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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (July 11, 1866)
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 11, 1860. THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST. By reference to our new terms, it will be Keen that the price of the Weekly Constitu tionalist has been reduced to ft per .annum. Our weekly editing Is a mammoth jjaper, and one of the Very beet family journal* published, containing all the latent rn-ijs of the day, re view* of the market*, and a judicious selection of the daily editorials. Our country friend* would do well to give it a liberal support. DO THEY ENDORSE IT? Our cotcmporary, the Chronicle <y Sentinel, takes strong ground In favour of the citizens of Georgia sending delegates to the “National Union Convention,” to assemble at Philadel phia, and, suggesting the names of Hon. A. H. Stephens, Hon. 11. V. Johnson, Hon. B. H. Hill, and Hon. A. 11. Comjuitt, as delegate* from the State at large, asks its brethren of the Press their opinion of the matter. Our answer i* soon giveu. The Constitu tionalist Is utterly, absolutely, and witlout reserve opposed to this whole convention scheme. Subjoined is the platform o£ The National Union Club—the President aud Execu tive Committee whereof issue this call for this Philadelphia Convention —and Inviting the at tention thereto of all concerned, it is desired to ask if the very eminent gentlemen whose names ore mentioned by our cotemporary en dorse that platform lu the case of two wc can readily conceive that they do not. The Test Oath Act Is a law of the United States--Messrs. Stephens and .Johnson can not enter the Senate from inability to cotup.y therewith, and how can they go <i* delegates to u convention whose platform declares that none shall enter Congress save those who have “ The requisite qualifications as proscribed by Lore." But the platform—Here it is. Wc want the people ol Gkoiioia to read it, and then ask themselves if they are ready to hold primary meetings, pass resolutions, elect delegates, and, by them, go Into convention on that basis: OFFICERS OF TIIE NATIONAL UNION CLUB. President. Hon. ALEX. W. RANDALL, of Wisconsin. ''Vice Presidents. Hon. D. S. Norton, of Minnesota. Hon. W. F. .Johnston, of Pennsylvania. Ahram Wakeman, of New York. Hoi.' Charles E. Phelps, of Maryland. Horn. Thaoubiis Welles, of Connecticut. Hon. A. J. Kuykendall, of Illinois. Hon. Curtis F. Buhnam, of Kentucky. James B. Smith, of Wisconsin. Gen. .James B. Stkedman, of Ohio. Charles B. Wilkinson, of Missouri. Col. E. 8. Allen, of Washington, D. C. Secretary. Samuel B. Laufeeh, of Pennsylvania, Corresponding Secretary. J. B. Fkkoi son, of Tennessee. Treasurer. C. E. Rittenhousb, (President National Bank ol Commerce, and of the firm of Klttenhouse, Fowler it Cos.) Executive Committee. Hon. J It. Dooi.ittlk, of Wisconsin. Hon. Edgar Cowan, of Pennsylvania, Hon. O. 11. Browning, of Illinois. Hon. Green Clay Smith, of Kentucky. Hon. W. A. Burleigh, of Dakota. Mr. Cuaulbs Iv.nai p, of District of Columbia. Mr. Samuel Fowler, of District of Columbia. platform of the national union club. 1. Hooked, That we are now, as heretofore, ardently attached to the Union of the States under the Constitution of the United States ; that wo deny the right of any State to secede, and hold that all attempts at secession are-null and void; that all the States are now States ot this Union, a* before the rebellion, and we deny the power of the General Government, under the Constitution, to exclude a State from the Union, or to govern It as a Territory. S. It stoked, That our confidence lu the übill. ty, integrity, patriotism ami statesmanship ot President Johnson- Is undiminished, and we cordially approve the general policy of his ad ministration. 3. Resolved, That we endorse the resolution of Congress of July, 1801, declaring the object, of the war oh our part to be the defence and maintenance of the supremacy of the Constitu tion and the preservation of the Union, with the dignity tonality and rights of the several States unimpaired. •i. Resolved, That, in the languages of the Chicago platform of 1800, and as quoted by the late President Lincoln in his Hist lnaugutal ad dress, “The maintenance inviolate of the rights of States, and especially of the rights of each State to order and coutrol Its own domestic In stitutions according to its own judgment ex clusively, subject ouly lo the Constitution of the United States, Is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends." 5. Resolved, That under the Constitution of the United States is reserved to the several States the right to prescribe the qualifications of electors therein ; and that It would be sub versive of tho principles of our Government for Congress to foreo universal suffrage upon any portion ol the country In opposition to the known wishes of the eltlzens thereof. 6. Resolved “That this Uulon must be and remain one and Indivisible forever," that the war for its preservation having been brought to a triumphant close, and the supremacy of the Constitution vindicated, the rights of the States under the Constitution are to be main tained inviolate, and that loyal citizens within the States and districts lately overrun by rebel lion arc entitled to alt the rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution. 7. Resolved, That all the States of the Union are entiUed by the Constitution of the United States to representation in the eouueils of the nation, and that all loyal pminbers duly elected and returned, haviug the requisite qualifications as prescribed hv law, should be admitted to their seats in Congress without unnecessary delay by their respective Houses, each House being the judge of the election, returns and qualifications of its own members. b. Rfso'rtd. That treason is a eritue that should be puuisUcd, and that we arc opposed to compromising w ith traitors by bartering “ universal amnesty " for “ universal suffrage." i>. Resolved, That the payment of the nation al debt is a sacred obligation, uever to be re pudiuted; and that no dobt or oblurutiou iu* curred in any manner whatever iu aid of teem son or rebellion should ever be assumed or paid. 10. Resolved, Tint w« cordially endorse the restoration pohey of President Johnson's as wise, patriotic, constitutional and in harmouv with the loyal seutmieut* and purposes of the people in the suppressiou of the rebellion ; with the platform upon which he was elected with the declared policy of the late President Lin g&“:flSS'i„ Co '' 6ress ' •"' i »” 11. Resolved, That the nation owes a lasting debt of gratitude to the soldiers and sailors ot the late war lor the suppression of the rebel lion, and that the families of the fallen heroes who died that the country might live, are the wards of the people, and should be cared for by the Government. THE “LOYALISTS” IN CONVENTION. That the loyalists who stand on the platform Os “The National Union Olub” should Wfict in conven t ion j* all proper enough. That platform Is fixed up by the politicians at Washington, “and old politicians at that,” to suit Northern notions of “ loyalty." It is fixed up to meet the exigencies of political elections in the "loyal" States—Sates already represented in Congress. And the Convention that is called by these old politicians is to lie mdUldefl and shaped and Its platform laid down with a view to those 6amc elections. So far, so good. All this is their own business, and in the proper line of their own wire-working arrangements. But what propriety is there in the Southern States —the eleven excluded States—sending delegates to Philadelphia to stand on this Northern “ loyal' platform ? What propriety would there be in sending delegate* to get a platform at the hands of these “ loyal" politicians of the North, and bring it back here for Southern men to stand upon ? The principles are such as are popular in the twenty-four States whose united arms conquered the eleven slaveholding States of the South. Do the people of the eleven States ex pect to make a platform for the twenty-four States ? In fact the platform is already made, and it is expected that those eleven States will send only such persons to represent them as can stand upon it. But it is suggested by some among ns, that the Convention will not, in organizing, force any preliminary tests on the delegates, or de mand pledges—and that, perhaps, it will not adopt the platform of the National Union Club as its platform—that, perhaps, it will modify that platform, and change it and shape it, and smooth It, and dress it off in *ueh a style as bet ter to suit our views of “ loyalty " and treason, and of the punishment due to traitors. Some are even so sanguine as to hope that the Convention will, perhaps, say but little, and that little In very dulcet tones, about the “ tri umphant close of the war to prosen-* the Utuon “ one and indivisible forever," and the rights of the “ loyal citizens within the States mid districts lately overrun by rebellion " that, perhaps, it will not be so nicely specific and discriminating iu stating who should be admitted to scats in Congress from States lately “in rebellion”—that It will not limit its de mands to “all loyal members duly elected and returned, having the requisite quantisations ns prescribed by law but may even hint at the possible expediency of repealing (lie test oath. Perhaps, indeed ! And should the peo ple of the South—the people still manly, still erect and proud—proud in the consciousness of honest purpose and noble aims, though their cause was cloven down by brute force— risk their all of manliness, and pride, and self respect in this pkrh ATS ? Wc use strong terms, but the occasion calls for just such language: What If tile. Convention do not modify the platform of the National Union Club 8 What If it do not abate one iota of its emphatic condemnation of the rebellion » What if it ostentatiously vaunt its endorsement, as that platform does, of President Johnson’s policy as “ in harmony with the loyal senti ments and purposes ol the people in the sup pression of the rebellion," language which will sound very well on the Northern stump, but would sound rather awkwardly from the lips of returning delegates from tln^ cotton States. W hat if the Convention proclaim, as does the National Union Club, “ that treason is a crime that should be punished, and that we are opposed to compromising with, traitors”—so much opposed to it in fact, that we would not even be wlllipg to compromise with traitors “by bartering universal amnesty for universal suffrage.” This, too, is language that would sound well enough, by way of catching radical abolition votes, on the Northern stump. For does It not plainly say or intimate, dearly do we prize the boon of universal suffrage for our much loved Southern black fellow citizens. But, much as we love them, we so deeply feel that treason is a crime that should be punished, that we would not let off the Southern “ traitors " even if they would agree as a condition of par don to let the negroes vote. This plattorm is constructed by old politi cians. They know from long experience how to put words together in such a way as to have a double meaning. And their skill in this in stance deserves a special note of admiration.— Indeed, this eighth resolution of the series de serves the compliment of being held up as a model of ingenuity. It contains a whole ar mory of weapons with which to assail, and of blandishments with which to entice, the Radi cal hordes of the North. Ah, this resolution is the grand rallying text and creed of the Con servative unionists. What a world of humbug and clap-trap is In it! It will serve to modify qualify, season, sweeten, embitter, intensify, soften, explain, muddle, clear up, claw out, everything objections ole in the rest of the platform. Here it is; 8. Jiesoived, That treason is a crime that should he punished, and that we are opposed to compromising with traitors by bartering “ Universal amnesty” for “ universal suffrage. Now, looking to results In Northern political campaigning, this strategy is magnificent. It is Napoleonic. We should very much like to know who the cunning bid coon is that fixed up this resolution. He certainly under stands his business—that is to say, in a Piek wlckian sense. If it is meant for the approach ing elections in the Northern States, nothing could be more felicitous. But if it was meant to entice Southern men in the Convention, nothing could surpass its blundering infelicity of sentiment and diction. Now, let us recur to the embarrassing hy pothesis suggested by our use af the word* “perhaps.” The platform ot the National Union Club holds forth Indirectly, if not iu distinct terms, an invitation to the “ loyal" men of the South—that is to say, the original Union ists of the South, to go into the Convention. It uses phrases that must be exceedingly palatable to such men as Brownlow, of Tennessee, and Hamilton of Texas, and to the whole batch of Southern Congressmen with "loyal' Union principles from Tennessee, and Arkansas and Louisiana, and Western Virginia, who are knocking at the door of Congress for admis sion, and are quite willing, able and anxious to take the test oath. It uses phrases that may not be specially offensive to ex-Provisional Governor James Johnson, of Georgia, and to Hon. Joshua Hill. But are those phrases very inviting to Senators Stephens and John son, of Georgia— to General McLaws, an unpardoned Rebel, who, as' such, is not al lowed to assume the duties of an office among us to which the suffrages of his grateful fellow citizens ha\-e elected him —to the hundreds of fellow officers, and the thousands of fellow sol diers who shared in this “ treason," and some of wfiom are marked out for punisbraenr-ss “ traitors t" But suppose these gentlemen, or some of them, sink etiquette, suppress their disgust at the offensive passages in the platform, and con sent to he delegates to this Philadelphia .Con vention. Suppose meetings, respectable in cha racter and numbers, of the citizens of Georgia request them to serve as delegates, and they go to Philadelphia and take seats. Suppose fur ther, the meetings that send them • instruct them to file a protest against theplaltforra, and claim a place on the floor untrammelled by pledges, uncommitted to Northern creeds, and theories as to treason, and traitors and the pun ishment due the crime—as to the causes of the war—the results to the victors and the van quished. Suppose the same course is pursued by all the delegates of the eleven proscribed States. Will this action control the voice of the Convention ? Will the delegates of the twenty-four States now represented in Con gress, restrict their views and theories ot the war, and of its results ? Will they be silent on these themes ? It is worse than folly to ex pect it. It would be wilful blindness to the main purpose and design of the Convention. — That purpose undeniably is, to construct a po litical platform on which to make the Northern canvass in the approaching elections. That platform will be substantially the platform of the National Union Club. If uttered at all, it will be uttered in the interests of Northern politicians, and suit the exigencies of their po sition before Northern constituencies. But that platform will be one Avhich will not represent Southern opinion. It will be in flat contradiction to the whole theory of the war as fought In' the Confederate States. It will be a miracle of “ glittering generalities” if it be not a desecration of the graves, and an insult to the memory of our martyred dead. It will be a master-piece of chicanery if it be not a repri mand to the Southern delegate* for their past disloyalty and treason. It will be a silly fiasco, if it do not laud in duly eulogistic terms, the glorious flag of the Union, and \-aunt its tri umphs on the battle fields of the South over the Stars and Bars of the Confederacy. It would be a fatal omission if it failed to compliment the heroes of the Northern masses for their emphatic manner of putting down the rebellion Avith fire and sword—by the pillage, sack, and devastation of town and country. It is by no means impossible that the extra "loyal" "loyal ists" of that "loyal" Convention, carried away by an impulse ofpatriotic enthusiasm,or deeming it a stroke of political expediency to aflect the di vine afflatus, should nominate the hero of Vicks burg and Missionary Ridge and Richmond, for President, ivith the destroyer of Columbia or the devastator of the Shenandoah Valley as sec ond on the ticket. It is certainly quite proba ble that among some of the delegates from the twenty-four “ loyal ” States, some such course Avould fltuf advocates. In such a contingency what are the delegates from the eleven States to dc ? Shall they ac cept the proceedings under protest, and come back to their constituents with it, as the best they could get V Or shali they secede from the Convention ? Secede! Oh, word once so sacred —once so potent—once looked up to as the final and certain safety of a people when too intolerably wronged for further forbearance. How ab ject now—how mocked and jeered at by every vandal miscreant and Yankee thief, that burned our dwellings or robbed our hen coops, in their grand struggle to put down se cession ! What a parody on the secession of 18(>0, from the Conventions of Charleston and Baltimore! What a parody on the grand dra ma of secession as enacted at Montgomery and Richmond, and on all the great battle-fields of the war. In view of the solemn past, how puerile and ridiculous would Southern seces sion he from this Philadelphia Convenlion.— Yet puerile and ridiculous as it would look, it might, it quite probably will, be a necessity im posed on every true and conscientious South ern man who may be weak enough to be de coyed into that Convention. Let Southern men be warned in time. Be ware, of taking any step calculated to divide our people, or to weaken them. Our position is morally a strong one now. The attitude of a law-abiding people disfranchised and pro scribed—obedient to the Constitution of the land, yet denied every Important right guaran teed by it—taxed to support a Government which claims its allegiance, yet unrepresented in its councils—is one which appeals to the in tuitive sense of justice of dispassionate minds iu the North, and to the fears of prudent minds there who see danger in the 100 long continuance of this attitude. Let Northern men study out the problem for themselves and act upon it. Let Northern parties divide and vote upon it- But do not let Southern men dispute about it, or divide , upon, or mix up w ith Northern parties,, either j to eruliarrass or to aid. It is a dangerous inters j fereuee. There are Northern men—a few Intellectual, j high toned, and just men, who sympathized with the South in her struggle, or at least felt that justice and right were with her. But no Northern party then held any such position, or acted in conformity to any such view, nor does ■ any party North, now place itself in any sueli j attitude, or present any such issues. Nor does any party there have tlie grace to be silent as to the past, and present only the practical issues of the present hour, and thus make it possible for Southern men to act in harmony with it. The issues there made up are made up from a Northern stand point. But, ail parties there have one ground in harmony—that is, that the South was flagrantly in the wrong in the civil war just closed —her soldiers traitors, as were all who sympathized with them, and deserved to be whipped into subjection to Yankee rule. And it is vain for Southern politicians at this time, to hope to go into Conventions with Northern politicians where this proposition will not be insisted upon in a form more or less offensive. BuUhough Southern politicians be willing to go before Northern men in Conven tion, and with hands on their mouths and their months in the dust, say we have sinned against the Union and the glorious old flag, but are re pentant and "loyal" such gratuitous humiliation would but weaken the Southern cause, and tempt further exactions. THAT CONVENTION. There has been lately laid before the people of the South a call for a “ National Union” Convention, to meet in the city ot Philadelphia on the fourteenth of August next. To this as semblage the South is invited to send delegates, but only such as are “ loyally disposed this qualification being imposed on the usual right of a perfectly free selection. “ Loyally dis posed" persons are of course "loyal," and a “ loyal " delegate—using the term in the North ern sense of the Avord—is one who can hike the test oath. As evidencing that such is the con struction put on this qualification by the gen tlemen who issue this call, reference will here after be made to the platform of that party into which as a nucleus they have associated them selves. But, for the present, it is only desired to consider the probabilities of this convention effecting any good. The call for it is issued by men who impliedly hold themselves out as prominent among those opposed to the Radi cals, and it is therefore Avith surprise we note the absence of any endorsement by, among others, Vallandigham, Voorheis, Franklin Pierce, George' 11. Pendleton, or Millard Fillmore. The names of these gentlemen would have added much to the Aveight of tliis document, as the gentlemen themselves can carry no inconsiderable portion of the Northern vote. They are also men Avhosc devotion to the principles of constitu tional liberty has not sprung into being just at a time Avhen that devotion seemed to promise an induction into poAver. In dark and troubled days they stood up for the cause of Anglo-Sax on freedom, and testified by word and deed the faith that was in them, when some, at least, of these signers were voting men and money to the support of lawless, unconstitutional, and des potic measures. Pierce and Fillmore, when they spoke at all, counselled moderation and plead for justice; Pendleton stood like a rock by the Federal Constitution ; the voice of silver tongued Voorheis avas clear as crystal in de nunciation of all tyranny and in advocacy of law;' Avliile as to the last of these true men, it may well be remembered lioav Clement L. Vallan bigham was torn from his bed at midnight and tried at the drum head for daring to speak like John Hampden of old. Noav the American people are not a people Avho love time-serving and, apart from the fact that these gentlemen hAA'e, each and all, troops of devoted friends, their very bitterest opponents concede them a respect that is sadly lacking in the eases of some at least of those others who sign this call—a call professedly “ National ” and yet unsigned by some of the most prominent patriots of the North and utterly devoid of any Southern man’s signature. But, with this much for the present, as to its signers let the call itself be considered. It is excessively vague in its terminology, but by the free use of glittering generalities is calculated to produce the impression upon us that Jt ad vocates the restoration of the old time Union, with an admission of Southern representatives on a Constitutional basis. From some revieAV of the press ns it comes to us on the subject such impression seems to have been taken as the one intended. That it was so intended we doubt not, but deny that it is warranted by the real position of those Avho issue it. We have in our possession a document that conclusively proves no admission of Southern Congressional delegations on the Constitutional basis is in truth promised by this call. So far to the con trary is the ease, that we furthermore assert that on this great question of admission, the platform of these “National Union” signers differs in but a very slight degree from the Ra dical ultimatum. This is flint proof. In another part of this paper will be found a declaration of principles put forth by “ The National Union Club,” the President and Executive Committee whereot are the signers of this call. This platform is taken from a Democratic paper published in the State of Connecticut. The separate resolu tions have been numbered by us for convenience of reference and the attention of the reader is invited first of all to the sixth. By this it is de clared that “ loyal' citizens of the States lately in “ rebellion ” ought to be protected in all rights guarantied by the Constitution. Hon. Joshua Hill is a “ loyal" citizen of Georgia and is therefore entitled to these rights, but if martyred Bartow were living would these gen tlemen deem him a “ loyal" citizen and, there fore, equally so entitled ? We trow not, and cannot but think if this call were really entitled to the proud appellatives of National and Union, this sixth section would assert that all men every where—Mr. Hill whose convictions led him one Avay and Gen Bartoay whose own led him another—were alike entitled to every right that the Federal Contitution guaranties. That is a National resolution but this one redolent with the stench of Party. The “ loyal" citizen can take the Test Oath and if such only are to be protected by the Federal Constitution to how small a class will its blessings be limited in this State of Georgia ! But the seventh resolution is also noticeable. “ Loyal members duly elected and returned , hat iny the requisite qualifications as prescribed by lair, should be admitted," is its language. Why this is the Radical platform pure and simple, for wherein, save in mere form of words, does it differ from the declaration—send us men who can take the Test Oath, and we’ll let ’em in.— And yet that is what the Radicals say. The third section of their last Constitutional amend ment renders certain persons ineligible for Con gress, but the Test Oath did the earnest ' and this “ National Union” call requires th e °S king of that Test Oath just as much as the RaT ieal programme insists upon the ratification f that amendment. The ninth resolution i* aIT identical in sentiment with the fourth article e° f the Radical Amendment, and yet we are to pose the one and give in our adhesion TANARUS" the other. The eighth resolution is lK .° worthy of note, and here we dismiss the nonce, this platform—-which, as wc View i is admirably calculated to play into the hands of the Radicals by creating "dissension in the South. Heretofore we were united—we all thought, and w onld have voted, oneway. Union made us strong, and the Radicals feared us Calm endurance made us dignified, and. the bet ter classes of the North began to perceive the terrible anomalies of onrnnd their position — But now the firebrand is thrown among ns The bait has been cast out. Are we to fall in sunder and fly at each other’s throats like the jarring wings of the Fenian Brotherhood ? Are we to plot and counterplot, caucus and resolve till in the midst of inteßtine and unfraternal brawls, we become the laughing stocks, as well as the prey of our enemies ? God forbid. And yet we will if this clap-trap is foisted upon any considerable portion of our people. We have stood shoulder to shoulder like brethren in gloomy days, and now when better times are dawning, shall a little humbug set us one against the other ? Do not permit it, men of Georgia, Remember, ever since the war closed, whenever you touched Federal politics you got the worst of the bargain—wherever you trusted a prom ise you were deceived—whenever you cherished a hope, the sweet cup was dashed from your lips. Have nothing to do with this Convention. Meet in no primary assemblage—pass no reso lutions—elett no delegates—utterly refuse to put your fingers to the fire. The world knows your position. You will abide by the Laws— you will maintain the Constitution— and that is enough-. Don’t do any more. If you do you leave the firm ground for the quakiug morass, and may realize the fable of the dog who, grasp ing at the shadow, lost the substance of his bone. TWEEDLE-DUM AND TWEEDLE-DEE. From the Radical Coi stitotional Amend ment. Sec. 3. No person shall be Senator or Representa tive iu Congress, or elec tor or President or Vice President, or hold an of fice, civil or militarv, un der the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an Ex ecutive or Judicial officer of any State to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or hat’e given aid and com fort to tho enemies there of. But Congress may, by a votelof two-thirds of e ach House, remove such disability. Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of the Uni ted States, authorized by law, including the debts incurred for the payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing the rebellion shall not be questioned. But neither the United States, nor any State thereof, shall as sume or pay any debtor obligation incurred in aid of the insurrection or re bellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave, but all such debts) claims and o liga tions shall be held illegal ! and void. From the Platform of the “National Union Club.” 7. Resolved, That all the States of the Union aie entitled by the Constitu tion of the United States to representation in the councils of the nation, and that all loyal members duly elected and returned, having the requisite quali fications as prescribed by law, should be admitted to their seats in Congress without unnecessary de lay by their respective Houses, each House be ing the judge of the elec tion, returns and quaiiti > cations of its own trem - bora. 9. Resolved, That the payment of the national debt is a sacred obliga tion, never to be repudia ted ; and that no debt or obligation incurred in any maimer whatever in aid of treason or rebellion should ever be assumed or paid. Behold, gentlemen, this ingenious game of thimblerig. Six of one and half a dozen of the other, is it not V As pretty a little filching of Radical thunder as ever was seen, and beauti fully calculated to carry some odd congression al elections in the North, even if it shouldn’t do the South any good. DON’T ENDORSE IT. Our esteemed cotemporary of the Atlanta ln telliqencer—to whom our thanks are due for the kindly manner in which we were lately mentioned —is informed that this paper does not endorse this call for a “ National Union" Convention—that on the contrary it is entirely thereto opposed—and that an article seemingly to the contrary appearing in our columns a few days since was a selection and appeared wholly without our knowledge or consent by one of those eventualities that sometimes occnr in journalistic life. Will our esteemed cotempo rary set us right therefore, in this matter, and, should his opinion coincide with our own, strike hands with us in opposition to this new rendition of a stae old farce. Perversion.—Dead Duck Forney is publish ing recent Southern poetry to prove the disloy alty of this section. Among other selections, there is a poem originally contributed to this journal. This the Dead Duck has altered and distorted to suit his purpose. We give the final verses as Forney manipulates them. Thus: " Above you shall the oak and cedar fling Their giant plumage and protecting shade; For you the song-bird pauses on his wing And warbles requiems o’er the undismayed. Farewell! And if your spirit wander near To kiss this p’ani of my unsparing art— Translate it, even to the heavenly sphere, As the libretto of a maiden's heart. The malicious change of language and senti ment can be perceived by a comparison with > true copy. Thus: Above shall the oak and cedar fling . Their giant plumage and protecting shade, For you the song-bird pause upon his wing And warble requiems ever undismayed. Farewell! And if your spirit wander near To kiss this plaint of unaspiring art— Translate it, even in the heavenly sphere, As the libretto of a maiden’s heart. A New Trick or Burglars. Some of the professional burglars have adopted anew m of obtaining information in regard to “ C! . places for “ operations.” Du ring „ hours, when householders are absent, ni,' at their residences, and, representing tuem- to be internal revenue officers, n? 1 . inquires of the servants about their occupations, habits, silver-plate, furmtu » & which information is taken burglars. Citizens should be on the for such tricks as these.
