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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (May 9, 1866)
the weekly constitutionalist Our Washington Correspondence. W ashington, April 30,1866. The great event of the present is the pro gramme of the Joint Committee on Reconstruc tion. It is a year since the Confederacy went to pieces. It is a year, then, that the members of this Congress have had their attention turn ed to this subject of reconstruction. It is six months since this Joint Committee on Recon struction have had this special subject under their musing case. A vast amount of evidence has been taken, and of various shades of opin ion. Some seemed to think that the rebellion was in‘full blast, and Lee, with his army on the Rappahannock. The public were begin ning to think it was time for the curtain to rise, and were getting impatient for the Reconstruc tion to show their hands. At last the commit tee have produced the first fruit of their labors, and we are permitted to see on what terms they are willing to re-admit the Southern States to their old place around the altar of the country. The first section which provides for the equality of the privileges of citizens of the United States in every State, is very little, if any thing, more than what the Constitution now attempts to provide. There is no special point in it. Section two limits representation to adult voters. This is the substitute for negro suf frage. The extreme Radicals have been com pelled, for the sake of harmony in the party, to put up with the amendment. It was impossi ble to engraft negro suffrage as an amendment of the Constitution at the present time. To go before the people of the South-west on this Issue was full of danger. Hence, the best at tainable thing for the time being was this amendment. While this clause does not require negro suffrage as a condition precedent to re construction, it offers a bonus for it. It says to the South if you let the negroes vote you may count them as the basis of representation, and otherwise not. It is therefore made the political interest of the South to extend the right of suffrage to the negroes. The Radicals are very wise in consenting to this provision, because they thus get all that is now attainable on the line of negro suffrage which they so ardently clesire. The loss of representation in the House of Representatives is of less import ance to the South, as they lose nothing in the Senate ; and, by the division of Virginia, they will have four votes from Virginia in the Senate, instead of two, as heretofore. Sec. 3 excludes for four years all citizens of the South who gave aid and comfort to the re bellion, as it is termed, from voting for mem bers of Congress and President and Vice Pre sident. This is a temporary provision, with a view of taking care of the next Presidential election. This is perhaps the least happy part es the play, as it looks very much like packing the cards, so as to insure the success of the Republican ticket in the next Presidential elec tion. Sec. 4 provides that neither the United States nor any State shall pay the Confederate war debt, or any claim for the emancipated negroes. There is not the slightest chance of this debt, or this claim ever being paid, therefore that clause amounts to little, if anything. Sec. 5 gives Congress power to enforce amendment by proper legislation. This is a mere matter of course. The above being ratified as an amendment of the Constitution, any State ratifying it may send members to Congress, who shall take their seats on taking the test oath. The direct tax due by any State may be as sumed by any State. It is further provided that no one shall be elegible to any Federal office who has been President or Vice President of the Confederacy, or head of a department, foreign agents, head of departments of the United States, officers of the army and navy of the United States, and all persons educated at the military or naval acade my of the United States, Judges of the United States Courts, members of the 36th Congress who aided the rebellion; also officers in the army above grade of colonel, and in the navy above grade of master, and any one who as Governor aided the rebellion. This was to be expected, because the Radical party had constantly insisted that those who were prominent in the rebellion should not hold political office. A further exclusion from office is made as to those who treated prisoners of war unlawfully. This amounts to nothing. Such is the programme of the party now in possession of the power of the Govemment. It is skillfully gotten up. If the President refuses to accept it, if the South refuse to adopt it, the calculation is that on this platform the Radical party can sweep the North. If the South accept the terms the Radical party do not despair of making a showing in the next Presidential election at the South. Asa political movement, it is thought the party who put this programe forward would prefer that the President should oppose it, that they may crush him out before the people, and if the South refuse to accede to it, their votes are not counted in the next Presidential election, which they consider very great gain. The important question is, will the President support the plan ? No one seems to be able to answer this question. Some think it is more favorable to the South that the President’s pro gramme to Governor Sharkey. That plan de manded negro suffrage under two conditions— reading and writing, or owning property. The impression with many is that this pro gramme is put forth in the confident hope that he P resident will reject it, and the Radicals gain the credit of liberality without costing anything. The true question for the South is, how can they get into full political relatione at the least cost? It is all important for their members to be in their seats in Congress. The moment this point can be attained the condi tion of the Southern States woqld be immensely ameliorated. Their purpose should be to attain this great advantage with as little sacri fice as possible. Can they get it on easier terms than these proposed by the Radicals ? It must be remembered that the President has committed himself to the proposed change in the basis of representation, counting only actual voters; and, further, that the Johnson party, in their late meeting here, resolved against persons occupying seats in Congress, except those who can take the test oath. Indeed, is there a single proposition in this programme, of any essential importance, that the President has not committed himself to ? *Mr. Morrill will bring forward, in the Senate, a bill for the grant of a qualified suffrage to the reedmen of this District. A property qualifi cation, and the reading and w citing classes, with, perhaps, a qualification from serving in the army, will, in all likelihood, be the tests. The poor negroes here are dying of small-pox and exposure, and the elective franchise will hardly benefit them. What they want is to be re moved from this place to some place where their labor is needed. There are more of them here than are needed. To walk about and see the horrible poverty in which these people live here, one very soon concludes that it is not the elective franchise they want, but employment. The news from Etirope represents the Aus trian and Prussian difficulty less threatening. Surely these Powers will have sense enough to stop this line of the last argument of kings.— There has been a rivalry for more than a cen tury between Prussia and Austria. But it is not to be imagined that Prussia would seek a difficulty with Austria, for Frederick the Great is in his tomb. The campaign of Jena showed that Prussia had not much real strength when she stands alone. Great anxiety exists to know what course the President will take in regard to the plan of re construction put forward by the Reconstruction Committee. Some ot the President’s friends are very anxious for him to accept the plan and carry the work through. The President is said to object to the clause prohibiting the people of the south from voting for four years. Conjec tures are rife as to what the President will do. Gen. Butler, of Massachusetts, objects strenu ously to the Congressional scheme of recon struction. It is well understood that lie had a scheme of his own, whicli is anticipated by the action of the committee. Gen. Butler is not alone among the Radicals in objecting to the Congressional programme. Various leading Radicals deprecate the proposed terms very much. They say i,t is entirely too favorable to the South. The party, however, as a whole, will sustain it. It is considered as a great po litical movement. It is intended to corner the President ;if he takes the plan, it is said by his opponents he will lose the South, if he opposes it, then they say lie is dead at the North. So they have got him where they want him. We must attend the result with great interest. Our New York Correspondence. New Youk, April 30,1806. It was as early as last October, I think, that, with reference to the probable course of the dominant power at Washington respecting the rehabiliment of the Southern States in their suspended powers under the Constitution ot the United States, I told your readers that their representatives would not be admitted to the Congress which was then about to assemble ; and that it was the intention of the Radicals, if they found the scheme practicable, to delay reconstruction until after the election lor Presi dent in 1868. We have at last the long report of the “ Re construction Committee,” and it demonstrates that the entire programme will be adhered to, if possible. It is substantially this :1. The Southern people shall not be restored to the exercise of their rights until a Radical shall oc cupy the Presidential chair, to debauch them with the executive patronage. 3. If the South ern States will not admit negroes to vote, they shall be deprived of a portion of their just representation in Congress. 3. If, in the pro gress of time, the principle of States Rights should be again acknowledged by the Federal authorities, and it should be deemed just to re imburse some of the sacrifices made in its de fense, it shall, nevertheless, not be done. 4. The Southern States to be governed as con quered territory until these preposterous de mands are submitted to, and engrafted upon the Constitution of the United States. Now, what are the .prospects of this scheme for success ? It will go through the present Rump Congress by the necessary two-thirds vote. That’s certain. Even Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, has united in the report; and he is among the most Conservative of Republicans. But the situation is not without its advantages. It will compel P-esident Johnson to choose between his friends and the friends of the country, and their enemies. His late attitude is no longer tolerable. The intense but suppressed hatred with which the mass of Republicans regard President John son, begins at last to be acknowledged. I am told that leading Conservative Republicans have recently spoken of it as a phenomenon in the phases of public temper. Do the Southern people hate Butler ? Then they may imagine how the Radicals hate Johnson. And he can no more placate them than could Butler hope to regain the good opinion of the ladies of New Orleans. Recently, while in company with several gen tleman of both parties an article published in Secretary Seward's home organ, deprecating the existing situation, as provocative of violent scenes at the capital, was referred to, when a Radical promptly proclaimed his readiness for more war, rather than abate one jot of the Radical programme. It is a great mystery that President Johnson does not change his Cabinet. Since Secretaries Seward and Stanton went to the White House and bullied him, neither pretend to any sort of support to his policy. Their conversation* with their political friends assume a tone of apology for the President. “Me have got him on our hands,” said Secretary Seward, the other day, “and we must make the best we can of him for the next three years.” This would indicate that he does not join in the scheme of impeachment ; but the Radicals now say Johnson uses opium inordinately, and that his mind is already shattered from this cause. They have evidently not given up the purpose of expelling him from office on some pretext. Here we have brought to mind the mischiev - ons influence exerted by certain journals print ed in our midst, for “Southern circulation.’ One of them in this city, has recently entered upon an untimely comparison between Federal and Confederate generals. Every careful and just thinker must know that this matter is one that may be safely loft to the history that will be written in a less impossioned period. The assertion ot that merit in the Confederate offi cers which all must feel to be theirs, is not now called for. But when coupled with a contemp tuous decrying the Federal Generals, it threatens great mischief in a crisis that may not be far ofl. It is enough to fix, as a mile stone, how for we have advanced in the history of the Republic, that we are engaged in canvassing the bias ot the army on the political situation. When, be fore, did we care to kuow the politics of a General ? It should be understood that Generals Grant, Sherman and Sheridan achieved their advance ment in the Federal army, on the ruins of McClellan, Buell and Fitz John Porter, who were driven into retirement by Radical clamor. There are, therefore, the Grant—Sherman “ wing” in the Federal army, and the remains of the old McClellan clique, whicli probably acknowledges General Sykes, formerly of the fifth army corps, as its head. Os course, the Grant—Sherman wing, with the aid of the Sec retary of War, has no difficulty in controlling the army. The course of these extreme pro- Southern, Northern journals, is calculated to excite the bitter Hostility of the dominant army influence to President Johnson and liis policy ; and, in case of collision with Congress, deprive them of a power that may be decisive in its in fluence. Iu a recent bankruptcy case in New Hamp shire, it transpired that the Republicans had been the supporters of an extreme “ Copper head” organ, and it is well known that one of the most impractible of these journals publish ed in tills city exists through the connivance of Republican officials, by which it receives a large amount of public patronage. Such journals attempt to save their employees by the con stant advancement, iu the name of Democracy, of conceits about as practicable as the attempt of the bull to butt the locomotive off the track. They are constantly quoted in the Republicans, as the real exponents of Democratic policy, and thus do mischief to the cause they profess to advocate. For, magnanimous as it might seem, even Northern Democrats are not iu favor of restoring Lee, Johnston and Beauregard to the Federal army, with rank equal to Grant’s, Sher man’s and Sheridan’s; nor are they in favor of transferring Admiral Semmes to the Federal navy with his full rank. The advocacy of such a proceeding, (which I am sure never would lie entertained by the distinguished Confederates I have named,) rouses a thousand prejudices, all injurious in their influence. And certainly, the South have enough of these, with falsehoods, to contend against, without unnecessarily add ing to their number. WILLOUGHBY. New Fork, May 3. The semi-official intelligence from Washing ton, respecting a deliberation of the Cabinet upon the report of the “ Reconstruction Com mittee,” would seem to contradict the estimate made in my last, of the receptioilof the Radi cal programme by tlic Republican party. lam especially desirous that no false impression should be obtained from me; and, certainly, the unanimity of the “ Republican” members of the committee would have been enough to justify the assumption that I made. But I did not speak from that fact alone ; on a canvass of opinion among my Republican neighbors, I found that, without exception, they approved the report. It is now stated that the majority of the Cabinet arc opposed to ttie report of tire Com mittee of Fifteen. It will be found that this statement must be taken cum grano salis. Mr. Seward is undoubtedly even beyond President Johnson in desiring that the South should be treated with magnamity. So he was earnestly opposed, in 1861, to the deliberate inauguration of an exhaustive war upon the South. Mr. McCulloch knows nothing of public affairs, and simply says “ ditto” to Mr. Seward. Mr. Welles is simply an inverterate officeholder; and if by a turn of affairs, a policy should be declared looking to general confiscation and expatriation at the South, lie would be in favor of that too, in order to hold on to his office. But stripped of all verbiage, the semi-official dispatch practically admits that Secretaries Stanton and Harlan, Attorney General Speed, and Postmaster General Denison, regard the Radical usurpation with favor; and perhaps it will be interesting to state here, that Messrs. Seward and Welles, who stand by President Johnson in this crisis, were original Abolition ists ; while Stanton and Speed were supporters of General Breckinridge for the Presidency in 1860! To estimate the significance of the present at titude of affairs, we must recur to a somewhat similar crisis in the history of the late war. I refer to the period when Gen. Fremont issued his first proclamation oi emancipation. It was immediately annulled by President Lincoln; but lie in turn, against the remonstrance of at least half his Cabinet, including Mr. Seward, was compelled to issue a far more sweeping proclamation within one year thereafter. AN. IMPORTANT QUESTION RAISED. For more than fifty years there has stood upon the statute books of this State a law levy ing a tax of one-half to three-quarters of one per cent, upon the gross amount of auctioneers’ sales. During the recent, session of the Legis lature of this State, the auctioneers succeeded in smuggling through an amendment to this law, so as to include brokers’ sales in this tax. There is, of course, a great outcry. The tax is pronounced ruinous to the trade of the city. The sale of our brokers last year amounted to the enormous sum of nine hundred millions of dollars, and a tax of one half of one per cent, would yield four million five hundred thousand dollars. The matter lias been submitted to Messrs. Win. M. Evarts and Chas. O’Conor, for their opinion upon the constitutionality of the law. It is asserted that is a violation of the following section of the Federal Constitution: Art. I, Sec. 10. * * * “No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any duties or imposts on exports or imports, ex cept such as may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws,” etc. The State law in question demands this per cc-ntagc on foreign merchandise only, and even goes so far as to discriminate in favor of goods from beyond the Cape of Good Hope. Now, if the tax upon brokers is unconstitutional, that upon auctioneers' is also, and a decision to tills effect would work an important change in trade. In many of the Southern cities, I be lieve auctioneers’ fees go far to make up the sum necessary lor the administration of muni cipal affairs. The amendment has been bitterly denounced by the press; but if it will result in overturning the unjust discrimination that is practised against the auctioneers, it will have served a good purpose. The auctioneers and the press have a common interest, while bro kers are their antagonists. The auctioneers bring the press advertising. The brokers de prive them of it. The mercantile advertising of this city is very small, compared with that of other great cities, because the competition and activity of brokers relieve sellers of all need of publicity. But the tax propsed would drive the East India trade, back to Boston, the West India trade back to New Haven, the cot ton trade back to New Orleans, and in many ways cripple the commerce of New York. It is probable, however, if the law is held to be constitutional, that our brokers will all change to “commission merchants,” and thus evade the tax. MOVING TIAY. It is an old adage, that “ three removes are equal to one fire.” If true, New York has suffered badly this year. Since last Saturday morning business has been interrupted to a considerable extent by people being occupied in moving. There lias been a regular stampede of the wealthier to the “ rural districts,” and to Europe, to escape the cholera. People who liave been able to rent a whole house have been obliged to take up with half a house, or suits of apartments. On Tuesday it rained nearly all day and much suffering was caused by it, especially among the children. The police sta tion houses were crowded on that night with respectable families who had not elsewhere to lay their heads. The dearth of houses has three causes: Ist. The high wages of labor and the high cost of material. The cost of building a house now, with gold twenty-seven per cent, premium, is fully double the anti-war cost. 3d. The oppres sive local taxation and assessments, and the recklessness of tenants respecting the proper care of property leased to them. The taxation, insurance, water rates, &e., amount to about five per cent, on the assessed value of property. The recklessness of tenants has caused a great deal of property to be offered for sale ; It is almost impossible to lease anew house ; rent equal to fourteen per cent, on the price asked, was refused in a case whicli has come to my knowledge. 3d. The high rate of interest paid by the General Government on its bonds.— These afforded such an illimitable means of In vestment that the necessity of building and renting houses for investment docs not exist as formerly. THE CHOI,ERA. We have the cholera in this city unquestiona bly. It is in a mild form, but a number of cases are well authenticated among the poorer population. The weather is very favorable to its development, being raw and dump ; still there is no alarm, and the ordinary concerns of life move regularly on. BUSINESS MATTERS. The fall in cotton has been partially recover ed, but the market closes dull at 33@34e. for middling. A London correspondent of the World predicted some weeks ago the decline that has taken place in the Liverpool market, saying that it would be produced by the action of the Bank of England upon the money mar ket. The same writer lias a letter in the World , thus showing which I regard as important os giving the worst possible view of the future of the cotton market: There cannot be a doubt that our stocks will increase here up till the end of June or July, and our prices consequently must go a good deal lower. I American cotton is in a better position than any other, as the run is upon it, but with in creased stocks it is likely also to yield at least 2d. to 3d. per lb. Our weekly consumption of American cotton for fourteen weeks has been 17,110, out of a total of 40,850, and fourteen weeks’ average export 5,037, out of 14,000. Allow that our consumption of cotton in creases to 50,000, and our export keeps up to 15,000 till the end of July—in all, 65,000 —we would want 1,040,000 bales. Our stock on April 6 was 663,840 bales. Our imports to the end of July 1 reckon as follows: American, of least., 12 weeks at 30,000, 4 weeks at 20,000 — 440,000; East India, now at sea fofi Liverpool, 582,000; probably of Egyptian, 50,000; Brazil, 120,000; West India and Peru, 50,000; Turkey, Greece, Ac., 15,000 —in all, 1,020,840. Deduct wants, 1,040,000, would leave ijtock July 28, 880,840, or larger than tiny end of July since 1847, except 1860-01. See the following table: STOCKS END or JULY,'IB47 TO 1860. 1847. 1848. 1846. 1860. 1851. Stock of all kinds in 1,000 bales.. 413 386 705 K 479 g 727)4 Price of M !<l - Orleans inpeneft 7 4)4 754 4?4 1852. 1853. 1854. 1855. *Wri. Stock ofall kinds in 1,000 bales. .062 863 631 625 780 Price of Mid dling Orleans in pence 5 % 6g t,% Gg 6?i 1857. 1858. 1866. 1860. 1861. Stock of all kinds in 1,000 bales. 496 666)4 674 'A 1,283 1,001 Price of Mid dling Orleans in pence 8 % 6% 7 3-16 5?4 814 1862. 1863. 1864. 1865. Stock of all kinds in 1,000 ball#. 171 256)4 238 322>4 Price of Mid dling Orleans. 18 !{ ‘ll% 31)4 16X Flour and wheat are again advancing, on the manipulation of Western speculators. Pork has been excited and higher. But trade gen erally is again slow, and prices irregular. The statement of the Federal debt shows a decrease of $15,000,000 in the past month, which amount is mostly made up by the with drawal of interest-bearing legal tenders. The scheme of funding the whole interest-bearing debt in five per cent. loans gains favor, and will, no doubt, be adopted. Willoughby. Colored Men Excluded from Boston Theatres. —The theatrical managers in Boston have combined to keep colored people out of the places of amusement, notwithstanding the recent law on the subject. As only a nominal fine is imposed for breaking the law, and their licenses are not affected by the exclusion, they thick they can successfully resist the law. | From the Mobile Tines, Apri 25. A Banquet at Mobile. Speeches of John Forsyth , Raphael Semmes and Others. the morile cadets. The elegant saloons of Denechnud's popular restaurant were last night the ttieater of one of the most interesting reunions it ever was our good luck to witness. After a few moments of pleasant conversation and general intercourse between the distin guished remnants of flic bold cadets, their for mer captain, in simple, yet impressive terms, gave to his former followers the order to take their standing position around the social board, and then directed the former Orderly Sergeant (afterward Colonel) Huger to call the roll. A death-like silence ensued, and as the cal! progressed, at almost every other name, the deep, sad voice of Col. Robert M. Sands was heard in stifled emotion, to answer, “died on the field of honor.” Lon", long, indeed, was the sad list, although comprising only those who fell on the battle field, with their faces to the foe, aud we record it for the example of future generations, who will inscribe it on the pages of history as a bright evidence of Southern bravery and devo tion. Let those names ever live in our hearts ! [Here followed a list of forty dead.] * * * * ’# * * The second regular toast was then read : “Tlie President of the United Stales.” This was received with deafening cheers, three times three, and every loyal breast glowed with pride as the glorious name of Andrew Johnson was re-echoed throughout the vast assemblage. When the first explosion had subsided, Col. Joint Forsyth rose to respond to the toast. The Colonel’s almost youthful appearance, his simple but impressive delivery, held the meeting under their charm lot* nearly thirty minutes, reviewing the course of events for the last four years, denouncing the spirit ot radicalism, which was seeking to plunge the country in blood; paying to President John son a just tribute of admiration, and finally call ling on all present to continue to stand by their friend and protector under the folds of the old flag; such as our forefathers transmitted to us. These remarks were received with unani mous applause, and the second regular toast was then read. “ Jefferson Davis, and his speedy liberation.” Major Bt. Paul rose to answer tills toast, and did it in a few brief words, referring to the past services of Mr. Davis to the American Union ; to his heroic courage; to his masterly eloquence and Ids private virtues. Tie spoke briefly of the attempted revolution, inaugurated by the South in vindication of the principles of 1776, and the doctrines advocated and upheld by the founders of t his nation. In the attempt to carry out those sacred principles the South had place! Mr. Davis at their head, not from his own choice, but in obedience to their own will, and the crime, if crime it be, to seek re dress and flee from insult and oppression, was the crime of the South, and not ids. The Major spoke, in hopeful terms of the ex pected liberation of Mr. Davis, and expressed the opinion'llmt President Johnson would not add the blood of a martyr to a long catalogue of victims already made by the civil war just now closed. These remarks were favorably re ceived by the meeting. SPEECH OF RAPHAEL SEMMES. Admiral Raphael Scninws, the guest of the sad, yet pleasant feast, j(vaa called on in answer to the toast, “Our honored guest.” When (he Admiral rose, a burst of applause broke forth from the crowd, which nothing could suppress, and for a few minutes it was impossible to control the enthusiastic feeling which governed these brave youths at the sight their cherished guest and favorite hero. The Admiral himself, calm though he might be on the deck of his ship, when all around him was in flames, and ills vessel fast foundering under his feet, colors flying, cannons firing the last salutes in honor of the sinking craft, the admiral seemed to lose faith in lilmsclt, and twice attempted* to take his seat; but, slowly recovering, lie commenced his response in a slow, low and melodious voice, which, as lie proceeded, rose in volume and tone, as the gen tle breeze which listlessly sweels the lazy canvas soon lashes itself into the furious gale whicli tears to shreds the overstrained sails, and sweeps away the ponderous masts. In felicitous terms, and with a dubious smile on his lips, he spoke of the flattering but rather pressing invitation lie had received to vluit Washington on “ private business.” He re lated ids arrival and stay at the capital, in the capacity of “ guest of the nation;” how well cured for lie was, and how his personal safety was so zealously watched and guarded, the Secretary of the Navy having kindly assigned a picked squad of marines to that delicate duty, lie said, that conscious of having at no tithe violated the usages of war, he felt strong in his Innocence, but as a resigned Christian, was submissively bowing Ids bead under the passing storm. He was soon encouraged by Ids counsel, who had almost daily access to the President, and from him came words of hope, which soothed Ids torments at being separated from bis be loved family and devoted friends. He spoke without even the shadow of resent ment of the efforts made to take up against him any evidence Unit could stamp him as a pirate and make him odious in the eyes of the world. Ilow monitions were sent to every quarter to invite denunciations, instigate false charges, in duce perjury—how names were given of pas sengers and crew east out at sea to perish oi; be devoured by cannibals ; and bow the very indi viduals thus reported as the victims of his ferocity, quietly answered in person the sum mons to appear “ by proxy of their ghost,” He dwelt on the liberality of the President in the difficulties which assailed him, of the peril of his situation, surrounded by the hostile array of Radicals and demagogues, but yet expressed undying faith in his firmness, his courage, his talent and his final triumph aver the enemies of the country and constitutional freedom. To the President, and to him alone, had the Admiral appealed for justice, and to him alone was lie indebted for that tardy justice, which, however, the momentous events of the last period could not allow to be rendered him sooner. The Admiral spoke of the prospects of the country with the wisdom and precision of a statesman and one who has not, in the midst of the tempestuous scenes of ocean life, lost sight of those studies which elevate the intellect and purify the mind. Hilcnce reigned throughout the whole tints, but when the gallant tar took Ills seat the wild est enthusiasm pervaded the whole assembly. Cheers after cheers followed ; “ tigers” were let loose, and rockets hissed through the air, the whole being increased tenfold when it was proposed the people of Mobile should reward the survivor of the glorious Alabama with a token of public esteem by electing him Probate Judge. We should have mentioned that in the course of his remarks the Admiral stated that after all it was discovered tluu the only crime he bad committed was that, while struggling for life against the waves of Cherbourg Bay, and on the point of sinking forever, lie should hat e swam toward his enemies who were far away, rather than to his friends, who were near! Humbug Forever!— A poor man up North invented not long since a toy called the “Return Ball”—a red woolen ball with an India rubber string attached —whicli pleases the childfcn so well that he may be said to have “struck oil. * The Clncir|nati Enquirer says he will net over SIOO,OOO by the invention during the present season. _______
