THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST
•WEDNESDAY MORNING. JULY 10,1867
TO OUR SUBCRIBERS.
The Weekly Constitutionalist will here
after be 'mailed on Tuesday ins:ead of Wednes
day morning. We make this change to accom
modate many subscribers. It is oui aim and
purpose to make the paper a tirst class news and
family journal, and we confidently hope tjnu
the influence ot our subscribers will be exerted
to aid us iu doing so by extending its circu
lation.
THE EXECUTION OF THE EMPEROR
MAXIMILIAN.
• When, one month ago, we pointed out to
our readers the probable consequences which
the execution of the Emperor Maximilian
would have upon the civilized world, this
sad possibility appeared to us, considering
Mexican character, a foregone conclusion.
We are profoundly touched by the melan
choly event.
In our last editorial on this harrowing
subject, we endeavored to show tliat it ap
pearecKto us to be the imperative duty of
the United States Government,.in behalf of
the honor and interest of republican institu
tions, as well as for the maintenance of their
purity, seeking the good of all mankind, and
consequently for the preservation of their
influence over the civilized and reflecting
world, that said Government ought to neglect
. nothing that might tend to save the life of
Maximilian. We also wished to call atten
tion to the fact that the first responsibility,
should this murder take place, would be
fastened by History upon the French people
and their Emperor, more particularly. We
do not wisli to inquire, at present, nor has
the proper time arrived for such inquiry, in
how far and with what promptitude the
Governments of the United States and of
France have done their duty in this matter.
Sonic lingering doubt there may be that
in the case of our own Government, every
thing tiiat has been done was carried out
with the greatest possible degree of promp
titude and. energy, or that all that might
have been done under the circumstances,
was done; but we will not now permit our
judgment to lie harrassed by such doubts,
and only hope that the honor of the United
States has been fully cared for. But the
Jime Iras come, after this useless and barba
rous act of Mexican banditti, to make in
some way an end of Mexican confusion and
prevent further outrages against civiliza
tion and humanity, as well as against the
most sacred rights of individuals, honor,
life and property, of whose violation the
Mexicans have been guilty during nearly
the whole of the present century, until their
atrocities make a whole mountain of iniqui
ty. When we compare Ihe moderation and
soldier-like frankness with which Southern
soldiers and generals were treated by the
victorious Grant and Shekman, according
to their captured equals ready release un
der the guaranty of liquor pledged, (which
honor, God be praised, lias not been viola
ted by the Southern soldiery in any instance
we know of,) with the ccid blooded barbari
ty and malice displayed by Mexican victors
toward their superiors in generalship, intel
lect and bravery, we experience, despite
the suffering of our poor country, a feel
ing of pride that we are Americans. It
must be confessed that the Northern armies,
especially during the latter part of the war,
were guilty of great barbarities, but when
the war was ended, the North agitated with
sorrow at the calamitous and execrable as
sassination of their chosen President,
despite this powerful reason calling forth
their national Revenge against the South
under the excitement of the moment,
still the Government, to a large yxtent,
and the great majority of the Northern peo
ple held inviolate the terms of the surren
der in regard to our generals and soldiers.
The Mexicans win* have no such provoca
tion, have, nevertheless, acted as savages ; re
venge is an inherent principle of their na
tional character—with them blood must
flow after every .success, excesses must soil
the glory of every one of their achieve
• ments; to them the virtues of moderation,
Christian forbearance and magnanimity are
utterly nnknowu. We have not the shadow
of a doubt that the cry of horror at this
terrible deed will resound throughout Eu
rope, as from the evidences we have as re
gards the press of this country in every
section (with a few shameful exceptions) the
act of the Mexican Government will be
viewed with disgust and condemnation by
the entire American people. Though poli
tical feuds are now dividihg the land,
and a party holding the reins of Govern
ment strives to elevate an inferior race at the
expense of the whites of this country, we trust
enough of national sensibility is left to make
us in this question a unity. Congress, which
has assembleed again, could do nothing
better than to sift Mexican affairs to
very bottom and come to some definite
and united action in regard to the repeated
slights and insults inflicted upon us by the
Mexicans lately. The people of the United
‘States are held by them in such a low esti
mation that not even the national eusigu
h*as been respected but actually trodden
under foot. Congress has perhaps no right
to complain on that score* having caused
these very insults by permitting ns to re
main a disunited and discontented people,
but it would be well for it to remember that
whatever its sympathies with Mexican re
publicans may be, the patience and for
bearance of the people it represents may be
expected to have some limits. With the
lights before us we cannot see how the De
partment of State canany longer entertain
friendly diplomatic relations with Juarez.
Something greatly redounding to the honor,
the interest and unity of this whole country
might be done with the Mexican question
at this very juncture. How to effect this
may safely be lift, we think, to the astute
ness and policy of >lr. Seward.
The sacrifice of Maximilian’s life will not
be without its beneficial consequences to
mankind. Wherever heroism, fortitude and
sincerity And admirers, the name of the
unfortunate Prince Jill he held in venera
tion and strengthen the lot e of these
noble attributes. That his Wood w.ll call
I forth blossoms and fruits is, however, no
consolation for the grief of the present hour,
when m reflect what a man with qualities
of those of Maximilian might luw e achie\ e >
for himself, for the Mexicans and his own
native country: The poet could pain n
sadder scene than that which surtouin
Maximilian’s fate—executed far from all he
held dear, no kindred around him to cheer
him in his supreme hour of agony, young,
“ with all that power and wealth e’er gave,”
no gentle hands laying him to rest among
the tombs of his glorious ancestry, his body
withheld and remaining in the clutches of,
his murderers, the mind of his lovely com
panion covered with the veil of mental an
guish and darkness —what human imagina
tion, we sisk, could conjure a sadder picture
than all that concerns the fate of the unfor
tunate regenerator of fatten Mexico i
AFRAID OF HIS OWN SHADOW.
• Mr. Benjamin Wade, the -Great Agra
rian, has been trying to explain his Law
rence speech by quibbles and subterfuges.
He swears that the oration was “ garbled
and purposely misunderstood.” Such was
the flutter caused in the East and in the
West by. Mr. Wade’s “ jump forward ” that
the Cincinnati Commercial sent, at great ex
pense to the management, a special corres
pondent to the Vice-President, and the fol
lowing jumble of platitudes was the result.
Mr. W ade is reported to have said:
Why, sir, if you would make an equit
able distribution of all the property in the
United States to-day among the people, in
five years it would again be in the hands of
a few men. Such a measure would not be
just, nor would it be of any practicable ad
vantage to the poor people if done. 1 lie
editors and correspondents who have been
writing about my speech know very well 1
am not in favor of such a foolish thing as
the distribution of property, or of disturb
ing in any way property rights.” About
the Presidency he said, “ My dear sir, I do
not seek that office. I never sought any
ofiice, and never will. I have served the
people only because they wished me to, and
not of my own choosing. It is thirty years
since I began public life; lam au old man,
as you see, and need rest.” On the labor
question he remarked, “ That system of la
bor which degrades the poor man and ele
vates the rich, which makes the rich richer
and the poor poorer, which drags the very
soul out of the poor man for a pitiful ex
istence, is wrong. We must elevate the la
borer, and give him a share in the proceeds
of his labor. The man who successfully
splves that problem will' do more for the
world than any man that has lived in it
since the days of Christ. I believe, how
ever, that the shadow of the great struggle
is upon us, and we must meet it. There is
deep discontent among the masses, and
they will shortly demand that their condi
tion be made more comfortable, both m this
country and England. There is a restless
ness, a feverish excitement, a diseontented
ness with their lot among the poor classes
that we cannot disregard. The people
want more recreation —more enjoyment.
They are casting about for relief from
their monotonous and* half-starved condi
tion, and they will have it.
If an equitable distribution of property
I among the whites at the North would, in
j five years, result in a return to monopolies
as at present, what does the Hon. Wade
mean by threatening confiscation and parti
tion of Southern lands among a parcel of
negroes ? If such a measure would be - un
just.ami of no practical advantage, why at
tempt to frighten us with universal theft
and division ? We are glad to know that
this representative of Radicalism has been
forced to acknowledge confiscation to be
merely a brutum fuhnen, and trust that ex-
Gov. Brown and certain “ editors and cor
respondents ” will abandon what, according
to Wade, they “ know to be a foolish
thing,” when they talk of the certainty, if
the Military Bill be rejected, of a “ distribu
tion of property or a disturbance of private
rights.”
If Mr. Wade is an “old man and needs
rest,” foi* the love of heaven, why does he
not retire from public life instead of show
ing his grim visage to the people of New
Orleans and the Cheyenne ludians, not to
speak of the barbarians at Washington ?
Rest, rest, perturbed spirit!
. After slyly insinuating that he has no
Presidential aspirations, that he is an old
fellow and needs a good churchyard slum
ber, he returns with fatal fascination to the
everlasting Agrarian scheme which he so
emphatically denied. How is the laborer
to get a share of the proceeds of his labor,
except by wages or contract with capital ?
It is true that capital has been a hard task
master from the beginning of the world, but
unless Mr. Wade* proposes to solve the
1 vexed question by compelling Massachu
setts mill-owners and Puritan Gradgrinds
generally to share the profits of their busi
ness with*the operatives they employ, we
do not readily understand how he can hope
tto “do more for the world than any man
j since the days of Christ.”
Mr. Wade predicts that a great struggle
is imminent because the people want “ more
recreation and more enjoyment.” As they
cannot possibly enjoy themselves to the top
of their bent without money, they should,
according to Wade, help themselves libe
rally from the National Banks, and the cof
fers of fat bondholders. The Abolitionists,
a few years since, imagined that the negro
slaves were discontented and wanted “more
recreation and more enjoyment.” To se
| cure them these inalienable privileges a
gigantic war was inaugurated which very
effectually gave the negro what his philan
thropic friends deemed a necessity, at the
expense of toiling millions of white labor
ers. Do the Northern masses ever serious
ly question themselves as to their : present
decrepitude, disquiet and want T Bo they
not know that they have been brought to
distress by Radical fanaticism in order that
several millions of Africans should have
“ more recreation, more 1 enjoyment ?” If
not, it is time they began to reflect, just as
the men whose gold, made the war a sue-!
cess begin to tremble at the possibility of i
being called to a moral and financial ac
count by these dupes of Puritan ideas.
Taking this report of the Commercial cor
respondent as correct, we opine that “ honest
Ben ” has made a muddle of his ease, and
instead of giving hostages to his rich \
friends, has only convinced them that mis-,
chief is brewing and hell’s cauldron bub
bling and boiling all over.
It, is discreet to hesitate about the
veracity of a Cincinnati Commercial report
after its special pet “Mack” has been
proved a romaneist oil more than one occa
sion. Having concocted an Imaginary con
versation with Alexander H. . Stephens
one equally fictitious could be written
for Benjamin Wade.
Assuming that the reported denial is true,
we have it on record that the High Priest
and leader of Radicalism never dreamed of
the “ distribution of property or the dis
turbance of private rights.” This decided
utterance knocks Messrs. Brown & Cos.
into what is roughly called a cocketl-hat.
Assuming the report to be a fabrication,
we have it on record that Radicalism, weary
of spoiling the South, proposes to recreate
and enjoy itself by spoiling the North.
When this gay and festive experiment shall
have been tried, we may know that the rule
or ruin party is on its last legs ; that the
chalice commended to our lips has been
thrust at the lips of the North ; that’ \\ reck,
tribulation and compensation are not far
distant; that when thieves fall out honest
men come by their own.
WOMAN’S RIGHTS.
The following article, from the Baltimore
Gazette, is happily conceived and admirably
presented: *
« The Committee on Suffrage, of the Con
stitutional Convention of New \ ork, has
just done a most ung&llaut filing. It pro
poses to give the negro the right to vote
without any qualification and to deny the
right to woman. That Mrs. Cady Stanton
and Miss Susan B. Anthony, on hearing
what th 6 committee intended to report,
should liavtf considered its course very un
just and should indignantly demand to be
heard at the bar of the Convention, was
nothing less than might have been expected
of these strong-minded defenders of their
sex. It would have been uncharitable to
have denied them a hearing. So, oil Thurs
day evening they were permitted to deliver
addresses in the Assembly Chamber in vin
dication of ‘ their rights.’ The field of ar
gument is so very limited, and has been,
gone over so often, that petticoated
orators were not able to say anything espe
cially new or especially interesting. Their
position, briefly stated, is that when women
are allowed to vote, all that is turbid in
politics will speedily become purified, like
a glass of muddy Mississippi water when a
pinch of alum is thrown into • it. ‘Why
should not women,’ they ask, ‘ be allowed the
same privileges that are accorded to men ?”
We are sure we do not know, except it be be
cause they are women and not men. Such an
answer, however, would not satisfy Mrs.
Cady Stanton or her valorous supporter, Miss
Anthony. They deem it inconsistent with
the dignity of a woman’s nature that she
should limit her influence to society and the
home circle. They evidently regard it as
derogatory to her womanhood that she
should be invested with the charge of the
household and the nurture and culture of
her children. Thty indignatly repel the
idea that it is the crowning privilege of a
woman to be a comfort and solace to her
husband, or that her highest meed of praise
is the love she inspires and the respect she
commands. They would not have her ten
der and affectionate in manner, and gracious
of speech, with a voice that is ‘ ever soft,
gentle and low.’ They demand that she
shall be recognized only for those qualities
which least become her, and that she shall
have the right of performing those duties
for which she is least fitted. They insist,
in short, that in all practical worldly affairs
the woman shall be held to. be the equal of
the man ; that the distinction of the sexes
shall be done away with, and that she shall
be allowed to compete with men in all pro
fessional and industrial pursuits. Concede
this, and the very moment a ivoman enters
the arena, the bloom and fragrance of
womanhood is taken from her.
“ Miss Anthony, however, is a sturdy be
liever not only in woman’s right to vote,
but to exercise all other manly rights.
During the discussion of this point—
‘Mr. Greeley wished to know if the friends
of the movement had it in contemplation
that jurors should be drawn indiscriminate
ly from men and women.
‘ Miss Anthony answered in the affirma
tive.
‘Mr. Gould, (Rep.) of Columbia, asked
how it would be in case of a draft ? [Ap
plause and great laughter in the male gal
lery.]
‘ Miss Anthony, with great vivacity, an
swered—So long as war is the order of the
day. Yes, I am opposed to war; but if it
must be so, let them both serve. Yes, sir,
we are ready to submit to a draft. [Ap
plause.’]
“It was very good in Miss Anthony to
say this. Except in Dahomey we do not
know at this day of the existence of a corps
of Amazon warriors. There, however, the ;
uniform is simple. It consists merely of a ,
breech cloth and a bone necklace. With us j
it would open a world of trouble. Think
of maternity in a blue jacket and tight-fit
ting pantaloons! Think of the mother be
ing drafted, and sent to the war, and the
father left at home to cook the meals, wash
up the dishes, and coddle the baby. Think
of the surgical inspection and the herding
indiscriminately in camp. Think of the li
centious habits, the foul speech, the loath
some sights of the bivouac, the march, and
then say how much of true womanhood
would come out of the ordeal. But Miss
Anthony, whilst she is willing to be drafted,
vows and declares that she is opposed to
war. Here comes in a case of conscience
at once. She has no objection to the ‘ gal- j
!aut cjurtle axe’ or the ‘swashingand mar
tial outside,’ but, at ’the Same time, like |
‘ many other mannish cowards,’ she has the j
least possible stomach for fighting. Mrs. j
Cady Stanton, however, bravely advanced to j
the rescue, and gave it oracularly as her
opinion that wars would cease when wo-;
men had the right of suffrage. Iu prompt j
answer to the above the Committee on Suf
frage, of which, be it noted,4le>race Gree
ley is the chairman, reported the following
day to allow only males to vote; and thus
showed themselves shamefully callous to
the ear-piercing eloquence of Miss Antho
ny, and the ‘ dry, hard logic ’ of Mrs. Cady
Stanton. We are always sorry when a
woman cannot have her way, and we must
say that Mrs. Abby Kelly Foster, Miss Su
san B. Anthony, Mrs. Lucy Stone, Miss
Anna Dickinson and Mrs. Cady Stanton
have been very shabbily treated by the
philosopher of the Tribune and his Radical
friends. If such women desire to enter
the trade of politics, to go to primary meet
ings' at pot-houses, to’ hook-and-eye female,
or button-hole mala voters for a favorite
candidate, to have* their maternal ancestors
occasionally alludod to in the ‘lady-lan
guage ’ of Billingsgate, to carry banners
and transparencies in midnight processions,
tyul to unsex themselves generally, they
have unquestionably just reason to com
plain of the barbarous custom of a barbar
ous age which prevents them from follow
ing out their propensities in contempt of
consequences.”
KILLING VOTES.
Eight Democratic Representatives from
the State of Kentucky have been sent be
fore the Congressional Committee on Elec
tions. They will stgy before that commit
tee until the odious measures now pending
have been finally passed upon. They will
probably be snuffed out completely, in the
long run. As the State of Kentucky has
been denied representation—a State that
never severed its membership with the
Federal Union—we lepye it to the people
of Georgia to consider liow* very Radical
her Representatives must be in order to
secure the good graces and pleasant recog
nition of the lords of misrule. Governor
Brown’s prophecy alxmt “ amnesty , harmony
and fraternity ” has received a fresh illustra
tion.
HON. B. H. HILL’S NOTES.
. We reproduce, from the Chronicle & Senti
nel, one of the most striking and practical
of Mr. Hill’s essays. This manly utter
ance should find an echo in the heart of
every true Georgian. It will be seen that Mr.
Hill has generously tendered his services
iu defense of any person who will make a
case before the District Courts on present
political issues. We trust this magnani
mous offer will be fervently responded to.
We could wish for no more powerful cham
pion than B. H. Hill, and no worthier
cause than Constitutional Liberty.
Pauperism and Crime—A Comparison.
The concluding volume of the census of
1860, devoted to social statistics, has been
issued. It affords the means of many in
structive comparisons,' and, among others,
of a comparison between the numbers of the
dangerous and the perishing classes, and
their relative proportion to the whole peo
ple, in two distinct and widely apart sec
tions of the Union, as follows’:
NEW ENGLAND STATES.
States. Population. Paupers. Criminals.
Maine 628,270 8,949 1,215
Connecticut..... 426,147 4,044 1,473
New Hampshire. 326.073 4,494 795
Massachusetts.. .1,231,066 51,880 12,732
Rhode Island... 174,620 1,108 718
Vermont 315,098 3,987 52
Total 3,025,283 74,459 16,977
SAME NUMBER OF SOUTHERN STATES.
States. Population. Paupers. Crimina's.
Alabama 946.201 582 1 79
Virginia 1,596,318 6,027 608
Georgia 1.057.286 1 451 251
Mississippi 791,805 374 219
Tennessee 1,109,801 3,038 200
North Carolina.. 992,622 1,922 450
Total 6,493,532 14,394 1,898
From this it appears (omitting fractions)
that while there is in New England a pau
per to each 40 and a criminal to each 174
of the population, in the Southern States
enumerated, there was only one pauper to
each 451, and one criminal to each 3,421 of
the population. It is evident that the much
boasted superiority of New England, ou
account of her great moral purity and high
intelligence, tells better in rhetorical flour
ishes than in statistical figures. What a
story it tells for the culture of Massachu
setts, with her sublime system of free
schools and her innumerable churches, that
she has 51,880 paupers and 12,732 criminals,
while Alabama, one of the dark corners of
the earth —a field of missionary labor and
philanthropic efforts, with two-thirds as
large a population, had only 582 paupers
and 179 criminals.
Hon. *H. S. Fitch.— We see by a corres
pondence in the Thoraasville Entet'prise that
this gentlemen, United States District At
torney, resident at Savannah, will address
the citizens of Thomasville on the 4th inst.,
on “ Reconstruction.”
The Macon Journal & Messenger suggests,
as a text for his discourse, the noble words
with which he closes his letter, to be found
in another column, to Mr. Gue.
We thank him for this brave utterance,
and adjure him by the memory of a past in
which no stauncher defender of the right
was found in all the great Northwest than,
himself to stand by it. In his memorable
speeches against Judge Douglass, in the
State of Illinois in 1858, he painted in col
ors that even now are fresh in the memory
of thousands at the South who only read
his speeches, the dangers and disgrace that
inevitably wait upon a departure from prin
ciple. Let him tell Georgians now what he
told his own people then. And he could
not better do it than to take, as we have
suggested, for his theme these words:
“ Next to usurpation of power, there is
no higher grade in political crime than a
timid abandonment of rights.”
I From our Special Correspondent.
Letter from Atlanta.
Atlanta, G*v., July 4, 1867.
Messrs. Editors: The glorious Fourth
lias arrived and is well nigh expired. It
has been a dav that will long be remember
ed by the citizens of Atlanta. Such a con
trast l let ween this and our old fashioned
Fourths of July is calculated to suggest
many reflections to the inquiring mind.—
Africa Jias had full sway? It had been pre
viously announced that there would be a
mass meeting of the Union Republican
party of Georgia held in Atlanta to-day.—
About 9 o’clock, a. m., the delegates from
different counties, (about 60 iu the State be
ing represented either by delegation or
rather individual direct, or by proxy,) as
sembled at the City Hall for the purpose qf
enrolling delegates, Col. A. W. Stone,
{plain) formerly of Atlanta, now of Savan
nah, was called to the chair, and P. M.
Scheibley, of , tpitain.) requested to act as
Secretary. Mr. j. L. Dunning and W. S.
Bassford, both plain of Atlanta, assisted
the. Secretary to enroll the names of dele-
gates.
The hour for speaking was fixed at 12
o’clock, m. Long*before the hour arrived
throngs of colored men, women and chil
dren collected around the City Hall. About
half-past 11 o’clock, a. m., the different pro
cessions, marching, to the strains of music,
with numerous banners began to arrive at
the City Hall. This presented a ludicrous
and grotesque appearance. Freedmen had
deserted the farms from all parts of the
country around, and joined in with their
more refined and informed city brethren to
swell the ranks. The different processions
had banners, each inscribed with what their
chief head, (under the direction of the
“lial league” in Atlanta,) thought to be an
appropriate motto. Such, for instance, as
“ The Stevens Union Club: let us be friends:
vote for convention and avoid Thad. Ste
vens’ Confiscation.” “Thomas Union Club.
Gen. Geo. H. Thomas for President in 1868.
It is to him we look for the beginning of a
new era.” “ Lincoln Union Club, Ist Ward.”
“Sherman Union Club. We are marching
to the C,” &c., &c. There were various
other inscriptions. I merely give you these
as a sample. These processions were com
posed entirely of colored citizens. The im
macculate Dunning, the Pharisaical Mark
ham, nor the hypocritical Farrow did not
deign to join in the procession. Markham
drove tip to the meeting with his coach and
four, playing 2d fiddle to oue A. W. Tenney,
who professes to hail from New York, and
who was the leading plain orator of the day.
Upon a permanent organization, Foster
Blodgett, (very plain,) who, it is said, hails
from your city, was chosen President, if 1
mistake not, to hold his office twelve
months, with fourteen Vice-Presidents.
The speaking began about twelve o’clock, j
M. A. W. Tenney, of New York, (plain,) was J
the first speaker. He was lengthy, but j
said nothing pointed, and did not elicit 1
much interest. 'ln fact, lie did not retain i
the attention of his nearest 'hearers, and j
hacl it not been that the hopeful darkey
was in expectation of something better,
the audience would have dispersed before
he was half through.
The next speaker was Rev. James M.
Simms, colored, of Savannah. He enliven
ed things up some. In fact, he made a
much more interesting speech, judging
from the animation of feeling shown by his
hearers, than Tenney. I was much struck
with one of his remarks. He said that the
“ Bible spoke of much greater antagonisms |
being reconciled than the white and color- '
ed races becoming equal. For, said he, it |
tells us that the lion and the lamb shall lie !
down together ; why not, then, the whites !
and blacks.” This will show you the quo
animo of his speech, which was drank in by i
Blodgett, Dunning, Markham, Farrow, et \
td, with apparently great satisfaction.
The next speaker was ex-reb Col. H. P. Far- j
row, of Nitre and Mining Bureau, {mixed,) \
notoriety, who boldly announced that there J
was not a time during the whole war that
he would not have sold out the Confederate
States had it lay in his power. (This ac
counts for so much worthless ammunition
palmed off on the Confederate Government
during the war.) His speech was a lame
afiair, as always is, and under its influence
several of his colored listeners fell asleep,
and the roar of their nasal organs rather
overdone the gallant ex-reb’s speech.
The next and last speaker of the morning,
was Simeon W. Beard, colored, of Augusta.
He was certainly the lion of the occasion.
He is in fact an intelligent American citizen
of African descent. Not all African, how- j
ever. He is a bright mulatto, and I should I
think, about the same degree of blood as
Fred. Douglass. His speecli had a telling
effect on his Black Republican audience, and ;
threw them almost into exstacies. • His ■
name is upon every one of their lips, and
they are collected about the streets in va
rious knots discussing his merits. Already
he is spoken of for Governor, and lie would
prove a formidable rival to either Blodgett
or Markham, or both, whom, I learn, have
aspirations in that direction. At the con
clusion of Beard’s speech, the Hon. Presi
dent adjourned the meeting until 8 o’clock
this evening, when there is to be some more
speaking, and also a display of fire-works
in honor of the day we celebrate.
There is much disappointment among the
colored people present, about 4,000 men,
women and children, which comprises
about the whole of "the meeting, (leaving
out the police, a few “lookers on in Venice”
and Blodgett, Dunning, Tenney, Markham, I
Farrow, et al.) They had come here from
the country for miles around, expecting a j
good, old fashioned barbecue, as was the
old custom at political mass meetings, but j
nary a barbecue was to be smelt, much less j
seen and tasted. Dunning, Markham, Far
row, Blodgett, et al are too sharp for that.
They are willing to vote the negro if he
will vote their way, and if they can pull
the wool over his eyes. But he must be no
expense to them. No such good thing as a
barbecue will ever greet the freedman as
long as he is lead by such men as these.—
Cuftee will no doubt begin to smell mice
after while. Pediio.
Debit and Credit.—A Milwaukeean has
sued a young married woman, who had re
ceived his attention while engaged to some
one else, for a bill of $lO4 25, the amount
he had paid in her behalf in taking her to
concerts, operas, *pic-nics, rides and ice
cream saloons. As an offset he credited her
with sundry kisses, valued at sl6 37>£;
several squeezes of the hand, $3 37’^; au
unreturned photograph and a ring—making
a total of $37 75. He recovered the bill,
the Judge allowing the plaintiff the issues
at his own valuation. The case is to be
carried up.
The great tabernacle of the Saints of Salt
Lake City is now finished. It is two hun
dred and fifty feet long and one hundred and
fifty wide, and furnishes comfortable sitting
room for ten thousand persons.
Gen. Jomini. —The celebrated General
Jomini has just received from the Emperor
of Russia the grand cordon of St. Andre.
He is 87 years of age.
]From our Special Correspondent.
Letter from Washington.
Washington, July 4, 1867.
* The Congress has been here long enough
for me to gi vt you an idea of what they
.will do.
In the first pjace the more extreme men,-
who wanted to .have a long session, and
consider aIT questions of legislation, have
been overruled. The Congress will cofitine
itself to the purpose of reconstruction.
Upon the subject of reconstruction, a bill
will be passed vacating all the civil officers
umlev the State -governments South, such
vacation to lake place at a fixed and early
day. The Commanding .Generals to hav e
power to appoint new persons to the vacant
offices, or permit the old officer to continue,
or to order an election. The purpose is to
pull up the. existing State governments by
the roots. All the power and influence of
■ office in the South will at once be put on
the side of the Republican party. Besides
this,- shine additional power will be given to
the Registry Boards to reject applicants for
registration, to strike their names from re
gistry lists, after registration, on cause
shown. This programme, frqjp what 1 can
learn, embraces what Congress will do.
Notjiing practical will be done on the
impeachment of tlie President. It* will be
postponed. Many of the leaders of the Re
publican party say it is not worth while to
bother with impeachment, that the Presi
dent is perfectly impotent and not in their
way.
Nothing of consequence will be done ou
the subject of confiscation. Mr. Sumner
and Mr. Stevens, and some others, wish to
take up this subject, but they will have to
practice patience, as the Congress will not
go into this matter'now.
The session will he very short. Some of
the leading members say they will get.
through in ten days. The intense hot.
weather now in vogue here ravel's a short
.session very much.
There is a general feeling of regret among
conservative men here* that the President
stirred up this reconstruction question,
though, in fact, he has done nothing; yet,
he did that nothing in such a way as to
give a pretext for calling Congress together.
I heard one prominent man talking about
it, and he said “it was wonderftil they
could never bluuder upon a sensible thing
at the White House, but must always be
doing something stupid. If the President
had done nothing, well; or if he had done
something, well; but he seemed like he was
going to do something without really doing
anything, and this summoned Congress
from their dread repose and gave the
ultras a pretext for anew agitatiou.”
The Republicans are vastly encouraged
by the registration in Virginia. They claim
the State confidently. They say if it is thus
promising in Virginia, it must be better
South, where there are more blacks.
. Argus.
Letter from Brazil.
We have been requested, says the Now
Orleans Times, to publish the following ex
tract of a letter from a young lady, who,
with her parents, has sought anew home
in the empire of Brazil:
Rio de Janeiro, May 22.
We arrived safely after thirty days from
New Orleans, all well; no deaths, but hard
living. If we had known the bill •of fare,
we could have provided ourselves with pro
visions for the trip.
Rio v(e Janeiro! How can I describe it ?
Alas! the poverty of the English language
fails to furnish words to express the most
magnificent sight 1 ever beheld.
We were received by the Brazilians with ‘
open arms. The Government lias furnished
the most magnificent places for our accom
modation. The house is an extensive build
ing, on an eminence—almost a mountain—
that commands a full view of the city. We
are furnished with rooms, bedding, etc.,
and fed on plain, wholesome food, free of
charge, for twenty days; after that time we
are to pay forty cents per day.
The wrecked emigrants from Texas, un
der Frank McMullen, arrived yesterdayj-a
fine, healthy looking crew, lie clung to
them through everything, but is almost
dead from consumption. Di\ Gaston, from
South Carolina, and crew, are here also.—
Four hundred and fifty of us ure in this
building.
We will probably go into the colony
started by Mr. Gunter, of Alabama. Dr.
Keyes will go there, also four other fami
lies. Two of Mr. Yancey’s sons go with us.
We go three hundred miles north of here.—
There is a regular mail line to New York ;
ships leave here the 23d of each month.—
Cannot yet tell you how to address us. L
write in great haste, as the Emperor is to
visit us in two hours. *
Northern Men as Representatives
op Southern Constituencies. —The fol
lowing letter, addressed to the Military
Governor of Louisiana, explains itself:
Executive Mansion, )
Washington, Nov. 21, 1864. J
Dear Sir : Dr. Kennedy, bearer of this,
has some apprehension that Federal officers,
not citizens of Louisiana, may be set as
candidates for Congress in that State. In
my view, there could be no possible object
in such an election. We do not particular
ly need members of Congress from those
States to enable us to get along with legis
lation here. What we do want is the con
clusive evidence that respectable citizens of
Eouisiana are willing to be members of
Congress, and to swear to support the Con
stitution, and that other respectable citizens
there are willing to vote for them and send
them. To send a parcel of Northern men
here as Representatives, elected, as would
be understood, (and perhaps really so,) at
the point of the bayonet, would be dis
graceful and outrageous, and were Ia mem
ber of Congress here, I would vote against
admitting any such man to a seat.
Yours, very truly,
A. Lincoln.
Hon. G. F. Shepley.
Modern “ Enterprise.” —The publica
tion of dispatches concocted iu New York,
but purporting to have been transmitted
over the Atlantic Telegraph, is supposed by
some journalists to be a cheap and effectual
way of getting a reputation for enterprise,
but it is attended with danger. For in
stance, the Herald a few days ago, in a dis
patch purporting to describe the coronation
of the Austrian Emperor of King of Hun
gary, said : “ The reports of the condition
of the health of the Austrian Archduchess
Matilda ” (who had some time before been
burned by her clothes taking fire) “or of
the actual danger to the life of the Emperor
Maximilian, were not permitted to interfere
with the ceremonies.” The character of
the dispatch will be apparent when it is
known that the unfortunate princess had
been dead two days at the time it was
written, and her fate had made a profound
sensation throughout Europe.— Tribune.
A Case of Conversion.— The London
Court Journal says: “An English Duchess
has gone over to the Roman Catholic Church
within a few daysand adds the quiet ob
servation : . “ It is a short and easy journey
n< W-’ 4
