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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (July 24, 1867)
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST j SPEECH * OF THE HON. .BENJAMIN 11. HILL, ON THE CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY Delivered tit the City of Atlanta, Tues day, July lA, 1867; f REPORTED BY 1. HENLY SMITH J Ladies and Fellow-citizen* : Human governments, like everything else haman, naturally tend to deray. They can only be preserved by constant watchfulness, conr age, and adherence to correct principles. These remarks apply with unusual force to free governments, which are the most difficult of All I® maintain. If we, the people of the United States, were the first iu history who had attempted the experiment of Jiving under a Democratic or Republican form of government, we might be excused if we failed to discover the symptoms of approachiug death, and to apply the remedies to preserve our liberty ami the blessings we have heretofore enjoyed. But we are not the first who have made this experi ment. Other peoples and nations, for thou sands of years, have had Commonwealths, Re publics, and Democracies, which have risen and fallen limes almost without number. I hut as sert a great truth —one which finds no contra diction or exception in all history—when I say that the great leading and substantial causes of 1 the decay of freedom iu all countries have ever ; been the same. How inexcusable must we he i If we luil to discover the symptoms, and how cowardly and recreant if w<j fail to apply the proper remedy to prevent so foul a death ! * - * I No people ever commenced to build up a free government under such favorable auspices as we. What a climate, soil, variety of produc tions and material resources do we possess; and what an ancestry and what a common struggle for liberty did our fathers pass through! Did any people ever before commence with such advantages ? Rome commenced as a small city, and was despised by the barbarians around it. She extended her power by her arms, and in creased tail at last she became mistress of the world. We commenced with such a people, country and productions ns no people ever laid before, and we had fewer and ele ments ol discord than any people ever suffered from ; and Providence, as if to separate us from the crimes and corrupting influences of the old world, spread out this great continent before us, with the wide sea to separate us from them, with no influence of monarchy and oppressive systems to threaten or make war upon us. If we fail, it will be by our own folly. What ex cuse can we render to our posterity and to the world, If we, in this day, with the ldssons of history before us, allow free institutions to perish on this con'.ineut? And our race will have been the soonest run. We have not yet lived a century. It is but seventy-eight years since the Constitution was formed, and but ninety-one years since independence was de clared by our fathers, while the Commonwealth of Rome lived four hundred years before the measures which produced her decay 7 were pro posed. Wbat a spectacle ! The best people, the richest soil, the most valuable productions, established as if by the provjdeucc of God, as a new era in the history of' the world—and bid ding fair to be the shortest lived of any free government in the history of nations! There is no difficulty whatever—and 1 assert it without iearof contradiction—in discovering when and how a nation is dying. I cannot now go into an analysis of all the symptoms of na tional decay and death. It is only Important to present the loading one which controls all others—which existiug, produces all others, and which being remedied, cures all others. — Then hear it; the great symptom of the decay and death of a government is the disr yard of the FUNDAMENTAL law of that government.— Whenever a people come to treat lightly their own fundamental law, they have arrived at the most dangerous point that is possible, short of entire destruction. Republics, .above all,other kind ot governments, are maintained by respect for law. II the people of the United States fall to have a snered regard for their Own law— which is not like that of other nations, to be j ascertained by argument,- by decisions, or by searching, but is a plain and wisely written j Constitution—they will deserve the awful title that awaits them •, .and who disregards its plain language has no excuse to shield himself from the in famy of a traitor ! [Applause.]— Old a» it is—trampled upon, torn and tattered as it is- my theme to-day is the Constitution of our country aud for all ouf country. [Ap plause.] I charge before Heaven anrUhe Amer ican people this day, lhat'every evfl by which we have been afflicted is attributable to tile Constitution. Tinkers may work, quacks muy prescribe, aud demagogues may deceive, but I declare to yon thgd there is no remedy lor us, aud no hope to escape the threatened evil's, but in adhering to the Constitution. Fellow-gitizens : Pardon me while I say that in presenting my views, I think of no living man, individually, to whom my remarks are to apply. I have tome to talk freely to yon about the dangers «l* the country. Little minds ascribe little objects to those whose views the}’ do uot agree with, and he has attained au un enviable reputation whose friends say “you mean, hinl,” whep I am -speaking of treachery and showing the etil consequences or a. certain line of policy. I have no personal attacks to mnkt* on an *fencmy, even it I have one. tOpd knows if I could, with ray Own hands, I would gladly place a crown of imperishable honor on the brow qf ray most, hitter foe, if I could thereby rescue my country from the perils that environ it! [Applause.] But if I have au enemy, and havea vindictive spirit, and desired him to become forever infamous, l could ask no more of Wiu than that he should support the hellish schemes of those who are bow seek ing to subvert the. Constitution and destroy our liberty. He is . digging a grave for himsejf which posterity wlU.uevqr water with a tear. Let him alone. I have come to discuss the present phase of the revolution. Wo have had a War which raged furiously for ] four years. It originated simply In a difference j of opinion as to our rights r.nderthe Coustftu- j tion. This difference existed from the first. Yt existed among the trainers of the Constitution. S It could not be settled bywgument, and an ap-1 peal was made to the sword. It was an open, I manly tight* There was nothing secret or am- j biguous iu the issue. It was waged'by men iu- ] financed in the masses by patriotic emotions on both sides; and it was not to destroy the Cou- j stitution, but to assert on each side their dif ferent views. On our side it was asserted that the States were separate and independebt sov ereignties, ahd that the Constitution was a com pact, which each party was at liberty to dissolve at will, and so seceded and declared our selves out ot the Uuiou. Qu the other bund, it was contended that we were not out of the Union—notwithstanding oar secession acts; and that the Constitution was not a but a binding law upon the States resulting from a compact, and therefore no One ofr tbifc number could dissolve the connection at will. Upon this issue we went to war. The war was fought till we laid dowu our arms and agreed to what our enemies said—that we were in the Union. . But there is now another question to sett’?. It is stiff within the range of argument. Its proportions are huge. The issues arg start ling. It. is not a difference of opinion as to what the Constitution means, and what are our rights under it; but its object is'plainly, un mistakably, to set aside the Constitution arid provide something else. I liavc never doubled that we were coming to this issue. In speech es made by me five, six, eight, and ten years ago, 1 predicted this, and every page of our history siuce that time has verified the cor rectness of the prediction. The people of the North honestly love the Constitution, but the leaders there hate it, and intend to destroy it and the convulsion through which we have passed hns thrown the opportunity of making the effort iuto their hands, and the present military bills and the one which is not j et pro mulgated as law, are the means adopted to ac complish their design. These billswrre pro posed K>rour acceptance. There is a remarka ble feature in these measures, that while force is employed to execute them, they are yet nom inally submitted to us for our acceptance or rejection. I object to the whole scheme, because it is | unconstitutional. A distinguished man—par don me, I ought trt say a notorious individual — ' said to me a few days ago, that I ought noi to waste time to prove the uuconstftutionalitv of these measures—a thing which every man, wo man and child iq the country knew —and yet he was for accepting ! He spoke truthfully. That tottering, gray-haired candidate in Pennsylva nia for perpetual infamy, who is building for himself a monument of malignity that I will ov'. rtop the pyramids of Eypt, said the Constitution bad nothing lo do with it. I : shall never get done shuddering, and horrors will never cease to rise trp in piy'mind, when I see men taking an oath to support the Consti i tulion, and then legislating to put-in force mea sures which are outside of it. A great many of our own people flippantly say the Constitution is dead. Then your rights, and hopes for the ; future, and all hope for your children are dead. I ask every man, if the Constitution is cfoad, why are we always, every day T and at every new step required to take an oath to support it ? Now, I affirm that these military bills arc not only contrary to the Constitution, but directly iu the face of the amnesty oath you were re qhlred to take after the surrender. The Gov ernment thought proper, in accepting your submission, to take your oath to support the Constitution of the United Stales and the Union of the Slates. Why was that oath required if the Constitution was dead ? But it is said the Constitution does not apply to ns. Then don’t swear 10. supporj, it. But it is said again that we.are not in tl'l9 | Union. Tfien why swear to support the Union jof these Statesf .Vhat “Union” does that mean ? When you took that oath was it the Union of the Northern States alone that you swore to support? What business have you witli that Union ? No v it is the Uuion of all the States known to the Constitution that you have 1 sworn to support. ■ . . ♦•! But they say that oath was.prescribed by-the President, and that he is not loyal. Then 1 must answer a foor according to. his folly, and : a traitor according to liis treason. Wbat do they require who passed these bills—this 1 military-juggernaut? They require every mau ! who registers his name to vote, to swear to sup port the Constitution , and counsel and persuade others to do so—and still it is said the Constitu tiou has nothing to do with it! They say the 1 scheme is outside of the Constitution, and yet I in the process of carrying it out, they require an oath to support the Constitution and to counsel and persuade others to do so ! That is more than Mr. Johnson ever required in the | oath which he prescribed: It is my business to support the Constitu tion, and my duty and pleasure to persuade | others to do so. Some of you who favor the ! acceptance of the military bills take an oath to j this effect, and still intend to vote for a con vention which you admit to be contrary to the Constitution! How is this? If you have ;i conscience, I have said enough. If you vote for the convention you are PEKJU&ED! I [Tremendous applause.] O, I pity the race of j colored people who have never been taught what an oath is, nor wbat the Constitution means. They are drawn up by a selfish con i clave of traitors to inflict a death-blow upon j the life of the Republic, by sw-earing them to a I falsehood ! They are to begin their political life by perjury to accomplish treason ! I would | not visit the penalty upon them. They are I neither legally nor morally responsible, but it I is you— educated, designing white raeh—who thus devote yourselves to the unholy work— who are the guilty parties! You prate about your loyalty ! I look you in the eye and de nounce you l | Applause.] You are morally and legally perjured traitors! You perjure yourselves aud perjure the poor negro to help your treason j [lmmense applause.] You can’t escape it ! You may boast of it now, while passion is rife, but the time will come when the very thought will wither your soul aud make you hide from the face of mankind. I shall discharge the obligation of the amnes ty oath. It required me to support the Con stitution and the emancipation of the negro* and I do. I will not bind my soul to anew slavery, to hell, by violating it. 1 talk plainly, but 1 simply want to strike through'the in crustation of the hardened conscience, and moke men feel and realize their true situation. I have proved that these military bills violate the Constitution, and that you, id carrying them out, violate it and your’amnesty oath'and your registry oath. And wlrnt is your pur pose ? It must be a great gopd you seek to induce you to commit so much crime aud folly. Sometimes men wink at what is by strict technicalities wrong in the individual, to ac complish some great good to the public. Ido not recognize the correctness of such action : but what do you propose by trampling upon the Constitution and Violating your own ; solemn oaths ? Is it to save the State aud pre j serve liberty ? This is not the object, but the | purpose is as infamous as the measure resorted i<o to effect it. You first propose to abrogate ] your State governnp-uts by authority of the'so enlled Congress—a mere conclave of a portion jof the members of that body. By whom is this dictated? The principle that whoever forms a government should form it for them selves as well ns for others, is a correct one ; but the men who propose this for us do u6t live in any of the ten States to be affected by thair legislation. It is not made to suit either black or white, or any other class of -our peo ple, but to suit themselves, while they are not I aflected by it ; and if you act npo» their propo i sit ion, in a manner to suit yourselves, you will not be accepted by them : nav, y6u violate the Constitution to subvert the Govermnent. And by earryiug out these measures you disfran chise yo'nr ow u people. Suppose we concede, for argument, that it is right to enfranchise all the negroes ; if this be right, by what prlnefple of law or it orals do w’e disfranchise the while people ? “O, but,” you. say, “ the Whites have* been rebels.” Then they* should all fee dis franchised, and uot a part of them. Besides, the government you are to frame is to be a civil governmeut, aud last for aU time, aud for peace, when there can be no rebels. I see it suited that General Sickles has adviso4 that the' disfranchising feature be repealed or modified, and for the reason that the enfranchised class qre not tit to fill the offices. Well, if be has done so, he has acted wisely, and has shown himself capable of appreciating oue truth. And it is a great truth—one that will hide a multitude of sins ; and it might be well for his fame if this recommendation alone could be remembered of his administration. In Uiq face of the fact that a republican government can rest upon and be 1 perpetuated only by the . irtue and intelligence ot the people, you propose to exclude the most intelligent from participating in the Govern ment forever ? Yon will by these measures inaugurate a war ot races. A people who wiH abrogate their owu government aud disfranchise the most in telligent of them « the dictation of those who are not to be affected thereby, and live under the dictation of a foreign power, bave.tio con science ; but if you have a conscience I hope to reach it. By all you bolddear I warn you that - accepting these military bills you inaugurate a measure that will exterminate the African race Some of yon who have come among us are taking the negro by the arm—telling him that you are his frvend, and that you gave him his liberty ! le hypocrites! Ye whited se pulchres !! Ye mean in your hearts to de ceive and buy up the negro vfcte lor your own benefit. [Applause.] The negroes know no , better ; but I will ask them: If these men are faithless to the Constitution of the country, bow can they be faithful to you? Yet these men admit in the very act that they are disre garding the Constitution ! They take an oath to support it with the purpose and intent form ed before hand to violate it, and vote for meas ures contrary’ to it! They are not fit to be trusted by auy animal, dog or man! [ Ap plause.] Such a man would betray hi* pointer, and such a woman sell hes poodle I They are not capable of bciug the friends of anybody but themselves. I don't pity the whites so much who are to suffer by these measures. “You knew-your duty’ and did if not,” and if you arc beaten with many stripes wc have the authority of Scripture for saying that yonr punishment ! is just; but to see the Africans led off by a clap ! trap which they don’t understand, and used be , cause they don’t understand it, and thus led to ! the slaughter by men who are laithles3 to ‘ principle- -under the beiiefibat they are i . m S elevated and exercising God-given rights, is enough to make any man feel sick at heart. ' an “ experience the deepest pity for the un fortunate race. This is not the first time that 6ach things j nave been attempted. Unfortunately, there have before been both fools and knaves in- the world, and some of you, it would seem, will uot learn wisdom from the lessons of the past. If the Constitution is dead, we are outside of it. and, pray, what government have we ? We have nothing, in that case, bnt the will. Os an unlawful conclave, and don’t you know tbi.- means only anarchy and then despotism and tyranny ? What inducement Is held out to von to accept their projmsiiions ? You say it is to get back into the Union! aud for this you are willing to submit to disfranchisement'and t]je inauguration of a policy that tends to a war of races! all to get back into the Union—just where you are already, and always wereJ What do you want to get back into that sort of a Union for ? If you are not now in it, what can you expect by getting in such as they pre sent to you ? You say it is to get representa tion in the Union! Is not Kentucky in the Union? Has she any representation? The telegraph informs us that a resolution has been introduced into the so-called Congress making inquiries whether Maryland, Delaware and Kentucky have Suite governments or not! Are you so stupid as not to see what all this meaas? The rasuflt will be the substitution of thp Radi ieal party for all governments,- both State and Federal; and the 'substitution of Radical will for all law! Take that home with VQU and di gest it. That’s where you arc going! Kentucky is excluded from representation because it is alleged her representatives .wege voted for by disloyal men. What is meant by disloyal f Every man who does not support the Radical party will soon be declared disloyal, and every State which does not vote the Radical ticket will be disloyal, and her government illegal. I tel! you, unless patriotism shall wake up from the stun which the hor/id confusion of war has gjven it, the Radical party will be our only gov ernment, and Radical will our only law. I look for this revolution to go on. Who ever thinks this war on the Constitution will stop within the ten States is a madman ora simpleton to be pitfed, or a knave to be de spised. I have expected them to take charge of Connecticut because she dared to elect, a Governor (hat did uot agree with the Radical party ; and sure enough Sumner, in a hue let ter, strikes that key note. He says a similar bill for all the States is a short cut to universal suffrage. The so-called Congress, immediately ou its meeting, took charge of Kentucky, aud excluded her whole delegation, with one ex ception. If they can reject these, they can re ject every one who differs with them, and they will do so; and they will receive only those who agree with them. These they will receive. I do not care what may have been their sins heretofore; if the very worst secessionists in all the [and will whine around the streets and say hi t is a Radical now, he is as good as the saints jn Heaven for Radical purposes, f Ap plause, j They care not lor race or color, nor for antecedents, if you now favor Radical schemes you are loyal, and it you oppose them you are.disloyal! But you say yonare in favor of going into the-Union, because if you uo not your property will be confiscated. A gentleman of this city a few days ago said to me that he was in favor of the acceptance of these military bills because he thought it the best we could do. I said to him: “ You do not say that lor yourself, but for your brick stores /” [Applause.] But you are not half so wise as you are knavish ! You would lose the Coustltution and the country to save your brick stores, and then by your very course you will lose your hrick stores also ! I am ashamed to talk or use arguments about confis cation in time of peace ! It is a war power, uot known to international law except as a war power, to be used only i:i time ot war, upon an enemy's goods .’ Confiscation in time of peace is neither more nor less than robbery ! But you say they have got the power and they will exercise it, unless wc do as they bid us. And will you, ih this case, abandon your only protection! It is like going out into the high way and surrendering your puree to the robber to keep him from taking it! I could introduce a great deal of high au thority to establish this point, but I will not insult the Radical portion of this audience by reading from any authority for them except from a Massachusetts Judge. Here is what he says : “It has been supposed that if the Govern ment have the rights of a belligerent, then,alter the rebellion is suppressed, it will have the rights of conquest; that a State and its inhabi tants may be permanently divested of all politi cal privileges, and treated as foreign territory {Lcquired by arms. This is an error, a grave and dangerous error. Belligerent right* cannot be exercised where there are no belligerents .” That is what I said: “ Confiscation is Only a war measure, and ceases with the war.” Again: “ When the United States take possession of a rebel district, they merely vindicate their pre existing title. Under despotic governments the l ight ot confiscation may be unlimited ; but ufiller our government the right of sovereignty over nn.v paction of a State is given and iitnited by the Constitution, and will be -the same alter the war as it was before.” There is one Lot in Massachusetts, and if Abraham were alive to-day I would have him pray to God to spare that State and trust it— uot only to ten met}, but— evetrto one. There is at least one good man in i t, and he is a Judge and dares to proclaim to all that security to property is given by the Constitution, the same alter as before thenar. Aud now I will read for the-patriots of the audience something from the most distinguished of all writers on inter national law: When a sovereign, arrogatiug to himself the absolute disposal of a people whom he has cou qnered, attempts to reduce them to slavery, he perpetuates the State of Warfare between that nation and himself. Should it be said that in such a ease, there may be peace aud a kiud of compact by which the conqueror consents to spare thje lives ot the vanquished on condition that they acknowledge themselves his slaves : he who makes sucii an assertion is ignorant, that war gives no right to take away the life of au eqemy who has laid down his arms and sub- j initted. But let us not. dispute tbe point: let j the man who holds such principles of jurispru* ! deuoe keep them for his owu use and beuefit ;1 he well deserves to be subject to such a law.— i But men of spirit to whom life is nothing lens than nothing, unless sweetened with liberty, j will always conceive themselves at war with! tlwt oppressor, though actual hostilities are sus- 1 pended on their part, through want of ability.” j My friends, this was written by a man who ! lived in despotic times, by a man who was ! taught under a despotic government; and bow i his love of liberty and law, shames the praters ; about loyalty in free America! But I will dwell no more on this subject. : Confiscation is the law ©f enemies in war, aud in peace it is tbe law of the robber. If they have the wilt to rob you, you Will never escape : by submitting to their power. If yon submit,! give up the law and substitute the will of the f robber ; he boldly avows that it is bis purpose i not to give the black man his rights, but to 1 bring about such measures and so to shape! things as to perpetuate the rule of the Radical i wr *J 'J Every man who joins the party and can satisfy them that he will sincerely help iu I this work, will be accepted.'. They will put! their arms around your necks and call yon ! brothers. [Applause. J You can make alriend j of the devil upon these same terms, I laughter , and applause,] and there is but little difference ! Between them. [Great applause.] If you please the one you will go to the other, and I am not i "?r e J ou will get what you deserve, bat I • bjeet to your taking the country with yon. . [lmmense Applause.] . But, Oh ! it is sad to see the Constitution vrampled upon and the country destroyed, only to perpetuate their hellish dynasty’ ; and then oa 1 r °wn people join in this un . w filing upon us to submit and ome the agents of oar own dishonor ! This 18 a - and fills me with shame ! .. bdls propose at every step to abrogate ir- w l!St i tU{ u? a ~ tni,n P le u P° n the State and to , Hot °nt every hope—to perjure every man who accepts them, with every priu- SmrSld onor * 3ns J lce awd safety disregarded, P ? D .. a " d des Ptsed—to to perpetuate the power of their wicked authors. Can this rh^ e Jr CCeed T r Will H succeed ? That is ! . q ll fo . U ? l ’' * 1 fe el truly thankful in my S- H aVe , aD answer w hich lifts my soul dfct ol J he f gloom and apprehension of the ma - y ?° l appreciate it, but to me it is the only Oasis m this desert. This i scheme will never, xever succeed, and I pro churn its ultimate failure to-day in your hear ing. |Unbounded applause J I know that some think it will. The air is full of the words of those who proclaim that there i's no 1 power to prevent it. Men have, before this, beeu weak and foolish, and cowards and trait ors have before believed as yoi talk now, but I have a reason ior the faith that is in me, winch is absolutely sublime .iu the strength ol is foundations. 6 Ist. It will fail because it is not possible to perpetuate a government of force under the forms of a democracy. It may take some linm to comprehend this thought, bat vou will not forget it. That which is now proposed is force ' It is proposed by men who do not live in this State, and.whose agents do not live here.- and it is sought to be accomplished by military power, but under the pretense of your sanction —not to please yourselves, but them. There is not an instance in history where a government of force has been perpetuated under the forms ot free institutions. It is an impossibility , and can never succeed. [Applause.] 2d. But it is sought to be accomplished by deceit and fraud, which cannot much longer escape detection. The masses of the pcopl«Tof the North love the Constitution and fought for it and the Union, but the leaders did not fight for it, and do not love it; and they now seek to destroy it under pretense that we must give some further guarantee for our future good be havior than merely supporting the Constitution. As soon as the means, by which tlieir deceit and fraud have been covered up. are removed, the scheme will be. crushed to death by the people. It ra a double-shaped monster, like the sentinel at Hell-gate, which can live nowhere except in a political p&ndcraoninm. And what must be the results f Ido not say we will come out of olf this with free institu tions preserved, but this scheme can never suc ceed. A despotism over thd*whole country and overall the people guilty and innocent alike, may ensue. You’ll fail, but you may'bring ruin upou all. Whenever you pull down the temple of liberty you also w r ill be crushed hy the fall. You cannot level or lower us and elevate youj selves. We roust either a]l rise or all. go down together. Despotism may come, empires may rise and fall among us, but whether they do or not, we shall not have the reign of a Radical par ty. Understand me: If I say a man cannot live high up in the air, I do not mean he cannot go up in a balloon and remain for a time ; or if I say a man caunot live undet water, I .dono.t say he cannot go down in a diving bell and re main awhile ; but the Radicals will as certainly fail to perpetuate their power under the scheme, as that a man will fail who attempts to dwell in the air, or drown who makes his home under water. Such, a government would be unnat ural —a political monstrosity, and cannot pos sibly last; but you may destroy the forms as well as the principles of free government, and then.you will have a monarchy, an autocracy, an empire, or a despotism, as the case may be. This very scheme? was attempted in Rome by much better men than you Radicals are, and for a much better reason than you give. It is not original with you. You are but plagiarizing traitors at best, and get yofir scheme from the' criminals of long ago. If I did steal, I would try to steal something better and.lrom a more respectable source. If you will examine, and compare with form er times, the productions of such men as Ste ven’, Phillips, and Sumner, and their lesser followers and second-hand plag’iarizers down South, you will find all their miserable jargon about “ liberty and equality,” the “ natural right of tnan,” and “ born right of manhood suffrage,” are borrowed from the men who fo mented social a'nd civil wars in Rome, a,nd which have been repeated in every age since, by those who have no statesmanship but the devilish ability of exciting ignorant men to cut each other’s fhroats. Republican Rome had an immense number of slaves and freedraen, and non-voting citizens. She had a landed aristoc racy embracing comparatively few of her peo ple. An agrarian law was proposed, and for a time was immensely popular, but it failed and its first author was slain. His brother ienewed the law and enlarged it by proposing suffrage to the slaves and freedmen with equal political rights. It was said “there could be no freedom without equality.” But the brother also per ished. Then a great general became the leader of the Radicals of that day, and he had more fame and merit and ability and honesty than all the Radical party of liis day combined, but he also failed. And why did they all fail ? Be cause they were attempting to engraft a gov ernment of force and robbery upon repub ican forma—attempting the absurd task of making equal things which God had made unequal attempting equali v by taking that which in dustrious and frugal men had made and giving it to thriftless vagabonds, and by depositing in the keeping of ignorance and vice powers and trusts which intelligence alone can know' how to exercise and preserve. But by the struggle Republican Rome per ished and never knew "liberty again. Nor was this all; her history from tile beginning of the agrarian attempt was one tof blood, and fac tion, and waste, and ruin, until the goal of Em pire was reached. In the social and civil wars which marked the struggle, more than seven hundred thousand of her best citizens were slain; aud besides these, whole populations of some of her most populous Territories were ex terminated.. * ~ t It may be Jtliat we of the United States have been so crazy in leaving the Constitution —the only Ark of safety—that our Heavenly Father has doomed us to perish, but I am gratified with a hope that it is not go. If not, there is but one method for our rescue, and that is by a prompt restoration of the Constitution. Will it come ? Will we escape an agrarian War, with resulting despotism, and save our institutions tor our children ? I hope we shall; I believe we shall. Though a great effort is being-made— a designed destroy us as Koine was destroyed, I believe the effort will fail. I have great faith in the Anglo-Saxon blood. I derive great encouragement lrora Anglo-Saxon his tory. Our liberty was not born in a day. It is not the work of oue generation. It is the. fruit, of a hundred struggles, and its guaranties have been perfecting for eight hundred years. Many have been the efforts to destroy it. Often the, English Constitution was trampled on. Often traitors sought to substitute arbitrary will for. well-established law, and often* have the people for a time been misled. But thus far they have always waked up and called the traitors and factionkt6 to account. Charles I. trampled on the Constitution. He had judges who decided that his will was the law, and all who resisted that will and defended the Constitution were puuished as disloyal. And it did seem as if his power was irresistible. No doubt if you weak kneed Radicals of the South had lived in that day you would have said, “ the Constitution is dead and we must consent to what we cannot resist.” But John Hampden would co't con sent. He resisted. He was tried as a criminal for resisting, and-was condemned. Bat what was the sequel? The people finally asserted their power. Charles and bis ministers perish ed. The very judges that condemned Hampden were themselves tried and condemned as crim inals, and the very officers, even the sheriffs, who executed the orders of Charles and his courts, were sued by the citizens fbr damages, and had to pay nearly a million of dollars for executing ttfc prqcesses of a void, unconstitu tional law ! For a time traitors held the power and trampled on rights, but vengeance came, and perpetual infamy followed. Bo Cromwell and his Parliament violated the Constitution, and though they also flourished for a season, they, too, were Overthrown. So James 11., trampled on the Constitution, and had to fly from his kingdom a fugitive for life. In all these struggles good men, for a time, suf fered, and bad men, for a time, ruled, bat tbe English race Lave never yet failed to rescue, their Constitution from .the power, both of traitors and fanatics. - I tell you the American people will not al ways be deceived. They will rise iu defense of’their Constitution, and traitors will trem ble. They who rallied three millidn strong to defeat what they considered an armed assault on the Constitution and Union*, will not sleep until a few hundred traitors' from behind the masked battery of Congressional oaths and de ceptive pretensions of loyalty shall utterly baiter down the Constitution and Union'for ever. 1 warn you, boastful, vindictive Radi cals, by the history of your "own fathers, by’ every instinct of manhood, by every right of liberty aud every impulse of justice, that the day is coming when yon will feel the power of an outraged and betrayed people. [Applause.] Go ©o confiscating ! Arrest without warrant or probable cause ; destroy habeas corpus ; de ny trial Ly Jury; abrogate State governments; defile yonr own race, .and flippantly say the Constitution is dead ! Go, on, with your work of ruin, ye hell-born rioters*in sacred things! but remember for all these things the people | will call you to judgment. 1 Prolonged ap plause.] Ah! what au Issue you have made tor yourselves. Succeed, and you destroy the Constitution ! Fail, and you have covered the land with moornfug. Succeed, and you bring ruin on-yourselves and all the country ! Fail, and you bring infamy upon yourselves and all your deluded followers ! Succeed, and joti are | the perjured assassins of liberty ! Fail, and you are defeated, despised traitors forever. Ye who I aspire to be Radical Governors and Judges iu I paint before you this day yonr desti ny- [Unbounded a plause.j You are but cowards and knaves, and the time will eomfc i wlyen yon will call upon the rocks and moun , tains to fall on you and the darkness to hide I yon from an outraged people". [Applause.! ‘ Does it do you good to trample on the Con stitution— deceive the negroes aud ruiu the country . It may be sweet now, but 1 tell you the sulphurous fires of public infamy will never be quenched on your spirits. [Applause. I pity you from my soul. Would that tlm time co«ne when I had to stand upon Georg,a s soil and thus talk to Georgians. A ri-i uggle is coming. It may be a long and a bmody one, and yqu who advocate this wicked! scheme will perish in it, unless the people now ; arouse and cheek its consummation. Let every true law-loving, man rally at once to the stand ard of the Constitution of his country. [Ap plause.] Come. Do not abandon your rights; ! Defend them. Tidk for. them, and if need be, before God and the Country, fight and die for them. [Enthusiastic and prolonged applause J Do not talk or think of secession or disunion, but come up to the good old platform of our fathers—the Constjtutiou. Let all, North aud Sonth, come and swear before God that we wIM abide by it in good ialth, and oppose everything that violates it. The man who loves the Con stitution now and is willing to live and die for it, is my friend and brother, though he come from the frozen peak of Mount Washington ; and the man who is for trampling upou it is my enemy, and I shall hold him so, though he come from the sunny clime of the orange and the cotton bloom. That is my issue. O ! how sorry a creature is the mau who can not stand up for the truth, when the country is iu danger. There never was such an opportu nity as now exists for a man to show of what stuff he is made. How can you go about the street and say, “All is wrong, but I cannot help it !” You want courage, my friend ! You are a coward ! Yon lack courage to tell the truth arid would sell your birthright for a temporary mess of pottage, even fora little bit of a judge ship or a bureau officer’s place. But someone says : “ How will yon resist it V” I will resist it first by not approving it. If everybody would do that it would be effectu ally resisted so far as we are concerned. But the so called Congress has provided a cover for itself in advance, under which to hide from the odium attaching to this scheme. It has pro vided that you can vote either for or against a convention and again vote for or against what ever constitution it may frame. It is sought to make us responsible for whatever may be the consequences and relieve them. After a while when you become alarmed at the results, they will say, “ We did not do this ; we only gave you a chance and you did it.” But if we defeat this, it is said, military rule will continue. Certainly—until wicked men shall be driven from power. But let it be so. General Pope seems to be a gentleman, and I infinitely prefer bis rule to the rule of such men as you will get under this scheme. Be sides, the new government, if inaugurated, will not be able to live a day without military protection. It is safer to be governed by power than by treachery. . Perhaps you will think 1 have overdrawn the picture of the fearful consequences of accepting this scheme. I recollect an incident which oc curred over six years ago, when I was urging the people of Georgia not to secede, because the country would thereby fall into the hands of Radicals, aud predicted war aud its attendant sufferings as the result —though then deemed visionary. 4 would be almost ashamed now to read my remarks of that day—my picture would be so tame and so far short of the dreadful reality that has followed. Avery prominent gentleman replied* to me, urging that there would be no war, and to prove it, he read an article from Horace Greeley’s Tribune and old Ben. Wade’s speech, declaring the South had a right to secede, and if she chose to exercise that right, they should be allowed to do so in peace. He then said that Greeley and Wade were better friends of the Souththan I, who was born here, for I was trying to frighten the Southern people from the exercise of a right which they conceded, and they were represen tative men of,their part} 7 . What could I say in reply ? I could only tell him the truth—that these men only desired to encourage the South to disunion lor their wicked purposes to de stroy the Constitution; and that a great govern ment could not be dissolved without blood and what have Greeley and Wade done since that time! and now I advise you to reject this scheme of force, fraud and deceit which Con gress has devised. If you, of your own wjill, submit to it, you will see tne consequences of it. . . . I advise you to register. There, is no dis honor in that. It is arming yourselt with en important power to be wielded against the ne far ions -scheme, but don’t vote for a conven tion.—don’t go for anything whatever which is . an assent to the scheme, but be 'against it at every step. Never go half way with a traitor, nor compromise with treason or robbery. If they bold a convention, vote against ratifica tion*—vdte against all their measuies and men, and indict every oue who, under such void au thority, invades yonr rights according; to exist ing State laws. That’s my policy. Fight tins scheme all the time. I have no more idea of obeying thaH John Hampden bad of paying ship money, because 1 have' taken an oath to support the Constitution, and I Intend to keep it. - .'■*•• it ;• - This whole scheme is iu violation of all tbe issues Os the war—all the promises during Its progress—and alf the terms of surrender. More thaiva hundred thousand men abandoned Lee’s array because they were assured that if they laid, down their arms they would be in the Union again with all their rights as before. I knew the promise was false, and warned you against the seductions of the Syren. The peo ple—the soldiers of the United States—were then willing to fulfill the obligation ; but the politicians intended to deceive you. Such men as Sumner and Stevens never intended to carry out tbe pledge of the nation. They would ac knowledge the independence of the Confede rate States to-day before they would agree to retore the old Union, even with slavery abol ished. I respect the Northern man who hon estly fought ft>r tbe Union, but I despise the traitors who, under tbe name of Union, ha,ve used the Northern people to destroy the South,- and then to destroy the Constiution. The peo ple of the North have been long discovering this deception, bnt they will be compeled to see it before the traitors can go much further in their work. . - , • How many people in Atlanta belong to the “loyal league?” [Laughter.] I warn all de cent men to abandon such dens. I know the times have been such that many good men have naturally gone astray. But save yourselves be fore it is too latel Destroy all the evidences of your membership— bind all your comrades to mutual concealment of the fact that you were members and come out. You are pardonable for the past; but if you continue you will be covered with shame, and your very children wiH disown you. [Applause.J Come, join tbe Patriots’ League. Our only pledge is to support the Constitution-love Us friends aud h§te its enemies, and proclaim our love and hatred at noon-day and from the house-tops. Save your selves note, or be forever lost to decent society and your own self-respect. All tbe brave and true men, wen at the North, respect me this day more than they do yon. Tbe very Radicals will use, but even they wili despise, the South ern man wno becomes their sycophant. My colored friends, will you receive a word iof admonition ? Os all the people, you will most need the thelaw. You will most suffer by anarchy and usurpation. Do you believe that the man who is faithless to the Constitution of the country will be faithful to you ? If a man will take au oath to support the Constitution and then violate it, can you rely upon his keeping any promise to you ? No; I tell you such people are friends to noth ing bat tSeir own interest. They are betrayers of tbe Constitution to keep themselves in office; they desire to use y<Ju to help them get [applause] and they will betray yon whenever they* find it to their interest to do so. They tell you they are your friends. It is false : they are your very worst enemies. They tell you they set you free. It is false. These vile creatures who come among you and put themselves on a level with yon, never went with the army except to steal’ spoons, jewelrv and gold watches. [Great applause.J They are •toe low to be brave. They arc dirty spawn cast out from decent society, who come down' hore and seek to use you to further their own base purpose*. They promise you lands, and teach you to hate the Southern people, whom you have known always and who never deceived you. Are you foolish enough to believe that you can get another man’s land for uothing, ant] that the white people will give up their laud with out resistance ? If-yoirget tip strife between your race and the while race do you not know you must perish ? You arc now ten to one the weaker race. You will grow weaker every day. You can have no safety but in the Constitution and no peace except by cultivating relations of kindness with those who are fixed here, who need your services, and who arc willing to pro tect vou. Th e same experiment which is now being at tempted witli you by these Northern knaves who seek your votes was attempted by similar pec pie in France for the negroes in Hayti. They passed laws to give the negroes political equality—aaolished all distinctions of color— and what was the result ? There was first a war ol classes; thou a war between the whites on one side and the blacks and mulattocs ou le other. Theu there was a war between the ricks and* the mulattoes, and neither white, ? tt .° have ever 9een peace or Pros perity m Hayti since. ~cTi heSe men ” , y°« r extermination. Some of them are writing books in favor of your ex terftmiation, and 1 have myself heard some of n at y T ° U " bl 10 be exterminated or dmeit from the country. These are the p^!P,e J h ose fathers found the Indians nnri h«il bey a and f c f- ed th ® Ei * rth was the Lord’s U ? Bain ; t8 > and that they were hri t . nits. 1 hen they killed and drove off the poor Indian and took his lands. If you do not make and keep lriends of the Southern people, yout fate is that of the ludians ! Woe to your r9C f • ou well know yobr race is not prepar ed to vote. Why do you care to do what you do not understand ? Improve yourselves.- Learn to read and to write; be industrious; lay up your means ; acquire homes ; live in peace with your neighbors; and drive off, as you would a serpent, the miserable, dirty ad venturers who come among you, and who, being too low to be received into white society, seek to foment among you hatred for the decent portion of the white race. You can always know a gentleman, whether Jrom the North or South, and all such respect aud esteem -for such will not deceive you. Do not desire to vote until yoii are qualified to vote, aud Theu look for the right to be given, not in a manner that violates the Constitution, but in accord ance with it, and through your own State gov ernments. I feel more deeply for you than I do for the.white race. White people ought to know better than to disregard the laws and ex pect any good. But you do not kuow the laws; you do not understand deceivers. I am willing, anxious to welcome among us good and true men from the North who come to help 'build up our country, and add to its prosperity. I wish they would come on and come in multitudes. They will find us friends. But when I see the low dingy creatures— hatched from the venomous eggs of treason— coiping here as mere adventurers to get office* through negro votes—to ride into power on the deluded negro’s shoulders—and creeping into secret leagues with negroes and a few renegade Southern whites, aud talking flip pantly about disfranchising the wisest and best men of the land, because they know it is the only possible chance for knaves and fools like themselves to get place, I can but feel ashamed that such monsters are to be considered as be longing to the human species. I warn you, my colored friends, if you would be respecta ble in society, or prosperous in your purse, or decent in your Own feelings, to avoid ail such people. They will hug you and call you friend*, and talk about your but they wiU pull yon down to degradatian, to sorrow, to poverty and to shamb. They have white skins but black hearts, and will ruin your characters if you associate with them. They are creatures born of political accidency and treasonable con spiracy, aud the enemies of ail good gov ernments and of all decent people. [Ap plause.J And now, ,ny friends of all races, of all colors, of all nations, of all sexes, of all ages— let us resolve to stand by our Constitution, and surrender it to no enemy. This is our country. Let us resolve that we will never be driven from it, nor ostracised in it. Mr. Hill concluded amidst rapturous and prolonged Cheering. When it bad somewhat subsided a gentleman In the rear of the audi ence proposed three cheers for the only man south of Mason and Dixoq’s line that has pro claimed the truth from the seaboard to the mountains, which the vast assembly gave with a hearty will. Wounded iv the House of his Friends, — We copy the following from the Era, ot yes terday : • A Liar and a Poltroon.—The Press.— Atlanta boasts three daily papers: tin: Opinion , which is Radical, and the Intelligencer and the Era, which, though not very pronounced in politics, are yet both out in favor of registra tion and a convention. The latter journal is edited by a person named Bard, who has hoist ed the standard of Grant for Presidency, which is regarded as a very good joke in “Military District No. 3.” On asking him tbe meaning of this move, he told toe, with charming naivete, that “ ft was all meaning of it might not appear to the supei ficial observer, but he had been on to Washington to see General Grant, and Grant find he had arranged the whole matter.”— Neiv York Times, July 2d. That pai l ot the above paragraph pertaining to an interview between General Grant and my self is a deliberate falsehood from whole cloth, and I brand its author, ■whoever he may be, as a liar aud a poltroon. . Samuel Bard, Editor Daily Era. P* B.—Since penning tbe abave card, we are credibly informed that, the Times' correspond ent is one Wm. Swintou, who was dismissed” from the array of the Potomac by order of Major General Meade, for wilful-and bare-faced lying. - Journals which have published or may pub lish the above extract,- are respectfully request ed to publish this. 8. 8.. Extraordinart Discovery Below the Great Falls of the Potomac.— The Wash ington Evening Union , of Monday, has a lengthy communication from Thos. C. Raffin son, Fellow of the Royal Society of North Autiq, Copenhagen, giviug a description of a discovery made by him recently of Iconic in scription pu a rock near 'Georgetown, whiefi, translated, reads as follows : “ Here rests Syasy, or Susau, the fair-haired, a person from the east of Iceland, the widow of Kjoldr, aud sister of Tborgr, children of the &ame father, twenty-five y ears of aira, . May God make glad her soul. 1051.” Upon digging in tbe earth at tfe foot of the rock a few human teeth and A jbone, which crumbled upon being exposed to the aii», two Roman coins, and three bronze trinkets w'ere found. AhOve the Runic inscription the name of “W. Langley, 1758,” is carved. Mr. Raffiuson considers the discovery of these things as un questionable proof of the Icelandic voyagers to this continent, but it is still more reiparkable, as confirming a statement made in an ancient manuscript which was dag out of the ruins of the ancient college'at Skalholt, in Iceland, in which it is affirmed that, under the command of Herbarddr, his countryman Sailed in a south ernly direction from Vineland (or Martha’s vineyard,} where they wintered, and thence up a sea and various rivers, the ascent in one of which was" stopped by a succession of falls, to . which, from their shape and foamy appearance, they gave tbe name of Hvidsderk, or white shirt; and the MB. further states that in this neighborhood the illegitimate daughter, of Snorri was killed by a small spear (or arrow) and burled near the spot where she fell. it was tbe reading of this narrative which sea Mr. Raffinson to explore the country around these falls, and his labors have been abundantly rewarded—if he has not been hoaxed. I [RI
