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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (March 28, 1866)
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST STILL ANOTHER "STATES RIGHTS’’ MAN. It is refreshing to bring home to such blatant patriots as Senators Sumner, Wade and Wil son to Geueml Dlx and Mr. tiEOKOE Ban croft the doctrines and utterances of auld lang evne. A man that forces a nauseous draught upon his fellow may, expect, as sure as there is a Nemesis in all things, to have the ehaltec of bitterness commended to his own inspection. The great marvel of the present epoch is the I facility, the sang froid with which whole masses j and their representatives swallow at a gulp j every protestation of the Past and every priuei- : pie it treasured. It is excusable, though de plorable, that such an alternative should be ob ligatory upon some under pressure. But where there is nothing but victory and no pres, sure, how shall wc typify such men as those above enumerated whose present course falsi fies every idea they formerly entertained and gloried in. Is it hypocrisy—depravity— lust of gain—fiery ambition—madness ?We do not pretend to specify ; we make no charge ; wc present facts and leave the inference to honest thinkers. These gentlemen are among the foremost in proclaiming the indestructibility of principle. If this be axiomatic, how can live years so sap and mine the principle they once upheld T Os course, wc do not pretend to as sert that their ancient sentiments were wrong, but who shall decide if their existing creed, so antagonistic to the former article of faith, is right ! Not in anger but in sorrow arc the con tradictory records of certain prominent mem bers of the Radical party disinterred ; we feel that their inconsistency is a balk to civilization, a barrier to Republican progress, a blemish upon the honored Amerieau name. What we have “'o quoted against those gentlemen has fcMfi | prose ; let us have a ttste of thyme, ity good rhyme at that. New England uim nave had the benefit of ven tilation ; let the subjoined verses speak for a Southern man of considerable notoriety in North Carolina and elsewhcro. Wo find them in the Richmond Timet, which asserts that they were written and published some years ago by tjiat loyal individual, whose.name is attached to his effusion. Hear him : John 0. Oalhoun. BV W. W. IHII.IIIIS, HDITOIt Or Tn* STAKDAID. Tho voyager on the Southern main Views witli rapt awo the hallowed sien Which nightly flames “ beyond tho line;” • Nor deems the labor all In vain Whloli brings him to the long sought shrine. The warrior’s tribes, in Held by flood, Walk In Its light when the day Is gone, And hall It in Its light abode Best reflex of the absent sun. In all their devious wanderings, From dewy eve through midnight's reign, It guides them till the morning's wings Sheil sunlight o’er the earth again. What If that cross Its front should veil And, darkling, sink in night's embrace t No other stars nor sun could till (Jr share Its wondrous dwelling place. Star of ' R ‘ South, 'twas thus with thee 1 To thee -i " nni ' hearts were turned, As round th> ’ l>“ th fr< ’ m sea Thu glory ot th J' « r, ' lUl iSM Millions were draw » and bound By miiui's high mu. * ’’ r - v » Balled In thee a ommso stab ~ |or, , A ray iu thco that wune. or ““ley. Fix’d a* the sun which bangs .’ n Heaven, Firm os thi) earth It shines up, Pure as the snow by light winds o. , , Wert thou, Columbia's honored so.” No night's embrace for thee nor pall But such a inortul change has wrought • Turn: i.trssT still In mind -In all That breatlies, or speaks, or lives in thong. “• Star of the South ! thy beam* are heTo — Ukhi in this iikabt that weep* thy loss Though hidden, thou art still a sphere Serene, rcllncd from earthly dross, Kt. rtial unit Intensely clear I ItALKlotl, April o, 1850. DISLOYAL BEEF. A city paper contains an otlirinl advertise ment inviting certain proposals for beef, but declaring that “No bids will be entertained from persons who eoine under the exceptions of the Presi dent s amnesty proclamation, nor will bids in which such persons are interested, either direct ly or indirectly, he received, unless they can produce the pardon of the President. Bids irom all other persons under said proclamation must be accompanied by the amnesty oath.” ’ Now, when the Federal Government offers at public sale its decayed or useless property it has not, we believe, been considered indispen sable that the buyer should do more than make the bid most advantageous to that Government and have the wherewithal to pay for his pur chase, and when positions are reversed and that Government, in turn, becomes the buyer we are at a loss to perceive any good reason why it should Impose strange and abnormal conditions ou the chiseii vendor. If I want a Government mule I hid for him, and, if I bid more than any body else, Government hands me over long-ears and I plauk down the cash. The transaction is a plain business matter all around-so much mule for so much money. 1 get all I can for my money and the Government all it can for its mule; and, like two acuaihlc men on a trade neither parly bothers the other about the oath of allegiance, condonation of treason, or any other such foreign topic whatsoever. Hut, when incomes to buying, it seems that these plain business rulos are uot to prevail. Aw ay off, in the Department of the Gulf—alas, that Republican America should be umpired out iuto those satraples-itls likewise provided that ewiiticatiou of “ loyalty ” must accompany bids, and this correspondence of requirement leads us to suppose it i s to be henceforth an in tegral requisite to proposals. Lookingai it in lli is way, it is proposed slight* iy to touch upon it—a general rule being*,!- titlod to a notice uo eiugie case of tiic sort should receive. lho v ‘iloral Government, let us suppose, needs beef, and you have it. It wants to buv “ and )ou to sell. But, unfortunately' rr’" ‘“"S* flre - This new dispense mu ,">u out. \ ou have to secede front he market and the result of your secession is., ‘u - £’ ‘° ‘ iimiuish coul l H>t ition, and nn m, th ° f rom:liuh * Mulders to The .' )V l rU ' ‘ 1 '°- V ,l ° run up the price. iug its honest h«ui, dou\,U^ PROGEESS OF REVOLUTION. A gre£t war has just ended. A great revolu tion has jnst commenced. If the devastating sword has been sheathed, other weapons have been suddenly seized which threaten to involve the whole land in new and unexpected strife. The late struggle of arms theoretically left us j in its conclusion where wc previously were j vital parts or the United States, portions of 1 its territory, co-ordinate members of its gov -1 erning power, because co-existent subjects of j j t * authoritative rule. But a revolution has be- I gun that presents a totally different issue, and | aims to accomplish ends as novel as they are ! nruazi!ig. Short sighted people who imagine j that the termination of the bloody conflict would bring peace and prosperity, find them selves sadly mi"‘"’"'rt. Statesmen who gravely told us that i Ifssntv 1 of slavery would be the removal o. ** MS* of the '• irrepressible conflict,” have p»„ .acniselvcs to be false political prophets, and, at the present moment, they are more bewildered as to the future pro gress of events than any other claas of think ers. A vast revolution, radical in its princi ples, radical In its temper, and radical in its purposes, has been inaugurated, and, day by day, hastens to its full development. In all this, thoughtful men find nothing strange, nothing uuhistorical, nothing peculiar to the. times or circumstances of the country. Old precedents are being followed, old laws are reasserting their stern authority. The wonder is not that such events are transpiring, but the wonder is that any reasonable man could have expected any other sequel to the occurrences of the Last four years. Wars arc mere preludes to revolutions. They prepare the way for changes in the ccouomy of society. Some times these changes are structural; sometimes they are organic ; whether the one or the other, they are certain to occur if the wars themselves had any meaning and purpose. But while this is true, it is equally true that the #udden out burst of fanaticism in our country has amazed ell who have watched its spirit and measures. Certainly it was reasonable to conclude that the disturbed elements would be allowed to settle, and an era of thoughtful calmness super vene, as in .the days of the second Charles of England, as in the days of President Monroe, in our country, before the war of opinion and passion was again resumed. Certainly wc had tested our strength and our weakness suffi ciently to avoid any further strain upon the resources of the peoplo. But, it is now quite apparent that whatever lessons were learned by the war, we have not yet learned the art of pacific statesmanship. The egregious error of the dominant portion of the Republican party is that it understands neither its own true position nor the position of the Southern States. If its principles are maintained, they must inevitably change the organic framework of the Government. To prevent this supposed result as the effect of secession, they waged war upon the South and, to consummate it, they are waging a war of parliamentary measures upon the President and the Constitution. Wc simply proposed to retire from the Federal Union; they pro- pose to make changes which arc esceutially of the nature of a revolution under the ostensi ble pretexts of Congressional power. In their hands, the freed negro is a more potent means of agitation, a mightier element of convulsive action, than the slave. The question of slavery, p;tsshig through its sueeessivc forms of discus sion and dissension, finally narrowed itself down to a war-question between the United States and slavcliolding States. Asa war-ques ’on, it was decided against the slaveholding Slats ‘ ® ut tlie freed negro question is more, ala tlian slavcr - y - 11 is more alarming ' ,® . local and institutional question, because riot a „ . .. * „ .. ■* Government itself; the fun- The hatrfre 6f the ...... , , ■... stributed agency in exe daurental laws' of cm , , ~ ji , ■ ’•nment; the function' euting the offices o¥ «ovt. , , al differences of co-6’f<#**te 0 s ° ve ' reignty; the re-opening Os she ' ‘ ‘‘Jiiii! 0 " of State Sovereignty; aud Cu* ° lllslol ' of universal sentiments and Jttt?'' 6 *'* , arc a involved in this most premature ~ tIA unv ' ul>py movement. Time may possibly so,* C t lCß '' puzzling problems, if time is left to do its ' vidential work. Nations sometimes outgrow their troubles if thoso troubles are quietly left alone. But, the new fanatics seem to be as im patient with Providence as they arc with the South and about as resolutely determined to rule the one as the other. If the South is res tored lo the Union, it is high time that the Union were restored to the South. This, how ever, is a question for the epresentcd in Congress to settle. But, of oue thing we are certain, viz: every day's (May in the full restoration of the South is a delay in the restoration of the Union to itself and its genuine principles of peace and prosperity. Os another thiug wo arc equally certain, viz: if this pacific settlement is much longer deferred, the old Free States trill get heyond the point of reconciliation among them selves, and, as‘an inexorable result, the whole question at issue trill become utterly unmanage able. But, we have grave doubts that these calm and considerate counsels will be heeded. Fanaticism is advancing; wisdom is availing less ami less excry hour to resist the onward march of most threatening evils. So far as the South is concerned, it must address all its forti tude and patience to the acquirement of new lessons in forbearance, in hoping against hope, •uid in a brave reconciliation to adverse circum stances. Our fate is not in our own hands. Nor is it an unmixed cause ol regret that in so critical a period as the present, we are free from all responsibility as to the momentous issues now confronting tic people. Whether so or not, it becomes the South to be firmly local to ihe Constituted Authorities of the land in the -amc spirit ot high and heroic manliness that ..lie has exhibited since the war terminated. It she maintains this attitude; if, amid tauuts and reproaches and vituperation, siie stands with silent taliantness by the Constitution of the couutry and keeps alive the lpve for its princi ples which she never lost and has therefore never had to regain; then, indeed, the day mav come sooner than expected, when the conserva tive spirit and philosophy of this same South may be prized and venerated even more than they are now scorned and rejected. WHOLESOME READING. An esteemed correspondent calls our atten tion to a leading article in the Richmond Cen tral Presbyterian of the Bth instant, which it [rjves us pleasure to notice. The text of the ar ticle is a mandatory note from “headquarters” directing, in accordance with General Grant’s Newspaper rescript, that a copy of each issuejof the Presbyterian l»e sent to the Federal officer commanding the “Department” of Virginia.— On this hint the editor speaks and with such force that we have only to regret we cannot re- publish the whole of his somewhat lengthy re-1 spouse. Still we shall essay briefly to state his main positions, and then devote all necessary space to some very wholesome extracts incor porated in the main body of the editorial. First, then,like a prudent man,this editor states he will furnish the copy of his paper required, and secondly, like a man justly indignant, he adds that he does so only under a compulsion it is impossible to escape and regarding the whole procedure as an arbitrary confiscation of private property —an euphuism of our Rich mond brother’s equal, in plain Saxon, to the highwayman’s Stand and Deliver. “By what right,” continues he, “does General Grant or any other man seize such property and this too without even the small palliation of offering to pay for it ?” By what right, indeed, good bro ther,if not that whereby mighty David robbed Uriah of his wife. You, good brother, have sworn to maintain that Constitution wherein it is written private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation, and it would be impious to suppose that the Lieu tenant General has not at least done as much as you, and solemnly attested before God his pur pose to similarly observe that great instrument in all its parts. But wc live in anew world now, brother; there is a Dispensing Power abroad in the land and it may somewhat case your lacerated feelings to reflect in wonder that the same “Circular Letter ” which deprives you of a few sheets of paper, may absolve the Fede ral Ciimmander-in-Chief from his solemn oath. But en avant. The Presbyterian goes on to further speak of the tyrannical vagueness, the glaring inequality, the searching venom of the rescript whereby it is to bereft of its substance, but as these points arc sufficiently before our people it is not now proposed to say more upon them, further than as may be necessary to illustrate the connection in which certain ex tracts are introduced. First of these, and in allusion to that part of Gen. Grant’s Circular which declares that “articles calculated to keep up hostility of feeling between the different sec tions of the country cannot be tolerated,” is an excerpt from Robert Hall’s “Apology for the Freedom of the Press,” as follows: “When the example has been once introduced of suppressing opinions on account of their imagined ill tendency, it has seldom been con fined within any safe or reasonable bounds. The doctrine of tendencies is extremely subtle and complicated.” “The law has amply provided against overt acts of sedition and disorder, and to suppress mere opinions by any’other method then reason and argument is the height of tyranny.” And again from the same author : “ All violence exerted towards opinions which tails short of extermination serves no other pur pose than to render them more known and ulti mately to increase the zeal and number of their abettors. Opinions that are false may be dissi pated by the force of argument; but when they are true their punishment draws to them infal libly more of the public attention, and enables them to dwell with more lasting weight and pressure on the mind. “ When public discontents arc allowed to vent themselves In reasoning and discourse, they subside into a calm ; but their confinement in the bosom is apt to give them a fierce and deadly tincture. The reason of this is obvious; as men are seldom disposed to complain till they at least imagine themselves injured, so there is no injury which they will remember so long, or reseut so deeply, as that of being threat ened into silence. This seems like, adding tri umph to oppression, and insult to injury. The apparent tranquillity which ensues is delusive and ominous; it is that awful stillness which nature feels while she is awaiting the discharge of the gathered temp?*'-” And after this extract comes something of the Presbyterian's own, which goes straight to the point in saying that “ instead of the question being whether the press, and iu one part of the country as well as in the other, shall, under re sponsibility to civil law, ‘be tolerated' in its freedom to c ominent upon any and all branches of tftp f'«cverniweiit, and upon all subjects, the °stiOfi <tt befn- ' Hie country whether this qu 'no b 'a principle so dearly enorm, 10D 01 lels-whether this bought—a j 6 , ,f ° P r * e< -. shall be tolerateu. ' P en m *'*' Our reverend brothu’ Uk re ,be taut in this regard. The q.l’estion bei o . ' cr country is whether General Gka.nT or nuy om man whomsoever shalWiut liis heel upon the Liberty of the Press, in the Fed eral Constitution. The Spirit of God alone says Holy Writ trieth the reins of a man, bnt what a pass are the free men of America come to if the shoulder strap is to sit in judgment on the heart. Freedom of the Press is assailed. Personal Liberty in danger; Trial by Jury a bye-word, and Habeas Corpus fast sliding iuto a bare remembrance. Children that can now talk, and are beginning to reason, have never drawn a breath in the air of a Constitutional freedom. North and South—just think of it— a generation of serfs are arising—the fettered offspring of fathers who were born free only that they might beget slaves—a race who, what ever be the fate of these United States hereaf- ter, can never deny it that in the hour of their birth their native laud Was disgraced by all the despotism of the worst of English kings— Twenty years from now the American citizen who casts his first vote on majority—if, indeed, there be such things as votes then in America -may blush to think of the tyrannies now enacted in America, and in even one-fifth of that score of years it may well come to pass, as this Presbyterian, iu closing, observes, that General Grant may “ me the day when he put forth his hand to profane this sacred ark ” The Freedom of the Press. Men may be choked into silence now—choked after a vain appeal to the benificent Federal Constitution. But Time brings many revenges, aud “ There is no injury which men remember so long, or resent so deeply, as that of being threatened into si lence.'' During the last two years the Government has realized, from confiscated and abandoned cotton, sugar, etc., in the State of Mississippi over six million dollars. A PLEA POR THE BIRDS, No true sportsman will wage war against game birds, from this time forward until late iu the autumn. At this season, the birds, which have previously congregated in flocks or covies, i separate into pairs for the purpose of reprodue j tion, and should be safe from powder, shot and | snares. We would advise all buoyant boys and i rkildren of larger growth, intent on frolic or I gain, to put their guns away for several months, ! and devote the spring and summer days to the appropriate recreation of angling. Let the j winged creatures suitable for table use have a j respite; but, if convenient, assort your bobs, hooks and lines in readiness for trout, bream, perch and other fish, with which our contiguous rivers or ponds abound. Down by shady wil lows, green nooks, or clear expanse of waters, fun enough can be procured for an evening holi day, without disturbing doves and partridges in their pleasant loves and domestic felicities. Moderation should be observed in the use of ammunition as in everything else. If carried to an irrational extreme, it will not take long to exterminate the feathered tribes which now pre- vail, and which add so greatly to the delight ot. the hunter and the gastronome. Some unthink ing persons imagine that it is impossible to ex terminate the game birds of the South. Such would indeed be the case, if all men were satis fied with a sober degree of shooting; but in sport, as in all else, many individuals exist who never get the worth of their money or their percussion caps. These insatiable monsters are arrant pests and should not be encouraged. To show that it is possible to annihilate, or nearly so, the game birds of certain sections, in spite of their vast numbers, we need only refer to indubitable statistics on the subject. Let us take, for example, the grouse which • formerly existed in countless myriads through-1 out the West. In several of the Stales, say Ohio, Indiana and Illihois, these birds have di minished so sensibly that an earnest protest against their massacre has been put forward by the Government itself. One man in New York has been known to receive at a single consign ment no less than 30,000. How many he and others received, during the year, may be com puted at hundreds of thousands. This is true of all other game birds and, if the entire figure could be summed up, it would stagger the most incredulous. At this rate, it will not be too rash to assert that the present century will witness the total extermination of game birds in various sections of the country. Is it not time that this wholesale butchery should be checked ? State laws seem totally inadequate to remedy the evil, and, in their de fault, we advise our planters to prohibit pro miscuous and untimely hunting on their do mains. All, or nearly all, of them are fond of this sport, and it is a matter of some moment to them that the exterminating geiffry should have a stoppage put upon their disastrous work. Many reckless gunners seem to' pursue game as though posterity had no claim upon them. It is all very well to “ damn posterity,” but posterity has inalienable rights as well as they. There is a higher argument than all this which should weigh with every earnest man, and that is, the usefulness of birds. They have not been created vainlv, and although some are troublesome to the crops, we arc firmly per suaded that they are more beneficial than other wise in destroying grasshoppers and hurtful grubs. The little grain that may be consumed by them is but a meagre bribe for the unnum bered insects which they suppress. It is esti mated by those who have studied the matter seriously, that If our game birds should be ma terially .lessened, the crops would suffer in a material proportion. When killed in a legitimate manner, viz: by shooting, and at proper intervals, no great damage is done; but by using snares and slaughtering them when pairing, incalculable detriment is sustained. Many of our birds are the companions of civilization. The partridge, and dove are most frequently discovered where man has built his dwelling or plowed the fields. Civilization, then, tends rather to foster the increase of these beautiful, useful and palatable creatures; is it not a barbarism to seek their utter or com parative destruction ? We are persuaded that much that is warlike and independent in our character has been pro duced by the universal love of field sports in the South. Habitual use of the gun preserved us from effeminacy and knit our sinews in healthy symmetry. A writer upon this theme has nobly said “that sucli influences purify the heart of every whose fortune it may have been to listen ’-ound on the echoing hill-side, or to one horny brake in quest of the whirring to the iu . v, all this may seem but the thread the w q e men,’ but history teaches game. To ma.. acquired in the chase of ‘little things of liu '. and the possession us that the knowledge. 't toil of many a wielding a deadly weapon ‘be means of of frames hardened by pleasa. freedom of hunting expedition, have been ' enabling a people to preserve the their country when the time of trial ©. V Let this glorious prerogative be still: itataim by preserving the birds. We could easily jfo r . tify this matter by reference to. Fnmch and English experience, but what has been said may answer the purpose. We have written iu the love of nature aud its darlings of the wood and forest—likewise with a healthy appreciation of honorable sport. We feel that old hunters will thank us for this admonition. Let them coun sel all under their control to sound a truce to gun and shot poueli, for a vacation, and lavHi their spare energies and cash, if so disposed upon diversions sacred to tlie memory of Iz VAK Walton. A correspondent of the Salem Messenger sats: “ The first Alabamian to shed his blood in the conflict was Ecfward IV. Tarrant of Tin caloosa county. When the first call for voluu tears was made in 1861, he was eighteen years of age and a cadet at the University of Alaba ma. He immediately resigned his commission os cadet, and volunteered as a privaTinThe Warrior Guards,” then Commanded by cap tom, afterwards major general, Rhodes'. H e followed the sth Alabama to Virginia. Havin ' escaped all other rigors of war, he is now teach" tug school m Tuscaloosa countv.” j THE FINANCIAL IMBROGLIO. There is a strong effort being made by tic Radicals in Congress to embarrass Sccretar McCulloch. The ball was recently opened b, Freeman Clarke, Comptroller of the Trea-a ry, whose extraordinary and audacious letter hap been reproduced in the colums of thisjom nal. Mr. Clarke’s statement has been rather summarily dealt with, and, in attempting to ' prove the Secretary false at figures, has onl? I succeeded in proving himself a mischievous shh. i ricator in statistics. According to Mr. West j worth, the policy of the Radicals and thei exponent, the Comptroller is to so manacle Mr. McCulloch, that his efforts to stop shod dy-ism and stock gambling shall be powerless In other words, the Radical programme affords the reckless blacklegs of Wall street and else where unlimited scope for their sinister opera tions. It is likewise objected that Mr. Mc- Culloch would have too much power con ferred on him, if his financial scheme were adopted. But, the friends of the Secretary contend that when dealing with desperate and * unscrupulous men, it is eminently desirable that such a man as McCulloch should hare all the necessary power the emergency de mands. He is an honorable man, proud of his position, and capable of filling it like a master. His opponents manifest little of his tone or ability, and, from their debates, evince the veriest smattering of political economy, the dreariest scraps and rinsings of disordered shatter-brains. He wants a settled market; they want a confused one. He desires narrow margins between specie and paper; they seek large ones. The consequence of his plans is to demolish the Wormwoods of speculation; the consequence of their interference will be a per fect saturnalia for stock and gold gamblers. I The great struggle with the Secretary is to • rule the market for the good of the people at large ; -the struggle of the speculators to rule the Secretary for the benefit of themselves alone, and the impoverishment of the many. The New York Tribune, however fanatical about negroes, seems to be financially healthy. It says : Give the Secretary of tire Treasury the power he asks for, and we believe eur currency would be within ten per cent, of par before he could redeem one quarter of our outstanding green backs. For, the instant he begins to redeem, banks will begin to hoard ; and that will take us toward resumption with giant strides. As yet, the banks have no competitors for green backs ; but let us begin to redeem them, and they will appreciate rapidly. The same paper, in Thursday’s issue, says : The letter of “Comptroller of the Currency” Clarke to the Secretary of the Treasury, pub lished in the Tribune yesterday, may be of im portance to the writer, but in this latitude it » regarded as an impertinent interference of a subordinate with matters solely in charge of the Secretary of the Treasury, who very justly commands the confidence of the financial public to a rare degree. His Fort Wayne speech and his official report, together with his prudent administration of the Treasury, hare already put the country far on the road to specie pay ments, to the dismay of a crowd of “wild-cat bankers in Washington and elsewhere, who sec in specie payments the end of those specula tions upon which the few have grown rich at the expense of the Government and the people. The tendency of Air. McCulloch’s plan is to gradually withdraw the Government issues, which were sufely never intended to hold a permanent place in American finance. By such initiation, a promise and hope is given of even tual suppression of irredeemable paper money and a recurrence to the only proper basis, which is specie. The Secretary well knows from his matured experience and learning, and not less from the disastrous precedents of other countries afflicted with inflated and baseless paper currency, that a long continuance of such an evil cannot but bring ruin upon us as it did upon them. Rule or ruin does not seem to be an absolute fact with the Radicals; it has as sumed the new phase of rule and ruin. It has been to many, a source of wonderment that Mr. Johnson continues in office such men as are bitterly antagonistic to his policy. Sen sation goes very far with Radicals. They court political martyrdom rather than legitimate dis missal. With such sears, they hope to embroil the fanatical element at-tlie North; but the President is deaf to their cooings for instant execution. He bides liis time and until the fitting moment shall have arrived the “chosen people” will neither be stoned like Stephen or gridironed like Saint Lawrence. Meanwhile, let us hope that there is still con servatism enough in Congress, to maintain the Secretary who can alone maintain the finance of the country. Though the Loan Bill has been defeated by» close vote, a reconsideration has been moved,, and under the inspiration of better counsels there is still a chance for its final passage. SMILING CONSIDERED AS A FOE ART. Senator Sprague, of Rhode Island, bavins: been taunted by one of his fellow Senators with inordinate grimacing, spoke thus: “ 1 intend always when I rise in my seat here to smile. I consider the face that will smile onty when it secs something to cause it to snare W* excite its interest as not the hind 1 wish to hate I do not wish to occupy that position, l ’ e ' lieve that the discussion of a question new t the Senate that interests members, should « fussed in a friendly and smiling conditio w +. it will be the condition I shall rum this body.” , q K -he Congressional Halls, the Ebot- I true. -s the reputation of being oll ' occ «Py notables at Washington Outside ot. *• the sacred Island Senator h<. of the most bibulous “Smiling” so vigorously . '-ritpo precincts, why shall he be the A-iin ImTZ tempcra## within'? Again, this gentleman, by rii iue of high tariff Z7£to^rr and :a co!osßai fme ’^ , VX ’°- If lie has no t a charter for unli.r we shot ffff like to'ZTZ V,„ur that deserves it. .Saturnine folk -may r mpinber.vhat donee Wil s Shakspeare said smiles in Hamlet, we believe: “1 man smile , a nd smile aud smile”-and so forth. POLITICS AND GALLANTRY, T . . Washington, March 16. .*> piomSt pI&Z'ZStrTS given f\v one tojie wife of Mother* [Telegram to the X. Y. World. caßvwm L T^ rC must be something Radi oierlme H a6hin?ton - Look for an other amendment to th e Constitution.
