off the
negroes, and caused Parsons to be arrested for
kidnapping. Parsons gave bail for $2,000, re
turned home, and petioned the Legislature for re
lief.
This bill commands Parsons, as a citizen of \ n
ginia, to forfeit his recognizance, and not to return
to Pennsylvania. It directs Parson’s surety in that
State to plead this act in defiance of proceedings
against him for the bail money. It further pro
vides, that, in case the plea is overruled, and judg
ment goes against this surety for the bail nionev.
the Trvasurer of Virginia shall discharge it with
all costs and damages; and that thereupon the
Governor shall have power to seize the body or the
property of any citizen of Pennsylvania in this
State, until the amount thus paid by Virginia shall
be refunded by Pennsylvania. Such is the purport
of the bill and it smacks of the right spirit. It
contains provisions, if what we hear be true, which
are unnecessary, if not ridiculous, that ought to be
stricken out of it; but the spirit and aim of the
bill are proper and commendable.
Yesterday the bill was modified in the House, so
as, instead of allowing the Governor to seize Penn
sylvania men and goods, to call the Legislature to
gether. Thre were also new provisions added au
thorizing similar proceedings in all like cases.
The bill thus modified, passed the House late yes
terday by almost a unanimous vote —a few voting
against ft, as legislating on more than one object
in violation of the State constitutional provision
on that subject. The Senate was to have consider
ed the bill last night.
The Savannah News, of 18th inst., says:
Georgi a Historical Society.— At the seventeenth
anniversary meeting of the Georgia Historical So
ciety, held last evening at the Hall of the .Society,
the following officers were elected for Jie ensuing
year.
President, Hon. James M. Wayne ; Ist Vice do.
Hon. Chas. H.|Henry; 2d Vice do. Itt. Rev. Stephen
Elliott; Corresponding Secretary, I. K. Test; Re
cording Secretary, R. C. Mack a) I; Treasurer, A.
A. Srnetts; Librarian, Rev. Wm. Epping.
Curates. —W. Thorne Williams, A. A. Srnetts
Wm. Duncan, John Stoddard, Wm. E. Hodgson
Sol. Coheu, Jos. 8. Fay.