Funding for the digitization of this title was provided by the R.J. Taylor, Jr. Foundation in partnership with the Atlanta History Center.
About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (March 14, 1866)
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST. WEDNESDAY MORNIXO, MARCH It, lWi«. EEPKESENTATION Since the South ceased to maintain its Sena tors and Representative# at Washington, both lit)uses of Congress have wofully fallen from their high estate of dignity and decorum. \ er hiage has supplanted argument; riotous depar tures from gravefiiaxlm A>f Repnhliean govern ment are the subterfuges that mock and slander the statesmanship*of the past. The Southern intellect, fiery, creative, impassioned and ehiv alrLc, was an admirable foil to the calculating, hardy, aggressive mind of the North. Where both met on the arena of reason, both were held in nicest poise, the one by the other; and both, by such grad tuition, flowered into something really great. Segregated from one another, both seemed to lose vitality. During the five tremendous years that have,passed away, noth ing more lamentable in the annals of our land has occurred than the flaccid measures of the 'Southern Congress and the frenzy of its Northern prototype. Soul was wanting at Washington and Richmond , and, Strange as it may appear, the world has witnessed its first stupendous revolution that had not richness of material to mould a single statesman worthy of the Paine. The proper stimulus of antagonis tic elements converging towards the same destiny was lacking, and here the necessity of an intel lectual Union is strikingly exhibited in tlic record of that unhallowed legislative era which survived on both sides,pending the dash of anus. ThcßuMthcm Congress equally with the North ern was a cti'rictiture upon civilization. Neither ascended to the abounding spirit of embattled peoples of either section, harrassedby imbecility or betrayed by private greed. Alas! the dignity of the country, when torn assunder, lias been severely compromised, and the austere shades of WgBSTER or, Calhoun may well leel dolor, if perchance they arc pleased to revert to the seehes of their former grandeur, when they stood like Titans,in the aidpitllcutrc of Thought. “ Athos and Ida with a dashing sea Os eloquence between.” The tendency of the day is to regret the mad ness of departed years and bring back, if pos sihje, the old principles and the old Union, trusting that with the restoration of such ele ments the olden glories of an august Senate iniiy be revived in the exaltation of men win/ shall emulate the renown of the mighty dead of M assachusetts and South Carolina. The Republic has received aterrltic'sliock, but It is not moribund. It remains with the conserva tive people of the. land tomakeanew precedent in history; for never before did a Republic drift so far into the jaws of anarchy and return with something like integrity to the cardinal principles that made it illustrious and free. PBBstDENT Johnson has pointed out the path of safely. The people have only, to close up their shuttered ranks and march, compact as a Roman legion, under the liarmbrof Restoration. Unquestionably, the first move towards so desirable a consummation is the admittance of Rfrutllern Representatives to their vacant places in Congress. This privilege denied, tIH* Union is dead and buried. As the ease stands, nothing can be so perilous to all the best interests of the common weal ns Hie lop-sided and partial legis lation wc (Jeplore. President Johnson per ceives tills and many Republicans urebeginning to appreciate it. A fact ion, however, apparent ly bent upon rule or ruin, stolidly opposes the President's scheme, thereby falsifying every motive with which they urged their section to blood and rapine. This faction an indignant constituency must change. .Lotus examine some of the reasons with which they defend their.position and combat the policy of the Executive. One reason has cropped out in the discussion of the Freedman's Bureau bill, emanating from Senator FrSsendkn, who declared, in sub stance that, lie “was not disposed to be tortured by the President concerning tlic duties of (’(in gress, in the matter of Representation,” Mr. Johnson’s language cannot be so construed. No denial of the right of Congress to judge of the eligibility of its members was entertained ; but otter exclusion was protested against, as un patriotic and unparliamentary. The President admits the prerogative of Congress to decide upon tbu merit of an admitted member ; he ’de nies tlm jwerogatlve of Congress to such pre judgiueut, as against States, in the persons of their representatives. He claims that if the South is to bo condemned in its envoys, they shall, at least, have the criminal's favor of a hearing before conviction. Again, nothing can be more anomalous than the biased and vindic tive legislation that conceived that pernicious Bureau Bill, palpably designed to torment the very section which laid no voice in rts passage and depended upon the merest accident for its overthrow. An ad eaptandum assertion, ns another point of antagonism, Is subtly conveyed in the accu sation that the Pkesidkst has been recreant to the policy of lits predecessor and hence, to the poliey Os the party which elected Idm. The Emancipation Proclamation—the very Tnimud or Koran of Radicalism—contains the following language: The Executive will, on the Ist day of January, IWW, by proclamation, designate tlie States aiid parts, of States, if any, in which the people thereof, rcspeelive.lv, shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day bo, in good lailli. represented in the Congress of tlie United States by members,chosen there to at elections wherein a majority of the quali fied voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, Ac deemed conclusive- evidence that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the l nited Stotts. Never did words more plainly signify the ruling passion of Mr. Lincoln’s administra tion ; never did words more emphatically ex press a wish, nay a longing for Southern repre sentation, when the specified condition* were compiled with. It must uot escape the memory that this proclamation had its being when pop ular fury was at its white, white hot heat, when the Southern eagle went clanging over Cbancol lorvllle and the heart of Stonewall beat no more to the drum-tap or fired the quick, eon ▼ukite rally. Let it not ba forgotten, likewise, that when this right of representation was thus proclaimed, the Test Oath was already in ex istence. To every requirement of this pledge the South has yielded. The very men who affect such reverence for Mr. Lincoln contravene his most cherished policy. The very man who cleaves to the letter of his policy is by these pseudo-friends assailed. The missile hurled at the President smites back, like a boomerang. The curses they storm at heaven fall like javelins upon their own head. Every evidence of fealty demanded by Mr. Lincoln in a time of war, the Radicals distort and abuse in a season of profound peace. go far as the pretext of the Test Oath is con cerned, no better evidence is wanting than that contained in the document from which wc have just quoted, demonstrating that Mr. Lincoln regnded it merely as an expedient upheaved by the vicissitudes of strife, to be put away, like a corpse, when the reign of peace prevailed. One more exhibit of the animus of the Re publican party, as represented by Mr. Seward, and we close. Several European Powers, at the time of the Polish insurrection, advised the United States to intervene,between the unhap py Sarniatians and the cruel Czar. In answer to these appeals, the Hon. Secretary forwarded to Minister Dayton an elaborate reply, from which the following paragraph is an extract.— Mr. Seward wrote: Our policy of nou-hiterveution, strait, abso lute and peculiar as it may seem to other na tions, has become a traditional one which could not tie abandon' and without" the ihost urgent oc casion, amounting to a manifest necessity.— Certainly it could not be wisdy departed from at this moifcnt, when the existence of a local although, as we trust, only a transient disturb ance, deprives the Government of the counsel: of a portion of tin; American people, to tehoni so wide, a departure from the settled policy of the country must, in any case, be deeply interesting. Comment upon such obvious language is su perfluous. The right of representation bristles in its leading thought. By steadily opposing the policy with which they inaugurated the war—the policy of Lin coln and Johnson alike—the Radicals become open to the conspicuous charge of seeking a perpetuity of power at any sacrifice of princi ple or Union. Finesse and a steady clutch upbn authority may temporarily quell the truth ; but defeat and disaster await them final ly from the people at large—for whom and for whom alone the Government was framed THE LEGISLATURE. By joint resolution adopted the General As sembly of this State will adjourn on the lflth prox., Tuced iy next, the enire session thus being within a day or so of two months from the date of re-assembling on the 15th of Janua ry last. Up to this date there have been passed one hundred and thirty-six acts and thirty-one resolutions adopted. Private legislation—that curse of our modern law making, the detested leges private of Roman polity—takes up, as usual, most of the results of this weary session. Any number of companies have been incor porated, and the Code doctored to that extent that the lawyers tell us they are almost utterly at sea as to the actual law. The Negro Code, wo learn, will not, so far us signs now show, he enacted in the form presented by that learned and laborious Commission ap pointed by resolution of Convention to prepare a legal syllabus on that most delicate and im portant subject. Gov. Brown’s idea that there should only be one short' statute ip this regard, placing both white and black on an equality as to legal rights before tlfe courts will, it seems, meet acceptance, .'modified so as to admit tlic formation of county courts to meet the ordinary litigation likely to arise out of the freedman state. The Homestead Law still hags lire, House and Senate being at a dead lock In the matter of concurrence as to the form In which some such measure shall pass. A Slay Law, as will lie remembered, lias passed either house, enacting iluit. debtors may be made to pay one fourth of indebtedness in each of the four coming years respectively, no con tract made or liability created since June,.1865, coming under this saving provision. Vetoed by liis Excellency the Governor, as unconstitu tional, this bill was nevertheless passed on the 7th, over tlic veto, in the House by 120 to 7. The Senates action has not as yet. reached us, but that body will doubtless follow tills refrac tory suit. And, in thus touching on the topic of veto and two thirds vote, it is a little remark able that, in the heart of Georgia the same contest, on a minor scale, between the, Execu tive and Legislative powers should have broken out us now rages rampant in the Federal Capi tal. Tlic General Assembly passes a bill which tlie Governor vetoes as radically Illegal. Up to the charge comes the House with a vote seven teen to one against the Executive, and the Sen ate threatens not to be far behind—that same Senate which iu turn also threw tlic weight of its two thirds and over on His Excellency’s veto of the Homestead Bill. And so, on a larg er scale, the Federal Congress rushes through a bill which the President constitutionally disap upproves, whereat House and Senate rave, cry ad gttem ffiwm t ami essay to beat up a two thirds that shall render their side victorious in the great cause now pending of the Legislative t\s. the Executive. But enough of this. Tlie thing grows serious, and it is even a relief, though somewhat a grim one, to read that there is—in Milledgevllle—“ <t great deal qf business still in-an unfinished state." How the public printers will rejoice, how the public money will fly, how the lawyers will des perately battle with misconceived, iU-bogotteft. and wholly contradictory and nntinicous legis lation, and how, ah! how will the people find themselves deeper than ever In that Serbouian bog of laws conflicting and jurisdictions at sword's point, wherefrom they fondly, all too fondly, dreamed this Legislature was to deliver them. Boon as it adjourns we will essay to give some analysis of its enactments, though, look iug now at the huge roll made even by the cap tions of acts and resolutions that have been painfully ground out, it is almost enough to fright our journalistic soul. However, justice shall be done. Our lawgivers have had surely enough of the honey of laudation, and where they see in to have gone astray after strange gods, as we fear some of them have very la mentably done, it la fitting they should be brought kindly but firmly to the rule. OU£ PAEI3 COEEE3PONDENCE. Gaiety of the. Capital —The Carnival—Political Affairs —The Emperor's Address —Discussion on Mexican Affairs— The Elections—The Ro man Question —Dunubian Principalities — Meeting of Sovereigns-—Spanish Affairs. — Marshal O'Donnell —Paris Gossip—The Mu sical World—The Cholera, Etc., Etc. • Paris, February 14,186(5. To the Editor of the Constitutionalist: Sir : All Paris is dancing, and spending its time in the follies of carnival, which is now on its legs, as in a few days we shall have to put on sack cloth and ashes and repent. The peo ple of Paris avail themselves of the few days of liberty allowed them to have their fling, to make use of a not very distinguished but ex pressive saying. The members of the upper classes are no less joyous at present, for we have balls at the Admiralty, balls at the Home Office; and all the Paris press, for want of mat ter, tire its readers with most minute descrip tions of the costumes worn at the different masked entertainments. DISCUSSION OF THE ADDRESS BY THE SENATE now occupies the attention of politicians. Up to the present time we have had but two speeches worthy of attention—those of the Mar quis de B.oisy and of Marshal Forey. The witty and original Marshal said many foolish things, and some wise ones. His opinion is that the Emperor must fall if liberty is not granted to the people. The Marquis, afterwards, said that he detested the English, and that he was delight ed a# the Fenian movement; that the Tureos were only brought over from Africa to crush the people incase of revolution, etc.,' etc. — Prince Napoleon, he said, was a seditious per son, and should be narrowly watched. I will spare you the rest of his speech, which caused great hilarity among the members of the Senate. Mons. Rouber protested, in the name of the Government, against this insinuation of the noble Marquis, specially as regards the latter part of his speech. You must not conclude from this that the Imperial cousins have made up their last brouille, but that Mr. Rouber had a duty to perform, as Prince Napoleon, a few days before his departure for Italy, had infiorm ed the Minister that if he did not promise to take his defense, if attacked, he would postpone his journey, in order to do so in person. The Emperor, fearing a second edition of his cousin’s speech in Ajaccio, (lie Minister was or dered to do as the Prince desired. MARSHAL FOREY poke at length on the Mexican question. The former leader of the expedition opposed the re turn of the French troops; on the contrary, rein forcements and money should be sent out to complete the work begun. The proposition was received with exclamations of dissent. The Minister Rouber wished to Inform the deputies that the Marshal's opiuions were personal—it is believed that Forey had been commissioned to fbelthe ground, and Mons. Rouber was to blame ortoapprove,asthecasemiglitbe. The Emperor still clings to his favoTite idea of protecting the Latin races against the Anglo-Saxon on the American continent, and it is much against his will that-he is induced to give up the Mexican question. Monsieur Rouber declared that the Erench troops will soon be recalled. The only re maining question to be settled is the Roman, and that of increased liberty to the people. The French press has for the last month been the object of renewed attacks from the agents of the Government; alarmed by the menaces of the Moniteur, it is afraid to make any comment of the debates of the corps legistatif and the Senate. THE CORPS .LEGISLATIF is much more stirring than the Senate ; the greater part of the. deputies are alive to the ne cessity of giving satisfaction to public opinion. It is evident that the greater part of their eon stitutents wish for liberal measures; they threat en not to re-elect them in 186!), if they neglect : to urge the Government to act with -less se verity towards the French. Monsieur Emile Oli vier, who is at the head of the new mixed liberal party, will, it is thought, give the Govern ment some trouble. THE 24th OF FEBRUARY. An election will take place in the Marne. It is well known that the 24th of February is the anniversary of the revolution of 1848, which gave the people universal suffrage. There are four candidates, hut the chances are decidedly in favor of the opposition man, who, if elected, will assuredly be found in the ranks of those who imperiously demand an extension of liber ty. Iu the meantime, the French Government is taking every means of strengthening the Pope’s power, as a great many French officers and soldiers will he allowed to take service in the Pontifieial army. I must not omit to in form yon of A Ptors STRATAGEM. A papal recruiting office has been opened at Arlan (Savoy.) Several who have enlisted un fortunately turn out to be heretics. What was to be done ? The Roman Cardinals would not like, to be defended by any others than orthodox muskets. We hear the baptismal register has been extracted from the vestry room of the Protestant parish church of St. Germain, of Geneva, and false acts substituted, showing that the enlisted Protestants were never Protestants at all, but born in tlie holy Roman Catholic Church. The act is certified by Mr. Henry, the rector of the parish of St. Germain, who, in a letter published in the papers, complains of the thefts from his regiist rv, as much as the Pope would if the keys of St. Peter were taken from him. the roman question is getting a troublesome one, always on the tapis, and more involved. One would fancy that the nations of Europe had an interest in not settling it. You know that the new kingdom of Italy luis been recognized by Isabella. However, in the red back (diplomatic documents) dis tributed to the Cortes, the Ambassador of Spain in Paris writes to his Government of the step he has taken to obtain a promise from M. Drotivn do L'Huys never to quit Rome, and of his efforts to place the sovereign Pontiff un der the protection of the fi. C. powers. More over, the Senor de Casto maintained in the Spanish Chamber that the temporal power of the Pope was necessary for the free exercise of the spiritual authority of the papacy. The question » the following: What will be I done in case the Roman people should rise against the authority of. the Pope, when the French troops have left the Eternal City.— Mons. Drouyn dcL’Huyshas often said that tlfr French Government would protect the Italy See. but it could never prevent committing suieife. Wo must conclude from this that the temporal power of the Pope is condemned, but that everything will be done by the Catholie States of Europe to retard its fall, 'the Roman Government feels this, and is of course very airy to Victor Emanuel. Pio Nono has just written a lefter of condolence to the King of Italy on the loss of his son, Prince Odone.— The Roman question is being now debated in the French Senate ; several Cardinals and Sena tors are opposed to the withdrawal of tint, troops from Rome, and demand a restitution of the provinces taken from the Pope by Pied mont in 1860. Mons. Bonjean replied that Ro man Catholicism, by its excesses of late years, had been the cause of the re-action against its encroachments, and that the Roman people had a right to keep or reject the Pope as a tempo ral sovereign. Mr. Rauber, in the name of the French Government, stated that the Papal tem poral power was guaranteed by the convention of the 15th September, but it would not take any engagement after the withdrawal of the troops. THE DANUBIAN PRINCIPALITIES. Anew ministry has just been named at Buch arest —the twenty-seventh since the reign of Prince Conza. The late minister fell for having granted several monopolies, contrary to the law. Thus, you see despotism is not an easy matter in some countries. In is quite another thing. Herr Von Bisni:irik, being being backed by a large and powerful tSVmy, can do as he likes. A slight agitation took place a few days ago in the streets of Berlin, during the protestation of the deputies against the de cree of the ministry, rendering the members of Parliament responsible for their speeches. The relations between Austria and Prussia are no longer so friendly as they were. The former country is trying to regain its former position of a liberal power in Germany, whilst Prussia is governing the population of Schleswig-Hol stein with an iron hand. Austria is allowing them to have it all their own way. It is re ported that Herr Von Bismark declares it im possible for things to go on in the Duchies in this way any longer, and he proposes the re establishment of a government common to the two Duchies, which Herr Von Mensdorff, the Austrian Minister, lias refused. There is much talk of • n A MEETING BETWEEN FRANZ JOSEPH AND NA POLEON 111., which will be brought about by the interven tion of Prince Metternich, which may have un pleasant conscquencei for Prussia. It is certain that the Prussian Minister has proposed to the King to abandon the idea of annexing the Duchies to Prussia, hut to attach them to the Prussian Crown as is the Duchy of Hanenburg, leaving them in possession of all their ancient privileges. It is for the execution of this plan that Herr Von Bismark is in want of Austria, as the latter must renounce the con vention of Gattein and leave the exterior gov ernment of Holstein to Prussia, As Franz Jo seph will not agree to this, it is affirmed that Herr Von Bismark will carry out his plans should a rupture between Austria and Prussia be the consequence. MARSHAL O’DONNEL is playing at Von Bismark in Spain. The press is now being hunted down. An editor of one of the first papers was last week condemned to seven years imprisonment. Order has been re established, but the shooting of those led away by Prim still continues. The Chilian question is now the order of the day. The Government refuses to give, letters of marque until it is offi cially proved that the Chilians have taken a similar step. The Minister of Finance assures ns that the financial state of the country is bet ter than was expected. Private correspondence, ho waver, Informs, us that such is not the case— that there is not a maravadie in the State coffers, and that the country is on the eve of bankruptcy, etc. To all these evils wc must add the cam paign against Chili. PARIS CHIT CIJAT. I told you at the beginning of my letter that all Paris lias been dancing for the last month. There have been a great many balls in the monde officiel , and more especially mashed balls. The votaries of fashion have been racking tlicir brains to invent original costumes, as those we have had hitherto have become stale, flat and unprofitable. Mad. , the wife of one of the members of the Diplomatic Corps, appeared at tlic admiralty ball as the areh-angel Michael, which caused much slander and indignation.— There is now a great tendency amongst the ladies to return to the costume of the time of our common mother, Eve, as the dresses are becoming every day more and more decolletic. If tilings go on in this way we shall be able to say, “Ladies, if your heads were cut off, 1 should know you, nevertheless /” But you know we have full liberty to do everything we like in France, save talking politics. Those who turn up their noses at the frivo lous pleasures of the day, and spend their time in perusing the newest literary works of the day, as they appear, will Tead Mons. Taine’s last work, TRAVELS IN ITALY, with unbounded pleasure. Mons. Taine is well known for his celebrated work on the history of English literature. The mania for writing is now in all classes of society, and weare shortly to have the Memories ofPcuoet , who was executed at Versailles the other day. They were written by himself after his condemnation. The masked balls have been very prejudial to the theatres of Paris during carnival time.— However, I can mention two novelties—one at the Opera and another at the Varie ties. The title of the opera is Fior cTAliza , a subject well known to those familiar with the works of Lamartine. The ext fa vagan za at the Varieties is called La Carbe Bleue^ and causes roars of laughter from beginning to end to crowded audiences. This piece will, no doubt, have as great a rnn as the same author’s plav.’ Orphie aux Eufers , so successful in Londona year or two ago. Thoughtless Paris is, there fore, amusing itself as best it can, en attendant , THE TERRIBLE EPIDEMIC which it is said is to visit us in the coming spring. The weather Ims been so mild this winter -i the flowers in thegardens o( Paris are to bloom, and the trees are throwing out th. v leaves. The cholera is still at Brest, ami n Spain, and it is generally feared that it will . turn to the capital if energetic measures be no resorted to to 'keep it from our doors have not entered into Lent, and as the anmj iiient6 of Paris will be reduced to concerts amt theatres, we shall have ample time to lay in sap) . cloth and attend to more serious matters. The project of making a bridge of boats Calais and Dover meets with much approbation on this side of the Channel, and Lord Malmes bury, who takes great interest in it, has al ready had an audience of the Emperor on the subject. We have not yet got rid of the London pick pockets, who are reaping a rich harvest in the French capital. We must soon do as ou neighbors, and write up every where, “ take care of your pockets. The principal of the Howard Public School at Nashville, Tenn., administered more than om hundred lashes on the person of a white child for some trivial offense, a few days since. The monster should be burnt at the stake for his in humanity. What a howl would come up from the Abolition camp if the victim had been black instead of white ; but, as if, is, the matter evokes very little sympathy, and the perpetra tor of the outrage goes unpunished. In the late civil war, 220 battles were fought. In Virginia 80, Tennessee 37, Missouri 37, Geor gia 12, South Carolina 16, North Carolina 11, Alabama 7, Florida 5, Kentucky 14, the Indian Territory and New Mexico, one each. There were also 1 seventeen naval engagements. [From pie Philadelphia Age. The Higher Law, A great many honest persons, trained from youth up to reverence the Constitution as the supreme law of the land, have been puzzled in past years to know what the Abolitionists meant by the “higher law” which they invoked people to obey, to the disregard of all their civil obligations. There was something rather start ling to plain people in a system of jurispru dence which, while it took precedence of any other, could be framed and interpreted to suit' Jhe convenience of each philosopher who be took himself to its study, and cast aside the irk some and vulgcr restraints of the “lower law.” It afforded a snhHme plea for rogues of every description who were delighted "to be put in possession of a code so flexible and so potent to override the provisions of the common sta tute book. Instead of being “moved and se duced by the instigation of the devil,” as the impolite phrase of the indictment would have it, the gentleman of light fingers or bloody ones—a Beast Butler or a John Brown, as the case might be—was enabled, if caught, to as sume the face of a martyr suffering for love ot law, instead of that of a culprit brought to jus tice for violating it. So far, indeed, was this most convenient system of personal and pri vate legislation carried, that the Abolitionists of Boston made a hero of a preacher of their faith who was held to answer for the very practical and material offense of carrying off his neigh bor’s wife. Although it was quite impossible to associate Brother Kalloch’s crime in any way with the cause of emancipation—the lady in question being white, straight-haired and free-born —yet "bis devoted admirers, after a careful reference to the “higher law,” discover ed that this fancy for females wearing other people’s wedding rings was merely an excessive development of" humane sympathies—one of the little eccentricities of philanthropy the overflowing of a heart whose gushing affections even millions of enthralled blacks were incapa ble to entirely absorb. Consequently Brother Kalloch’s days in jail—the minions of the “low er law” brutally carried him there —were so laced by the visits of the sympathetic committees —the pinchbeck spectacles of admiring maid ens glittered through the grating of liis cell — codfish balls of rare flavor, compounded by fair hands, and pumpkin pies of dainty golden hue, appeased the appetite of the holy man—and, when liis prison doors are last swung open a delighted multitude bore him to the sanctuary, where (if he is not again in limbo) we presume he is still expounding the “higher law.” We contracted, somehow, a bitter prejudice against the celestial and intangible code of the Aboli tionists at the time ot Brother Kalloeh’s mar tyrdom, which we have ilever been able to shake off. But although our contempt for the “ higher law ” lias hot materially increased since that shameful ease filled the newspapers, we have seen, since the Abolitionists became masters of the Government, outrages perpetrated under its pretended sanction which are a shame to any people, and for which our children’s children will despise the memory of their fathers. We have seen every refinement of cruelty, every ap pliance of despotism, engrafted upon institu tions which were meant to secure above all things the liberty of the people. We have seen the press silenced and its conductors bound and imprisoned. We have seen public speakers kid napped and dragged away to jail for telling the truth to meetings ot free born citizens. We have seen the Legislature of a sovereign State trans formed by the magic of the bayonet into a chain gang of starved and wretched prisoners, poor in everything but spirit, stripped of everything but the austere manhood which leads pilgrim feet to the prison-house of the patriot, and makes it a more glorious dwelling than the pal aces of kings. We have seen every right which the Constitution was made to protect violated shamelessly, repeatedly, and with taunting defi ance of the remonstrances of the wronged. Vie see to-day the spectacle of a lawless and ruth less band of demagogues, sitting in the seats of power, pulling to pieces and patching with the rotten rags of selfish suggestion the great char ter of our liberties, dedicating their energies not to the restoration of this Union, but to the over throw and degradation of the sovereign States which built up its glory. These are some of the results of repudiating the written bond which united us, the common statute book which de fined what we owe to the law, and wliat the law owes to us, and substituting in their stead the “ higher law,” whose provisions are as capri cious and shifting as |the mad, wild will of the fanatic and demagogue. Gen. Hood’s Reported Engagement.— There has been a report going the rounds of tlie pressthat Geu. J. B. Hood was tobe married to a daughter of General William Preston, of Louisville. We remarked to him said he, that he had to suffer for his notoriety. “ Yes, ’ “ and it must be exceedingly annoying to the jadv as we had no acquaintance whatever, hav ing never even seen one another.” He was recently the guest of Mr. James Short, of our place, and spent some time with his brother-in-law, Dr. Graves, an eminent physician of North Middletown, in this count? He is a much handsomer man than one would judge him to be from his photograph, and, in conversation, he has a very pleasant counte nance. Someone remarked to him that the greatest difficulty he had at the battle of the Seven Pines was to keep the leaves which the balls cut off from falling between his collar and neck. “ That,” said he was before they learned to shoot low.” Sharpsburg he considered the hardest fought field of the war. He fought all day long in open space against three times his number, and lost half his men. . [Paris Ktntuekim-
