Funding for the digitization of this title was provided by the R.J. Taylor, Jr. Foundation in partnership with the Atlanta History Center.
About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (May 2, 1866)
BY STOCKTON & CO, OUR TERMS. The following are the rates of Subscription and Ad vertising in the Constitutionalist : WEtKi.Y—3 Months.. $ 75 6 Months 1 50 TERMS FOR ADVERTISEMENTS: »1 per Square for Ist insertion, and 75 cents for each additional time. Special Notices will he charged 25 per cent, on the above rates. The President on the Situation. lie Defends His Reconstruction Policy—No Taxation Without Representation—The Cen tral Directory Unconstitutional —The Object of the War to Preserve , Not to Destroy—Speech to the Freedtnen. Washington, April 18.— In reply to the crowd of soldiers and sailors, assembled at the White House this evening to pay their respects to the President, Mr. Johnson said : I confess that, in the peculiar position of pub lic affairs, your presence and address give en couragement and confidence to me in my ef forts to discharge the duties incumbent upon me, as Chief Magistrate of the Republic ; and in what I have to say I shall address you in the character of citizens, sailors and soldiers. [Ap plause.] We are to-day involved in one of the most critical and trying situations that has occurred since the Government came into existence—a nation has still another test to undergo ; and that is to give evidence to the nations of the earth, and to its own citizens, that it has power to restore internal unity; that it has strength enough to put down treachery and treason within its own borders. [Cheers.] We have commenced anew ordeal, and I trust in God that we will pass through it successfully. [Cheers.] 1 feel complimented, by the allusion of one present, to the fact that in the Senate, in 1800 and 1801, when the nation was entering on this ordeal, I raised my hand against treason, treachery, and traitors at home.. [Cheers, and cries of good.] I stand here to-day, holding to and maintaining the same position that I then enunciated. [Cheers.] I stand here to-day opposing traitors and treason, whoever they be, in the South or in the North. [Cheers.] I stand here to-day as I then stood, using all my powers, mental and physical, to preserve the nation in passing through the third phase of its existence. The organized forces and com bined powers that recently stood arrayed against us are disbanded and driven from the field; but it does not follow that there are still no enemies against our present form of govern ment and our free institutions. [Applause.] I then stood in the Senate of the United States, denying the doctrine of separation and secession. I denied then, as Ido now, that any State has the right of its own will to separate itself from the other States and the right to destroy the Union and break up the Govern ment. T think I have given some evidence that I have been sincere and in earnest. Now, I want to know why it is that the whole train of slanderers and calumniators have been barking and snapping at my heels ? [Cheers.] Why is it that they have arrayed themselves against me ? Is it because I stand on the side of the people ? and when I say the people I in clude sailors and soldiers. [Cheers.] Why is it that they are arrayed in traducing and villify ing and calumniating me ? Where were they during the rebellion? I answer, at home in bed! [Laughter.] In the Senate I raised my voice against it; and when it was believed that it would be to the interest of the nation and would assist in putting down the rebellion, did I not leave my place in the Senate —a place of emolument, ease and distinction—and take my position where the enemy could be reached and where men’s lives were in danger. [Cheers, and cries, “that’s so.”] While thus exposed personally and publicly, some of my present traducers and calumniators were far removed from the foe and were enjoy ing ease and comfort. [Cheers and laughter.] But I care not for them. I care not that slan der, the foul whelp of sin, has been turned loose against me. I care not for all that; and let me tell you here to-day, that although pretty well advanced in life I feel that I shall live long enough to live down the whole pack of tra ducers and slanderers. [Applause.] They have turned the whole pack loose to lower me in your estimation, [“verily, they can’t do it.”] Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart, little dogs, and all come along snapping and snarling at my heels; but I heed them not. [Cheers.] The American people, citizens, sol diers and sailors, know that from my advent into public life to the present/ moment, I have always stood unwaveringly the advocate and defender of their rights and interests. [Cheers.] We are now in the nation’s third ordeal. We are not yet through. We denied that States could go out of the Union. We denied the doctrine of secession, and we have demon strated that we were right. We demonstrated it by the strong arm ; yes, the soldiers and the sailors, God bless them, have demonstrated by their patriotism and strong arms that States have not the power to leave the Union. [Ap plause.] The Confederate armies were overpowered and disbanded, and there was a willingness on the part of the people of those States'to come '■ack in obedience to the law, and acknowledge the supremacy of the Constitution of our fathers. lor what have we passed through the tried ordeal ? It was to prove the principle that no ■State had the power to break up the Govern ment. It was to put down the rebellion. The rebellion has been put down, and what for ? Was it to destroy the States? Verily, never! Tor what have all these lives been sacrificed, and all This treasure expended? Was it for the purpose of destroying the States ? No ! ft was for the purpose of preserving the Union °f the States. That is what we have been con tending for, and to establish the fact that the nation can lift itself above and beyond internal wars and treason, and establish a home. When the rebellion in Massachusetts was put down, did that put Massachusetts out of the Union and destroy the State ? When the rebellion in Pennsylvania was put down, did that destroy the State and put it out of the h nion ? So when the recent great recent re bellion was put down, and the Constitution and law- of the country restored, the States en vged in the rebellion 'being crushed, the law restored and the Constitution acknowledged in ‘hem. they stand in the Union, under the Con stitution, as a part of the glorious arid bright galaxy of States. [Loud cheers.] In passing through this ordeal, what has f *'-n done in them under the direction of my ’.minted predecessor? We commenced the work of repair. We succeeded, before I came here, in re-toring the relations which existed ‘‘Ctween Tcnm~-‘-e and the rest of the Union— •v;:li one exception, and that was the relation of representation. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, MAY 2, 1866. I came to Washington, and tinder extraordi nary circumstances succeeded to the President ial chair. The Congress of the United States had adjourned without prescribing any plan. 1 then proceeded, as 1 had done in my own State, in the reconstruction of the Government, to re store the other States. How' did we begin ? We found that the people had no courts and w r e said to the judges, district attorneys and 1 marshals : “Go down and hold your courts.— The people need the tribunals of justice open ed.” Was there anything wrong in that ? The courts were opened. What eise ? We looked out and saw that the people down there had no mails. They had been interrupted and cut off by the operation of the rebellion. We said to the Postmaster General, let the people have facilities for mails, and let them again begin to understand what we all feel and think, that we are one people. We looked out again, and saw that there was a blockade,—that the custom houses were ill closed. We said, open the doors ofthe custom house, and remove the blockade. Let the pur suits of peace go on. It w T as done. We thus traveled on, step by step, opening custom houses, appointing collectors, and establishing mail facilities, and restoring all railroads that had been interrupted by rebellion. Was there anyting undertaken to be doue here that was not authorized by the Constitution, that was not justified by strict necessity of the case, that has not been clearly consistent with the Constitu tion, and with the generous spirit ot our Gov ernment ? [Cheers.] What remained to be done? One other tiling remained to show the civilized world that we had passed successfully through the tried ordeal of our national existence, and proved that our Government was popular. Great principle was to be restored, which was established in our revolution, when our fathers were contending against the powers of Great Britain, What was one of tiie principal causes of their’complaint ? It was, that they were denied representation, and they complained of taxation without repre sentation. [Cheers.] One of the great princi ples laid down by our fathers, and which fired their hearts, was that there should be no taxa tion without representation. How, then, does the matter stand ? Who has been usurping power ? Who has been defeat ing the operation of the Constitution ? and what now remains to he done to complete the restoration of these States to all their former relations under the Federal Government, and to finish the great ordeal through which we have been passing ? It is to admit representa tion. [Cheers.] When we say admit repre sentation, what do we mean ? We mean rep resentation in the constitutional and law-abiding sense, which was understood at the beginning ofthe Government. The Constitution declares in express terms that each House, the Senate and Lower House of Representatives, each acting for Itself, shall be the judge of the returns ofthe election and qualifications of its own members. It is for each House to settle that question under the Constitution and under the solemn sanction of an oath ; and can we believe that either House would admit any member into its body to par ticipate in the legislation ofthe country who is not qualified ? They have the power—not the two Houses, but one House for itself. The Constitution further declares that no State shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate ofthe United States without its con sent. > Where do we stand ? AH that is needed to finish tiie great work of restoration, is for the two Houses respectively to decide the ques tion. Oh, someone will say, a traitor might come in. The answer to that is, each House must be the judge of it; and if a traitor presents him self, I cannot help it. The House knows that he is a traitor. [Applause.] If he is a traitor, can they not kick him out. of doors and send him back, saying to tiie people who sent him, “You must send us a loyal man.” Is there any difficulty about that. ? [Cries of “No, no,” aud cheers.] If a traitor presents himself to either House, cannot that House say to him, “No, you cannot be ad mitted into this body. Go back; we will not deny your people the right of?representation, but they must scud a loyal 1 representative.” [Cheers.] While 1 have been contending against traitors, and treason, and secession, and the dissolution ofthe Union, I have been contending, at the same time, against the consolidation ot power here. I think the consolidation of power here is equally dangerous with the separation of States. [Cheers.] The one would totter us, and might run into anarchy, while the other would concentrate and eventuate a monarchy. Oh ! but there is an idea abroad that one man can he a usurper. Mr. Jefferson, the apostle of liberty, tells us, and so does common sense, that tyranny and despotism can be exercised by many more vigorously and more tyrannically than by one. What power has your President to be attained ? What can he do ? What can he originate ? Why, they say, he exercises the veto power? [Laughter.] What is the veto power? [A voice—“To put down the nigger." [Laughter.] Who is your President! [Several voices —“ Andy Johnson." ] Is he not elected by the people ? in the olden times when tribunes were first elected in the Roman Republic, the people chose a tribune and placed hiqi at the doors ofthe Senate, so that when that body ventured an oppressive act, lie was clothed with power to say “veto,” I forbid. Your President now is the tribune of the people. I thank God I am, and I intend to assert the power which the people have placed in me. [Cheers.] Your President, standing here day after day, discharg ing his duty, is like a horse on a tread wheel, and because he dares to differ in opinion in re gard to public measures, he must be denounced as a usurper and tyrant. Can be oi iginate any thing under the veto power? 1 think the veto power is conservative in its character, and af firmative. All that can be done by tbe veto power is, to say when legislation is improper, hasty, unwise, unconstitutional, stop action, wait till this can be submitted to the people, and let them consider whether it is right or wrong. [Applause.] That is all there is in it. Hence I sav that tyranny and power can be exercised some where else than by the Execu tive. He is powerless. All that he can do is to cheek legislation, to hold it in a state of abey ance until the people can consider and under stand what is being done, and then what has been done. I have done what conscience I be lieve required me to do. [Applause.] So be lieving, I intend to stick to my position, relying on the judgment, tiie intelligence of the people, the soldiers and sailors expressly. [Cheers.] Then, for my life. I cannot see where there is an;.' tyranny. It is very easy to impugn motives and suspect the purest and best acts of a man’s life. If you come forward and pro pose a certain tiling, your motives are sus pected and condemned; and if you withhold your opinion, you are regarded as being op posed to the matter, so that it is very laird to move one way or the other. In ail questions pertaining to the interests of tiie A meric in people, for in them is rny hope for thet-L ra tion of the country, I am with you, soldiers, sailors and citizens. I Who has sacrificed or periled more than the ' humble individual who addresses you ? Has not my all been on it ? My life, my property, everything sacred and dear to man, has been staked upon it.; and can I now be suspected of falteriug at the close of this third ordeal of the nation ? Where is lie, in public or private life, who has sacrificed more, or who has de voted more of his time and energies to tiie accomplishment of the great end than I ? and I have done it from tiie promptings of my own heart. I believe it was right, and witli your hearts aud your countenances and your en couragement I shall go through on that line. [Cheers and laughter.] And when I come to talk about sailors and soldiers about this (o be done, and that to be done, all I want is for you to wait and see, so far as you are concerned. Wait and see if 1 don’t stand by you, although every one may falter and fail. [Cheers.] I want to see measures of policy brought for ward that will advance tiie interests of tiie people, and of that portion of the people who constitute the gallant and who in both branches ofthe service upheld the national flag and sustained the country in the recent struggle. 1 thank you, gentlemen, for this encourage ment. I thank you for your countenance on tliis occasion. It cheers me on, end gives me strength to perform the work before me. If we are true to ourselves—if we are true to the Constitution—the day is not far distant when this Government will he restored. Let us go ou and restore tiie Government; let us enlarge the area of our commerce and trade ;and let us not only inspire confidence at home, but re spect abroad by letting the nation resume its career of greatness. I know that some will find fault with me, and say I am too lenient, too kind, and all that. If we were all to be put to death, or punished, or thrown away for one of fense, or for the second offense, and were to he lost and excluded from society, and commu nion with our fellow-men, how many* of us would be left ? 1 have felt when 1 have done wrong, that we must reason with each other, and understand our nature, and what is neces sary to restore peace and harmony, and con cord to a distracted and devoted people. In the time of war, it is right t o burn villages, sack cities, and devastate fields, to lay waste a country, and cripple and reduce the enemy, but in time of peace the, reverse of that course is precisely the right one,, and tiie true policy of a nation is to rebuild its cities, restore its villages, and renew its fields of agriculture. I know there are some who have been at home cultivat ing during the war, and who bring to the con siderations of questions of peace, harmony and tiie avocations ot civil life, all the feeling of re sentment which animated us when the war was running high. But take the brave men who sustained the flag oil tiie field, and on the wave, and you will find better feelings and better judgments on these questions than you will find with those who have been sitting in the closet and never smelled gunpowder. [Cheers.] Yes, from the private to the general, they know how to treat the present circumstances better than any of those closet patriots and humanita rians. Then, my countrymen, fellow-citizens, soldiers and sailors, let us rejoice that peace has come. Let us rejoice that tiie relations of the States are about being restored, let us make eveiy effort wo can, on proper princi ples, to restore the relations which existed between the Federal Government and the States, and I thank God that peace is restored. I thank God that our brave men can return to their families and homes, and resume their peaceful avocations. I thank God that the bale ful planet of fire and blood, which a short time ago was in the ascendant, has been chased away by tiie benignant star of peace. Now that star of peace is suspended in the heavens ; let us cultivate the earth, and the relations of peace, and all those associations which appertain to men in peace. The time is not far distant when We can have a political millenium, a political jubilee, and when we can proclaim to all the nations of the earth that we are again a united people, aud that we have triumphantly passed through our third ordeal, have peace at home, and have power to bid defiance to all the world. [Loud cheers.] Remember one thing, gentle men ; that in my past life, though slander may misrepresent, none can say that 1 ever deceived or betrayed him. it will be for you to see in future who will redeem all his promises, and who will be most faithful. I thank you, gen tlemen, for the compliment you have paid me. CELEBRATION BV EREEDMEN OF THEIR EMANCI PATION —SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT. Washington, April 19.— The celebration of the emancipation of the slaves in the District of Columbia took place to-day. Two regiments of colored troops and various colored civil asso ciations, with many other colored citizens, as sembled in front of tbe Executive Mansion, in iking a dense mass of colored faces, relieved here and there by a few white ones. After (lie firing of cannon and the playing of several martial airs, three cheers were given for the President, of the United States, who, having been escorted to a prominent position, by United States Marshal Geordnie and bis private secre tary, Colonel William G. Moon, and addressed the assemblage as follows : “My Colored Friends: 1 have nothing more to say to you on Ibis occasion, than to thank you for this compliment you have paid me in presenting yourselves before me on this, your day of celebration. I come forward for the purpose of indicating my opposition,.and mani festing my appreciation ot the respect that is offered and conferred. I thank you tor the com pliment, and 1 mean what I say, and I will re mark in tiiis connection that the time will soon come, aud that too, before a great while, when the colored population ofthe United States will find out who have selected them as a hobby and a pretense by which they can be successful in obtaining and maintaining power, and who have been jheir friends, and wanted them to participate in and enjoy tiie blessings of free dom. The. time will come when it will he made known who contributed as much as any other man, and who, without being considered ego tistical, I may say, contributed more in pro curing the great national guarantee of the abolition of slavery in till the States by the ratification of the amendment to tiie Constitu tion of the United States, giving a national guarantee that slavery shall no longer be p<®-- mitted to exist or be re-established in any State or within the jurisdiction of the United Stales. I know how it is to cater to prejudice, and how easy it is to excite feelings of prejudice and un kindness. I care not for that; I haye been en gaged in tliis work in which my all lias been periled. I was not engaged in it as a hobby, nor did I ride the colored man for the sake of gaining power. What I did, I did the purpose of establishing the great principle of freedom, and, thank God, I feel and know it to lie ihat my efforts have contributed as much, it not more, in accomplishing this great national guarantee than those of any other living man in the United States.” [Enthusiastic applause, j The influence of Chief Justice Chase in the Si., . tie court does not ‘“■cm to be potential. A f‘ w days ago Judge Nelson delivered the opinion of the Court declaring that share* in n'. ional banks were taxable. Chief Justice Chase dissented. - 1 Why the Cholera Comes from the East. The Philadelphia Inquirer, under the above caption, has tiie following: Tiie name Asiatic cholera indicates the in variable origin of tliis dreadful disease. When, in modern times it first appeared, about thirty years since, there were various theories as to its causes. Some said that in the rice diet aud light food of the Asiatics the disease took its rise. Later observation has demonstrated that the filthy habits and wants of personal Cleanliness of the Orientals cause the dreadful scourge, which, commencing where the pro voking circumstances are most abundant, trav els the earth wherever it finds food. Os course, in the time of infection, the cleanly who are ex posed to tiie fatal influence often suffer with the negligent, but the fact is undisputed that thorough ventilation and cleansing disarm, if they do not prevent tiie pestilence. The Franch Government, as our readers are aware, some time since dispatched a commis sion to investigate the causes of cholera. The conclusion readied by their investigation is, that tiie Mecca pilgrimage is a sort of pestilence center. The introduction of steam navigation lias doubled tiie danger and the deaths. But cholera by no means succeeds upon every-an nual pilgrimage to Mecca. So, admitting the evils which follow the pilgrimage, we must look to the daily careless habits ot the Orient als for the scourge that culminates at distant intervals. Nothing could lie farther from the truth. Many of the much talked of ablutions are mere forms, not so thorough even as those of Tittlebat Titmouse. He did wipe off' the soil with a damp towel. But thousands ofthe Asiatics are crusted in dirt, which stays with them from childhood till they go back to tiie kindred dust in which they lived all their days in a closer relationship than Christians have any idea of. A book recently published in England, the work ot a governess in the harem of the Turk ish Sultan, represents the whole establishment as varying only from gilded to ungilded nasti ness. The wives, whom the poets would have us think scarce human in their ethcrial personal purity, are dreadfully dirty, with populous heads, and, except at intervals, in a slovenly dishabille which Brigham Young would never endure. And their toilets are said to he made without any regard to tiie useless trouble of soap and water. Tiie poor negroes of Africa are a thousand times as cleanly. These tacts incline us to tiie opinion that the functions ofthe skin need special care and at tention, if we would fend off’the scourge. It is necessary that tiie public authorities do their duty, that all offensive substances tie removed from the streets and lanes, and that house holders carefully clear their promises of all de caying matter. But there are those who have not the oppor tunity, and there are too many who have not. the inclination to attend strictly enough to per sonal cleanliness. If public baths could be established- in our crowded districts, and the people as well as tiie premises be scoured, n vast benefit would result. The wearing of flan nel next the skin, especially by laborers, is another precaution which till who can should adopt; and the army shirts, now so common, would facilitate tiie general introduction of the custom. This flannel should be often changed —if daily, so much the better. It has the ad vantage that it is easier to wash than cotton, and thus the want of time of indigent house keepers would be favored. The sensible me chanic or laborer who will be sure not Id sleep in tiie same flannel in which lie lias labored through the day, and who will not wear the same two successive days (even though that which he lays aside is merely ventilated), would find it shell a cheap and easy course ofliygicnc, added to proper care of his premises ami rea sonable attention to diet, a preventive not only of cholera, hut ot many other diseases. Sailors choose flannel shirts for wear in tiie tropics.— When’once accustomed to them they are found more pleasant than any other fabric. Cure for the Oholera. An effectual cure for the cholera has, it ap pears, been discovered. Mr. Workefleld, sur geon at Oolbalhlields, says’: It is needless now to enter on the theory of tliis practice, which, on sound data, lias been suggested by Dr. Ste vens ; but, suffice it to say, that experience lias answered me of its efficacy and value. After pre mising that upwards of one hundred cases, more or less malignant, have occurred in that prison, with tiie loss only of seventy (the first four prior to the adoption of the treatment) I shall at once describe: The usual care must lie taken to promote warmth by friction—hot, dry flannels, hot water bottles to the feet, mustard poultices to the eiiest and other parts of the body affected by cramp ; but the main reliance is upon the fol lowing powder, to be administered every hour in half tumbler of cold water, namely: Carbon ate of soda, half a drachm; common salts, 30 grains; oxymuriate of potash, 7 grains. However irritable the stomach may lie, the common seidlitz powder, of effervescent soda draught, will, in most eases, quiet it, but when it will retain nothing in quantity, a teaspoonful of the carbonate of soda should be dissolved ill half a tumbler of wntcj’, and given in such quantities as the stomach of the patient can retain, from a teaspoonful upward, until tiie stomach is sufficiently settled to receive the powders. The success of the treatment, which in many eases has been perfectly surprising, induces me to hope it may be extensively adopted. In eases of cholera, however, the most unceasing watchfulness and attention to tiie patient is req tiired. The extreme thirst of the patient while suf fering under the malignant form of the disease was relieved, and great benefit experienced by soda water or seltzer water as a common drink, in quantities not exceeding a wineglassfui at a time. The Times says: We insert tliis account be cause we have made inquiries into the state ments which it contains, and find there is no exaggeration. The account of‘the successful application of the saline treatment lias been officially trans mitted to Paris. More Amendments. —ln view of the fact that the Abolitionists in Congress have pro posed some eighty-odd amendments to the Constitution, a factious fellow, in Kentucky, offers the annexed amendments lor the con sideration of the Constitution tinkers: 1. Every Ireedman shall have a bureau for himself, with a looking glass On tiie top, if he wants it. 2. Every freedman shall have a secretary. 3. Every freed boy or girl shall have a ward robe. 4. Every freed child shall have everything it cries for. 5. White people, whether free or not, must behave themselves. fi. Ail people of every color, except red, must vote. 7. Every free white male citizen of the age of twenty years or under, and of sound mind or otherwise, may vote : if' he would take the oath he would be a negro if he could. VOL, 24. NO. 18. Destructive Fire at Louisville—Loss Over SIB,OOO. At twenty-six minutes past nine o’clock last evening, an alarm of tire was sounded almost simultaneously from station box No. 34, corner of Fourth and Main, and No. til, corner of Third and Jefferson, the latter alarm being given by ourselves (that is, we, tiie local). At the time the lire was discovered the roofs of two buildings were in one light blaze, and it seemed that the entire row of buildings, reach ing from Third to Fourth streets, all of which were three story brick buildings, would be destroyed, and had it not been for our etlieient fire department the loss would no doubt have been much heavier. We were ourselves, know ing the power of the steam engines, surprised to see the flames extinguished in so short a time. The fire first originated in the daguerrean gallery of Win. Finley, which is situated in the third story of the building belonging to Thus. Gaelics, and which was occupied by Morris Levi as a dry goods store, the store being in the first story and his residence in the second, while the third was routed out to the gallery above mentioned. At. the time of the alarm, the root'of the building was on tire, and it was the general impression that not one.of the buildings in the row would be saved. From the roof of the house of Morris Levi the flames soon spread to the adjoining house, oc cupied by Simeon Biikrow as a millinery and fancy store. The loss to tliis party will be pro bably heavier than that of any other. The house occupied by M. A. Aron, which is next to that of Levi, was also damaged to the extent of some $1,500. It mnst ho remembered that the parties above mentioned resided in the upper portions of the stores which they occupied, so that there will lie a considerable loss of private property. The houses occupied by Levi and Bakrow, belonged to Thomas Eaches, while the one occupied by M. A. Aron was the property ot John L. Mar tin’s heirs. The following is the full list ofthe losses as far as we were able to ascertain thorn : 8. Bakrow, SIO,OOO ; Morris Levi, $5,000; M. A. Aron, $1,500; Thomas Eaches, $1,500; John L. Martin's heirs, $100: total, SIB,IOO. The loss was fully covered by insurance in the following offices : German Insurance Company, London and Liverpool; Plicsnix, Manliasselt and Northwestern. The loss to each company will be but light. At one time it seemed almost impossible to save the millinery store ot Mrs. A. E. Porter, and she gave to the firemen’s benevolent asso ciation a very fine donation. This lire is the most destructive that has oc curred in tiie city for a long time past.—Louis ville Democrat, “'id. Swapping Babies. —Last week n strange wo man, with an infant in tier arms, entered a house in Boston, and asked leave to stay a while, as she was weak and tired. She also asked for something stimulating, saying that she had re cently been confined. The lady of the house went to get a “lass pi ale for the stranger, and, on returning, round that her own lnfhirt, whl.'li she had left asleep in the cradle, had ’been ta kon away bv the visitor, and a negro baby left in its steiuL Nothing lias been heard of the, woman since, and the affair, creates great ex citement among the. parties Interested. f Exchange. Too bad! How could any woman so tar tor gel herself as to leave a nigger baby in a white family in Boston? Ami yet it is all right. Boston is (lie heaven for niggers. 'Massachu setts is the elyslinn for tiie dear cherubs. A nigger baby is not so had after all. Boston would swap I lie Goddess of I fiber) y off top a tllick-lipped wench, and, of course, it woultl lie glad to change white babies lor lilaelc ones! - ’TIs true, ’tis pity, and pity’tis’tis true. Let the nig. ball, be eared for. Name him after Beast Butler, Potash-Anna, or Sunnier, who went to France to have 1 1 in backbone, scraped down instead of strengthened tip. Teach it to follow tiie example of Butler, Sumner and An na Dickinson build it a cradle in Fanueui Hail, kiss it for its mother* and tell Ihe traitors all around you that a child is given unto Boston ! We, should not wonder if Massachusetts should, by law, seek to make out that it Is of divine ori gin, and worship Its advent as the coming of the Messiah! God bless the little, nigger baby! Let it be adopted in place of the boat-load of white girls sent off to the Pacific. Waddle it and swaddle it, for great is Massachusetts, and the nigger is its prophet. ] La Crosse. (IP/*.) Democrat. Hiimmahy of VtLLAiNTES.-— For tiie sake ot three millions of negroes forty millions of while people have already been involved in civil war; half of it great nation lias been crippled and desolated ; a heavy debt lias been placed upon the shoulders of our citizens ; blood has been poured out like water; precious lives have been ruthlessly sacrificed ; but all this is not enough. Now, for Ihe sake of three mil lions of negroes, the white people, ofthe coun try are asked to submit to the abrogation of the Constitution, to the exclusion of eleven States from the Union; to the superccdure of the State judiciary ; to the petty "tyranny of irres ponsible spies, paid to prefer complaints, whether justly or unjustly. More than this: wo are asked to give tlie semi-civilized negro a preference over the intelligent immigrant who lands upon our shfl#( to punishn parent who refuses to allow a negro to marry hi* child'; to east into prison any judge who decides the dicta of Congress unconstitutional ; to submit to a special association perfectly revolting to all sensible persons, anti to a National future like that of Mexico, or ofthe mongrel South Ameri can republics. Missouri Republican. Moral Influence of Literary Taste - To young men away from home, friendless and forlorn in a great city, the. hours of peril are those between sunset and bed time.; for tiie moon and stars see more evil in a single hour than the sun in his whole day’s circuit. The proof’s visions of evening are" all compact of tender and soothing images. It brings the wandering to his home, the child to its mother’s arms, Hie ox to liis stall, and the weary laborer to bis rest. But to the gentle-hearted youth, who is thrown upon the rocks of a pitiless city, and " stands homeless among a thousand homes,” the approach of evening brings with it an aching sense of loneliness and desolation, which comes down upon the spirit like dark ness upon the earth. In tliis mood his best impulses become a snare to him, and he is led astray because he is social, affectionate,sympathetic and warm-hearted. If there be a young man thus circumstanced within the sound of my voice, let me say to him, that book* are the friends of the friendless, and that a library is the home for the homeless. A t;iste for reading will always carry you to con verse with men who will instruct you by their wisdom and charm you by their wit, who will soothe you when perplexed, and sympathize with you at ail times. Evil spirits, in the mid dle ages, were exercised and driven away by bell, book and candle; you want but two of these agents, the book and the candle. —Uoorac S. Hilliard,
