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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (May 9, 1866)
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST Moet Important Letter from the Commis sioner of Internal Revenue—Debt and Taxes of the United States Compared with those of England—Equalization of Boun ties. The Secretary of the Trcasury, in a letter to Hon. D. A. Wells, Chairman of the United States Revenue Commission, states that the bill reported in Congress for the equalization of t>ountics will require an expenditure of three hundred million dollars, thus requiring an ad ditional annual payment for interest of some eighteen millions dollars, and asks “what effect this proposed increase of the national debt and annual taxation is likely. In your opinion, to have, upon the finances and development of the country, and what changes may he necessitated thereby in our future revenue system and poli cy.’’ Mr. Wells replies: Washington, April, 23, 18(16. hut: In reply to your note of the lfHli, rela tive to the subject of appropriations involving additional loans or increased taxation, permit me to speak without reserve. The country is now passing through a criti cal period of its financial experience, and it seems essential that the proposition should he proclaimed and maintained, that the borrowing period for the nation has passed: and that henceforth, and until another extraordinary emergency arises, the national expenditures are to lie met by taxation exclusively. Nothing less can satisfy the holders of the public debt ; nothing less can sustain national credit at such a standard as will keep open to the nation the resource of loans for future emergencies. The existing public debt of the United States (taking accumulated wealth and rate ot interest into consideration) is now comparatively larger than that of any of the States of the Old World, and is only exceeded in actual amount by that of Great llritalu. It is now proposed to in crease this enormous debt to such an extent that, the annual interest oil the addition will be nearly equal to one-fourth of the average annual expenditures of the whole Government during the decade prior to the commencement of the rebellion. The largest amount of revenue ever drawn from the British people in any one year—irre spective of loanr ins never exceeded three hundred ami seventy millions dollars, while the amount of revenue which the U nited States has drawn during the first three-quarters of the current fiscal year by the various forms of di rect and indirect taxation has been four hun dred and ten millions, or at the rate ot upwards ol live hundred and forty millions per annum. This immense sum, in opposition to the settled policy of all other nations, and in defiance of their experience, has been taken mainly from the industry,of the country. The present large receipts of revenue cannot, however, be accept ed as any sure Indications of the future; and so long us they are drawn mainly from taxes on industry they are no satislaetory indications ol the prosperity of the country. For the next liseal year, moreover, a large falling off in re ceipts, arising from diminished importations, changes in values and quantities of industrial products, and from other causes, may he ex pected. This deficit cannot now be easily esti mated, but that it be large cannot be doubted, especially if the country, as now seems proba ble, Is to be visited by pestilence. It would seem as If the mere statement of these facts ought to Bit Hire as an argument against any immediate increase of our enormous burden of debt and taxation. If, however, we further consider the manner and distribution of the taxation by which the nation is at present raising its revenues, (lie ar gument becomes even more cogent and unan swerable. As is well known, the exemption from taxa tion at present in the United States ol any form of capital, or any process or result of in dustry, is the exception rather than the rule. This system necessarily involves a most exten sive duplication of taxes, and this, in turn, en tails and maintains an undue enhancement of prices ; a decrease both of production and eon sumption, and, consequently, of wealth ; a re striction of exportations and of foreign com merce ; and » large increase In the machinery and expense of the revenue collection. It needs no gilt of prophecy or trained tinaucinl intel lect to determine the result of a persistency in such a policy; for nations, like individuals, have limits to their resources; and nations, like individuals, may have their patience even taxed beyond endurance. A reduction and equalization of national tax ation has therefore become not merely expedi ent but imperative. Circumstances will not, however, admit ot a reduction sufficient to give all the relict demanded by the nation being umde at once. Hitherto, as has been already stated, a very large portion of the revenue has been derived front the taxes on Industry, or the capital which directly supports industry, and companiHvclv small part from spirits, tobacco, liquors, legacies and successions, and qther sources, which all experience has demonstrated may be taxed most heavily without in any way arresting the progress ot national development. Indeed, it may be asserted that laws sufficient to Insure the collection of any large revenue from these latter sources have not yet been enacted the existing laws being in may re spects inoperative upon the statute book.— Until, therefore, new laws can be enacted, and their efficiency proved by experience, many of the worst features of the present revenue sys tem must bo retained mid endured. In order to at present raise by taxation a sum sufficient to pay an annual interest of six per cent, on an addition of two hundred and fifty millions to the principal of the public dent, vir.; fifteen millions, the present rate of taxa tion must lie maintained on the following arti cles, or their equivalents the receipts for the liseal year 1865 being assumed as the basis of the estimate: Hats, caps, bonnets, coats, vests, pants, over coats, shirts, collars, stockings, glov es, mittens, boots, shoes, moccasins, salt, cheap soap, starch, paints of all kinds, paper of all descrip tions, books, magazines, pamphlets, maps, en gravings, and all printed matter, ploughs, har rows, cultivators, rakes, winnowing mills, hay and straw cutters, trunks, harnesses, lime, ce ments, building stones, bricks, stoves, pottery ware, and w indow glass, the revenue from the direct tax on all these articles for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1865, not having been in excess ot tllleen millions of dollars. It, however, it is urged Usa tthetiovemiucnt can afford to relieve all the above enumerated articles, ami many others, from taxation, and still pay the Interest on the proposed addition to the debt, 1 reply that the condition of the revenue will not at present allow of an exemp tion of all the necessities ot ltte and all the com mon forms ot industry from taxation ; and that no principle ot political economy is better es tablished than that a tax upon one of the neces sities or indispensable forms of industry is in tact a tax upon all. Under the above circumstances, therefore, it would seem as if uothing but the salvation of the nation itself could warrant any immediate increase of the national liabilities or the peo ple's taxes. Not Much Duuaa A Mr Barker, of Holmes county, Mississippi, sued General Wirt 'dams tor false arrest and iinpriaonincnt, lav- Ing his damages at #150,000. The ease was de cided in Mr Parker’s favor, the jury finding damages for him to the amount of oue dollar, which it Is said sente of the jury paid. Tire 1 nited States steam corvette Canan daigua, lately spent ten days at Liverpool, and white in port not the slightest attention was paid VO her by the authorities. (Prom the New York Herald. A Contrast —Slavery in Massachusetts Formerly and Radicalism Now. In looking over a book recently published, entitled “ Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts,” and comparing the former con duit of the people of that State with their con duct in the great issues that brought on the war and that now agitate the country, the contrast Is very striking. To the Puritan* of Massachu setts, and to them more than any other peo ple, slavery in this country owed its existence. They first began to make slaves of the natives, the Indians, taken in war. This was in the earliest period of the colony. But previous to enslaving the Indians they had sold into slave ry white people as a punishment for offences against the laws. Very soon the colonial slave trade began with these “ pious Christians.” In 1637 Hugh Peters writes to -John Winthrop, from Salem, as follows: “Mr. Endecot and myself salute you in the Lord Jesus, etc. Wee have heard of a dividance of women and chil dren in the bay, and would bee glad of a share, viz : A young woman or girlc and a boy if you tbinke good. I wrote to you for some Moves for Bermudas, which I tbinke is considerable. ’ Winthrop says that s/ane of these slaves, who ran away and were brought in again, were “ branded on the shoulder;” and that “the prisoners were divided, some to those ol ye river (the Connecticut colony) and the rest to us. Os these wc send the male children to Bermuda, by Mr. William Pierce, <N ye women & maid children arc disposed aboute in ye touncs.” This Mr. Pierce brought back from the West Indies “some cotton, tobacco and ne groes, etc., and salt from Tortuga*,” probably in exchange in part for the Indians sold. "Long afterwards Dr. Belknap said of the slave trade that the rum distilled in Massachusetts was the mainspring of this traffic.” It appears, too, that they turned their attention very early to breeding of slaves. Josselyn, in his Account of Two Voyages to New England, very quaint ly describes how a Mr. Maverick went to work about it, and bow, in one instance, lie met with some difficulty, for a negro woman, who was said to have been a queen in her own country, not liking the maid she was compelled to go to bed w ith, “ kickt him out again; for “ this she took in high disdain beyond her slavery.” The secret of the establishment of Indian slavery first and negro slavery afterwards is found in the desire for gain and power, ll is the same with regard to the abolition and negro agitation of the present day. The motive of the “ pious Christians” of New England is the same, though the object is different. “The first statute establishing slavery in America is to he found in the famous Code of Fundamentals, or Body of Liberties of the Massachusetts colony iu New England, adopted in December, UHL” It reads as follows: “There shall never be any bond slaverie, vil litinge or eaptivitie amongst us unless it be law ful captives taken in just warres and such strangers as willingly sidle themselves or are sold to us. And these shall have all the liber lies and Christian usages which the law of God established in Israeli concerning such persons docth morally require. This exempts none trom servitude who shall he judged thereto by authoritie,” The author of the “ Notes” re marks that this statute stood through the whole colonial period and was never expressly repeal ed. “It sanctions the slave trade and the per petual bondage of Indians and negroes, their children’s children, and entitles Massachusetts to precedents over any and all other colofiies in similar legislation. It anticipates by many years anything of the sort to be found in the statutes of Virginia, or Maryland, or South Carolina.” We might here refer to the history of New England, and of Massachusetts in particular, all along up to the period of anti-slavery agitation to show how active and ardent the people of that section were In establishing, perpetuating and defending the institution because it was profitable to them. There is an abundance of records to show how they initiated anil encour aged slavery under the pretext of divine au thority ; how they established the slave, trade and enriched themselves upon it, and how they carried it on while the people of the South pro tested against it. Scripture was quoted abund antly, of course, to justify all this, os it hies been since in opposition to slavery. It will lie said, doubtless, that the present age is much more advanced and enlightened, but the truth is the conscience of the Massachusetts Puritans is very flexible. Whatever suits the interests or notions ot that people is right. There is, however, a large amount of hypocrisy in all their pretense ol humanity and morality. This was apparent in their former laws and conduct with regard to slavery, and it is seen to-day in other things. Take Boston, tor example, where there is a great pretense and outward show of morality, while it is well known that there is no place in the world more Immoral. Vice abounds there, but it is more covered up and secret than else where. With regard to slavery the opposition to it in Massachusetts and in New England generally did not arise from love of liberty, philanthropy or regard for the negro. This is evident if we look at the hard inasters’and overseers the people from that section nearly always made when placed over the slaves. Anti slavery agitation gratified their disposition for theorizing and meddling, and gave them an insignificant portion ot the population of the country compared with the whole political prominence and power. Radicalism does the same now. Restless and meddling, they must have some subject for agitation. If not held in check the obi spirit ot Puritan intolerance which is in them would ride rough-shod over everybody Wo be to the South just nowit they had tneir way. The liberties of the South erners would be withheld and their lands seized and appropriated, and Scripture would be quoted to justify all this, just as it was quoted to justify slavery and the slave trade in Mas sachusetts formerly. Although the radical views of New England to-day appear to be in direct conflict with those of former times on the subject ol slavery, the spirit and motive of action are the same. Restless ambition, dog matism, love ot theorizing, selfishness and in tolerance are the Massachusetts elements from which sprung slavery and all its evils and from which sprung our preseut political troubles. Important Revenue Dbcißion.—The fol lowing decision has just been rendered by the Commissioner ot Internal Revenue: Treasury Department, ) Internal Revenue Bureau, \ April 27, 1866. S All expenses for insurance upon property, and all actual losses in business, may be de ducted from the gross income of the year. But losses sustained after December 31,1865, cannot reduce the income for the year. Losses incur red in the prosecution of one kind of business may be deducted from gains in another, but from those portions of income derived from fixed investments, such as bonds, mortgages, rents, and (be like. Assessors should also" be careful not to allow the deduction of amounts claimed to have been lost in business, when in reality they should be regarded as investments or expenditures, as when merchants expend money in farming or gardening for recreation or adornment rather than pecuniary profit. Persons traveling about the country as agents of manufacturers or dealers, seeking orders tor goods as agents for oue piersou or firm only, such as salaried clerks or men hired by the month, should not bo required to take licenses as commercial brokers. All parts ot division No. 152 inconsistent herewith, ore hereby revoked. K. A. Rollins, Commissioner. ot no America. There is a small paper published at Brownsville, Indiana, called the “Little Giant, all the type-setting and press work ot which has been done for the last two years by a boy thirteen voars ot age and a girl of ten, children of the publisher. The Louis ville Journal say - -It is conducted with much taste. All the rinding matter is good.” LATEST NEWS BY MAILS. New York, May 2.—The Heralds special says : Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, will take the Re coustrui tion Committe’s report the first thing Tuesdav morning, with a proposition to amend it so that it will conform to his views on the subject of the basis of representation. The Radicals believe they can easily make the Reconstruction Committee's work accepta ble to the President, pass it after a couple of days, get Tennessee to ratify it, and admit her representatives to Congress within twenty The House Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom the Mexican loan endorsement scheme was referred, are about to report, and proba bly will do so on Thursday. It is understood that all the Republican members of the com mittee, with the exception of General Banks, voted to report favorably on the proposition. It appears that the postage on the European mails for the last fiscal year amounted to $1,499,- 000, of which the United States Post Office De partment received only $165,000, the balance accruing to foreign steamers. A bill will pro bably be reported establishing a weekly line of mail steamers to Europe, with the rate of com pensation based upon the probable postal re ceipts, and in no event to exceed them. THE PROPOSED EXPULSION OF SENA TOR DAVIS. The Times' special says: There is further talk of a motion in the Senate to-day to expel Senator Davis, of Kentucky, from that body on account of sentiments uttered bv him on the 6th of last month, before referred to, and which Senator Howard denounced yesterday as revo lutionary and treasonable. The Tribune's special says: The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations agreed to re port adversely upon the case of Mr. Smith, of Kansas, nominated as Minister to Greece, oit the recommendation of Senator Lane, of Kan sas. Lewis D. Campbell, of Ohio, nominated as Minister to Mexico, it was agreed, should be reported to the Senate without any recom mendation, pro or con, the committee being a tie on the matter. General Daniel E. Sickles, as Minister to the Hague, was laid on the table. The committee also agreed to report a bill for raising the rank of Ministers Resident to Envoy Extraordinary and Ministers Pleni potentiary, the pay to remain the same as at present. Mr. Trumbull’amendment to the Post Office bill, which prevents the payment of any money or salaries of officials who were appointed dur ing the recess, except in cases of death, resig nation or expiration of term of oflic, has such strength in the Senate as will guarantee its pass age by both Houses, either as an amendment to the appropriation bill, or as a separate bill. The Department of State is in receipt of news from Europe, which renders war extremely im probable between Austria and Prussia. The conduct of the latter power is generally depre cated. The Queen of England has w ritten a letter to that Government, expressing her dis approbation of its bearing in its diplomatic in tercourse with Austria, and strongly counsel ing peace. 11. 11. Day’s Niagara Ship Canal bill was to day got through the House as a military meas ure. All the farming land fronting on the river on the American side for at least seven miles below the Falls is encumbered with contracts for use and occupation, secured by Horace H. Day long ago, in anticipation of the passage of the bill. Next year $10,000,000 more will be asked lor. The Post's special says: “ Some of Mr. Stan ton's friends deny that lie took grounds in the Cabinet meeting yesterday in favor of the Pres ident’s reconstruction policy; but it is known that the published statement was furnished by a prominent member of the Cabinet.” BOMBARDMENT AND DESTRUCTION OF VALPARAISO. New York, May I.—The city of Valparaiso has been bombarded by the Spahish fleet. The city and $20,000,000 of property were destroyed. Great blame is attached to the British and American Consuls for not interfering with their vessels to prevent such wholesale destruction, instead of leaving the harbor. The Panama Star's correspondent, after com ments upon the barbarity of the bombardment ot Valparaiso, which was defenseless, without a gun to reply, or vessel to stand by it, states that from fifteen to twenty millions of property was destroyed, nearly all belonging to British, American and other foreign merchants, in cluding all commercial parts of the town, cus tom house, government buildings, Ac. A correspondent gives the following particu lars of the bombardment : It is said that Admiral Nunez had received orders from Madrid to destroy, burn and deso late to the utmost of his power all the Chilian and Peruvian towns which he can possibly reach on the coast; and that in pursuance of these orders, it was on the 17th of March that he sent in to the commandant of Valparaiso and to the other foreign representatives notice that in four days lie would bombard that city. But at the last moment the English Admiral drew back. He said lie could not interfere, ex cept diplomatically, and the British interests must look out for themselves on shore. Commander Rodgers shrank from undertak ing active resistance to the Spanish fleet, when Jlit- British Admiral had receded from the posi tion he had at first taken up. The four days he allowed for the removal of the sick and other non-combatants. Against this every foreign, representative pro tested in the most energetic manner. The British residents were promised protec tion, and the interference of Admiral Denman and the English squadron. The American Commander, Rogers, prompt ly placed, jiis squadron for co-operation against Spain, should the threatened bombardment be attempted, and the representative of France was equally ready to take the responsibility on liis part of joining with the Americans' and English to prevent the atrocity that was feared. Earnestly and most urgently did the Ameri can Charge d’Affairs, General Kilpatrick, and .Commodore Rogers, labor to save the town; but all in vain. While this was going on, time was lost to the neutrals, and the day of bom bardment came on, and the neutrals had still their property in the custom house and their stores ou the 31st. On the morning of the day of the threatened bombardment, Her Majesty’s frigates Horgate, Sutlev and Leander, with the Devastation and the store ship Xenons, left the bay to take safe anchorage outside. The American ships also had to get out of the way. At about eight in the morning the enemy’s vessels began to take tip position over against tlie town. The Resolution was placed opposite to the Central railroad station, and the Villa de Madrid and Bianca 1,200 yards from the cus tom-house. The Valentia and Dora went close in shore to destroy a dua lling house, and the Admiral's slpp Numaucia remained outside signaling orders. At 9, a. m., the Bianca opened life on the custom house to the cry of viva it Aetna, the others followed, each selecting some point on which to pour its share of destruction. For nearly three hours the firing was kept up without any intermission. At 10, p. in., the Xunmancia signalled to desist, and the vessels of the squadron came off, and the people of the town, who h:nl crowded tlie surrounding hills, at once rushed into towu to extinguish the fire. Perl.—The news brought from Chili has excited the Peruvians to the highest pitch. Not a w hisper is breathed of yielding to Spain, and those whose interests are' most at stake would not for a moment listen to any peace. In the three days past all movable property is being conveyed to places of safety. The foreign commercial" houses have taken measures to secure their property from the eustoui house at Callao. Tlie British residents of % alparaiso held a meeting ou the 28th of March, and appointed a committee, who draft ed a series of resolutions adopted at another meeting, reflecting severely upon the vacilating conduct of Admiral Dermant, condemning his plea of wan: of sufficient force to oppose the Spanish as humiliating to his countrymen and inexcusable, considering that the co-operation of the powerful United States squadron was pressed upon him by its commander. They also condemn the passive submission of the British Charge d’Affairs, and appointed a de putation to express to General Kilpatrick and Commander Rodgers their high appreciation of their efforts to prevent, by co-operation with the British force, the bombardment of the city. Gen. Wade Hampton’s Letter. The following is Gen. Wade Hampton’s letter to Senator Reverdy Johnson, which the latter caused to be read in the United States Senate on Tuesday, as already stated: Wild Woods, Miss., April 21,1566. To the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, United States Senate : Sir : A few days ago I saw in the published proceedings of Congress that a petition from Benjamin Rawles, of Columbia, S. C., asking compensation for the destrnction of his home by the Federal army iu February, 1865, had been presented to the Senate, accompanied by a letter from Major General Sherman. In this letter General S. used the following language : “They”—the citizens of Columbia—“set fire to thousands of bales of cotton rolled out into the streets, and which were burning before I entered Columbia. I myself was in the city as early as nine, and I saw these fires and knew efforts had been made to extinguish them ; but a high and strong wind kept them alive. I gave no orders for the burning of your city, but, on tlie contrary, the reverse, and I believe the conflagration resulted from the great impru dence of culling the cotton bales, whereby the contents were spread to the winds so that it bdeame an impossibility to arrest the fire. I saw in your Columbia newspapers the printed order of General Wade Hampton, that ou the approach of the Yankee army all the cotton should be burned, and, from what 1 saw my self, I have no hesitation in saying that he was the cause of the destruction of your city.” This grave charge made against me by Gen eral Sherman having been brought before the Senate of the United States, I am naturally most solicitous to vindicate myself before the same tribunal. But my State has no representa tive in that city. Those who should be there are debarred the right of entrance. In those balls there are none to speak for the South ; none to participate in tlie legislation which governs her ; none to impose the taxes she is called on to pay, and none to defend her or to vindicate her sons from misrepresentation, in justice, or slander. Under these circumstances I appeal to you, in the confident hope that you will use every effort to see that justice is done in this matter. I deny most emphatically that any cotton was fired in Columbia by my order ; I deny that her citizens set fire to thousands of bales rolled out into the streets ; I deny that any cotton was on fire when the Federal troops entered the city. And I most respectfully ask of Congress to appoint a committee charged with the duty of ascertaining and reporting all the facts connected with the destruction of Columbia, and thus fixing upon tlie proper author of that enormous crime the infamy it deserves. I am willing to submit the ease to any hon est tribunal. Belore any such I pledge myself to prove my positive orders, by direction of General Beauregard, that no cotton should be fired —that not one bale was on fire when Sher man’s troops took possession of the city—that he positively promised protection to the city— and that, in spite of this solemn promise, liis soldiers burned it to tlie ground, deliberately, systematically, atrociously. I, therefore, most earnestly request that Congress may take prompt and efficient measures to investigate this matter fully. Not only is this due to them selves and to the reputation ol the United States army, but to justice and to truth/- Trusting that you will pardon me for troubling you, I am, &e., Wade Hampton/ The reading of the above manly letter maw; quite a scene in the Senate. Mr. Fessenden J protested. Mr. Sherman waxed exceedingly valient against the absent man. He confessed be had never shed many tears over the burning of Columbia [who ever supposed he did ?] Ol Hampton’s letter he said : Tlie impudence of this whole thing surpasses imagination. He writes to this Senate that the State of South Carolina is excluded from repre sentation in this body. And why is she exclud ed ? Because they violated their oath and have for years been trying to get out of the Union, and now that they are beaten and defeated they whine like whipped curs to get back. Mr. Johnson said he had shown the letter to Mr. Sherman and he had advised him to present it. Mr. Sherman. For the purpose of reluting it. Mr. Johnson dill not look upon the letter as whining because the State of South Carolina was not represented here. The writer had only al leged that as a cause for sending the letter to him [Mr. J.j Mr. Fessenden hoped it would not be received at all. It had no business here. Mr. Conness said he could not vote to send this petition to any committee of this body, and he was only surprised that the Senator from Ohio [Mr. Sherman] should think it necessary to vindicate the character of our distinguished general against the assaults of such a man as Wade Hampton. Lpt these men expiate their crimes before they come hero with their com plaints. Mr. Wilson hoped the Senator Irom Mary land would withdraw the letter. Mr. Johnson withdrew it. (From the Memphis Appeal. Another Day of Rioting. The Negroes Still Defiant —Occupation of the Fort—More Lives Lost. Instead of the quiet, yesterday morning, which all had hoped to sec follow" the excite ment of the previous evening and night, scenes of blood were again enacted in South Mem phis. During Tuesday night, the greater por tion of the negroes in tlie riotous district left their quarters and went into the fort, from which the police had been tired on the same evening; and from the demonstrations of yes terday, had resolved to carry on the war rather titan acknowledge the supremacy of the law. This disaffection amongst them seems to be wide-spread, if our information be correct—and we have no doubt of it. Early after light, yesterday, reports came up into the city of the belligerent attitude of the negroes, and their determination to resist the police to the death. The officers of the county immediately issued summons among the citi zens for a posse to go again to the assistance of the municipal force, which had been sent down to prevent the outbreak of violence Prepara tions were hastily made in the way of arms, and many responded to the call of the sheriff. By the time the police, under Captain Ben. Garratt, arrived on the grounds, in the vicinity of the fort, the negroes were prepared and' on the lookout. They opened a vigorous tire from their enclosure, and for an hour or two the mis sives of death kept up a lively movement through the air. This assault was promptly defended by the police and citizens, resulting in the death of three negroes, and the severe wounding of four others. Considerable skir mishing then ensued, the negroes comm"- out of the fort, in line of battie, and advancin'' on the police and citizens, forcing them back'into Main street. TIMELY ARRIVAL. The l nited Suites Regulars, who bv this time had received orders from General Stone kuu to proceed to the scene of lawlessness, arrived, and proceeded to gents. The civil officers and auxffiaril luSur then relieved and hostilities ceased fortta- W ' r IN THE FORT. e “Rle In company with an army officer w» visit to the fort, and found the feelimr™ r 1 negroes to be of the most intense chaw , tte They used such expressions as “ white trash,” and “we would whin ' them if we only had the guns.” \ 0 0: kindly advice given them by the officer//! ° ! ed to make any more impression than » empty sounds. Thev swaggered liv» a- mcre fled bullies, and hurled tack sensible with “ that’s played out.” COun6 t: CONFLAGRATION. About three o’clock in the afternoon a « was discovered in the school-house on the tension of Hernando street, which ’ resulted 1 the destruction of this building and five ties. The destruction would have been me extensive had it not been for an officer of regulars, whose name we did not learn tr school-house was doubtless set on fire bv nan of the excited populace. * THE OUTBREAK DESIGNED. We learn from Captain Ben. Garrett, that 0 yesterday, a negro woman made affidavit tn the effect that the negroes of South Mernnh, have been plotting this defiance to the law! and its officers for the past four days; that ft' plan was to kill the police, sack and burn the city, and that it was approved by the race for many miles around Memphis. It was not con fined to this locality, bnt was wide-spread and general. We do not know that the truth has been told by this woman, but the stubbornness of the negroes engaged in the outbreak here gives a color of reasonableness to the conci sion. STATEMENT OF MR. FLYNN. This man, who keeps a grocery establishment on South street, states thatalieutenant attached to a negro company, lias for several days spoken of his desire to have such a condition of things brought about in the city of Memphis by the negroes, as the early stage of the riot promised That the lieutenant said he wanted the negro soldiers to have and control Memphis, and by G —d they should do it. We don’t know whether this be true or not, but simply place Mr. Flynn’s statement before the public, who holds himself responsible for its truthfulness. SHOOTING LAST NIGHT. The excitement was still great in the city last night, but nothing equal to that of the night before. There was some promiscuous firing, and we heard of two negroes being shot on the corner of Main and Exchange streets—one ot them mortally wounded. Another one, ws learn, was fired at and wounded, down on Union street, about nine o’clock. THE POLICE. As an evidence of the spirit displayed by the police department of Memphis, during the pro gress of this riot, we would present the remarks made by a number of negroes within the fort in our presence yesterday, to the effect “ that were it not for the conduct of the police in rescu ing us from the crowd, we would not now be alive.” This is a strong point in favor of the police. Planting Cotton to the Neglect of Corn, [From the Ouachita, Monroe, Intelligencer, April 21. We observe that the planters on the river lands are directing their attention to cotton, to the neglect of corn, and that much less corn is expected to be planted than usual. Indeed, from present indications, we are inclined to the belief that there will not be corn enough raised in this section of the country for the wants of the people. It may very seriously be questioned whether this is the correct policy either now or at any time. The course pursued is all based upoi: calculations of tlie small amount of cotton to be produced this year, and the consequent high price of the staple, coupled with tlie hope that the great grain producing lauds of the north west will supply the South at a cheaper rate. If any one of these expectations should be dis appointed, then loss and great inconvenience \ would be the result. The price of cotton has been steadily dimin ishing under the knowledge of the large quan tity brought forward to market, and the belief that the approaching season will produce a fair yield. The calculations as to the amount, of this years crop are various and conflicting, and, to a great extent, can only be conjectural. Where it is well known that the ruling (trice of cotton has stimulated every effort of the South to en gage in its production, and that, notwithstand ing the diminished number of laborers, every planter is directing his energies to tlie work of raising cotton, it is fair to presume that a large crop will be produced. Whether tire crop will amouut to a million and a half of Males, or reach the figure of two millions, it is impossible to foretell. Some cal culations incline to the smaller number, whilst, others confidehtly expect a fair average pro duction nearly up to the standard of former years. One thing is certain, that with the large quantity produced by- other countries, a yield in the United States of one and a half millions of bales, will suffice to keep the price near its present standard, if not to reduce it to a much lower figure. Expectations of receiving thirty cents per pound may be sadly disappointed, and expenses incurred, based upon sucli an ticipated receipts, may result in great loss. And then, in addition to the failure of ex pected profits, may also come the heavy charges of supplies for present and future subsistence to be bought upon a high market. We cannot comprehend the value of that policy that is based upon the uncertain chances of large prices for our home productions, and the certainty and necessity of paying out the greater portions of profits in order to procure sueli supplies as are actually needed, from • market that is distant, that may be precariou.-, and consequently high. It is not too late to change the system. Plan more corn, and plant it at once. Many planters have only put in enough com to enable them to gather the crop of cotton, intending, next fill to buy all their corn, and meat and hay, and other articles of necessity, from the West, If the price of cotton should fall to fifteen or twenty cents, and corn and hay and mea: should continue at their present rates, the policy, persisted in, will entail certain loss, if not absolute ruin. With the great demand lor breadstuffs, the price cannot fall much below its present standard, while the price of cotton cannot be maintained with the prospect of a fair moderate production. Cure for Asthma.—ln a late number of the Country Gentleman we find the following rc ceipe for Asthma, communicated by Mr. W. 0 Hickok, of Harrisburg, Pa. : “ I have a son, six years old, that had the asthma in the most distressing form for some three or four months, when he was one or tv* years old. We tried everything we could he* of without getting relief, till we were told to rub his neck and breast with petroleum, - r we used it both crude and refiued, experiencin very speedy relief and a final and perm am'- cure; for he has not since had a return of St and is now a very healthy child.” The Freemasons of Brooklyn, New To/ have agreed upon the erection of a beant.f~ temple in that city, to cost $600,000. The Price of Heart.—A young lady t the East has brought suit against a promi--- St. Louis merchant for a breach of prom** $25,000 i', the sum required to heal the pec fracture.
