Funding for the digitization of this title was provided by the R.J. Taylor, Jr. Foundation in partnership with the Atlanta History Center.
About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 6, 1867)
THE WEEKLY OOHSTITUTIOtfA LIST Our New York Correspondence. • Nkw Yobk, October 20th. The political situation is somewhat “mix ed " again. The Radicals are putting forth great efforts in this State, and it is but can did to say that their prospects have been improved thereby. The Seward strength in this quarter, about live thousand stroig, has gone back to the Radicals, in conside ration of the nominal lift of one of their number to the State Senate. The unreason able attitude of the Germans on the Sunday question, is provoking much opposition to their demands. In New York a noted ruffian is a candidate for State Senator, In the interior of the State, where Republicans are strong, they are acting very unwisely, and I expect their majorities will fall off largely—milllcicntly, perhaps, to sink them below the Democratic majorities in this and other cities. PRESIDENT* JOHNSON AND IMPEACHMENT, j We have an instant response from Wash ington to the less promising indications.— The defiant spirit with which the Radicals have responded to their late defeats seems to have alarmed Mr. Johnson. He begins to beg oil. “He hain’t done nothing,” vide j the letter of Postmaster General Randall. In short, Mr. Johnson seems at present to be more thoroughly “ cowed ” by th£ Radi cals than at any time during his struggle ■ with them. He is sitting with folded arms, while they draw their toils about him. XU. CHASE AND THE RADICALS. The Repudiation, by Mr. Chase’s Cincin nati organ, of the extreme Radical affinities of which he has been suspected, creates a flutter in Radical circles. They do not altogether understand it. Is it merely a Ik .aiding to the breeze ? or have they mis taken tin ir man? It is probably a piece of Demagogism. In fact, I think (’base has u secret treaty with Sewardites of this State. Witness, the words of Mr. Evarts, the S' \ a edit e leader, at the late Republican ratification meeting. He said the Republi cans must have “a President in regard to whom no part of our strength needs to be sj ni in finding out how much he is our Pi - -blent, and how much somebody eisc’s.” These remarks, coming from Mr. Evarts, havi really caused some of Mr. Chase’s ad herents to become lukewarm; and Mr. Tlmrlow Weed seeks to ward oil'their effect, I bv a savage personaLattack upon the chief “ LOYALTY” ILLUSTRATED. The sort of “ loyalty” which pervaded the North during the late war, and how it was fed and supported, is well illustrated in certain transactions of the war-department, which have been going on for two years, but are now prosecuted with increased activity. I refer to the sale of surplus mili tary stores and equipments at auction.— The other day there was a sale of two hun dred t liousand canteens, and large quantities of other munitions. The Washington steamers have for months made up half their cargoes to this city with this sort of freight. When President Lincoln was nominated for re-election, Secretary Seward declared that his success was inevitable, from the fact that the Federal Government had in its pay fully one million men. About half that number were in the army and navy, in active service; the other half were bum mers. To keep the contractors “sweet,” unheard-of quantities of stores and muni tions of all sorts were purchased in the summer and fall of 1804, when gold ranged from $2 40 to $2 85. When General Lee surrendered, the Federal Government owed live hundred millions of dollars on this ac count, and about two hundred millions of dollars legitimately. The goods then and for that reason purchased have since been sold as fast as a market could be found for them, for about one-lift h of their cost; and what remains far exceeds what has been sold. It thus appears that, for the purpose of re-electing Lincoln, live hundred million dollars of the present Federal debt was in curred; and with this fact becoming more and more apparent, the number who repu diate all usual obligation to pay such a debt, according to the construction of Mr. MeCulloch —“gold for its face”—is rapidly increasing. Rut this question, like wine, will improve with age. HUSINKSS MATTERS. The market for cotton assumes a more favorable and substantial position than it has had in a " g time. The bank failures in Canada * • Liv Liverpool had a.very de pressing tho triply in the week, by cans-! ing a ilcitities, thgoid and rendering it very 1 difficulty ospec'btte mercantile bills of ex change. j,, coni *iese adverse facts lost their influence ore the patent fact that day before yesterday Great Britain had only about four weeks' supply of American cot- j ton. and that there was only about one week's supply in transit. This renders it tolerably certain that the English trade is compelled to make a very vigorous ell’ort no get forward supplies. An advance of fully a penny a pound in Liverpool is con fidently predicted. All the freight room that was possibly available has been taken up. The steamers have all the cotton they can carry engaged two weeks’ ahead—the latest rate paid being three farthings per pound. With Mobile and New Orleans! substantially blockaded, Charleston and Savannah have a “big thing" on their hands to keep up the supply cotton for the next few weeks. The next question bearing upon the mer cantile situation is the premium on gold. It is pretty generally admitted that from mere business considerations, the present premium is fully 15 per cent, too high. In the first place, the premium is now as high a> it was two years ago, and in the past two years the currency ha* been reduced more than two hundred million dollars.— Then all the leading staples, except bread stufl’s, have largely declined, while gold has remained stationary. • j Cotton has declined CO per cent; pro visions 35 per ceutg wool and woolen goods 45 i>er cent.; groceries 20 per cent.; foreign dry goods 50 per cent., and yet gold re mains the same. Now, if there were any business reason why gold should lie over 20 per cent, premium, merchandise would be active and buoyant, instead of dull and depressed, Thera are, according to a cur rent authority, #74,000,000 in gold to come upon this market in the next three months. I think this fflgure is an exaggeration, but the sum is very large. And it is the opin ion of our best cotton houses that # Great Britain must send out gold to move the present cotton crop before it can be moved freely. The political events upon which gold is expected to rise are expected to take place in the next three mouths, and all ex perience proves that an article is quite likely to decliueon the realization of events that were expected to cause an advance, because then so many come forward to realize. We are having a great export movement in breadstuff's. The other day an order came over the cable from London for 80,000 bushels of wheat, and it was exe cuted before the close of business hours. Prices are now higher in Liverpool than at any time since the famine of 1847. The re ceipts at the Western markets are prodigi ously large, but I am afraid all hopes of cheap bread must be postponed to another year. PERSONAL. Your old associate, Colonel Gardner, has formed a copartnership with Thos. A. Hoyt, the Vice President of the New York Gold Exchange, in the business of bankers and brokers. Colonel Gardner in his sojourn among us has won the confidence of all classes, in his high honor and integrity ; and those who have business in Wall street will find themselves intelligently and faith fully served by the new firm. Willoughby. [From the Round Table. New England and the New South. The recent elections have a social as well as a political significance, and although tkyc may be danger of both being over estimated, it is interesting to observe and useful to endeavor to compute them. • If New York and Pennsylvania follow in the , wake of Ohio it will be apparent that the re-action is not a spasmodic one, and that i important are not only promised but ; insured. It will be apparent that the splen did opportunity for governing the country for an indefinite time—an opportunity as golden as that of the Whigs who came in with William of Orange, and one which might have been as successfully availed of— has been practically lost by the Republi i cans, who will be relieved by the people of j official responsibilities as rapidly as the sit ; uation will allow. A rapid change of front j ! with regard to their more extreme tenets or dogmas and a judicious fortification of their position with the elements of military pop-1 ularity will become the obvious and expect able policy of the Republicans, and should the powerful wing led by Mr. Greeley prove strong enough to resist its adoption the cir cumstance will plainly increase the chances of Democratic success. There is a certain colorlessness and want of magnetism about General Grant which curiously distinguish him from former American generals of celebrity, and although—with perhaps a single exception—his achievements far sur pass those of all predecessors in importance no less than in magnitude, the personal at tachment felt for him is by no means as ardent as might be expected. Should three Presidential candidates take the field, and should the Democrats nominate General Sherman (for example), the election of Gen. Grant as the nominee of the moderate Re publicans would be much less certain than has been generally supposed. A widely received notion of poetical justice, a sym metrical accordance with precedents, his i felicitous initials, and some other advant- j ages of a popular character would certainly give General Grant great strength with the j masses; but that such strength,, under the] circumstances we have suggested, would j necessarily be overwhelming, is open to doubt. But whatever the nominal political re sults of the next few years may be, we have proceeded, in our judgment, sufficient ly far to*perceive that one darling object of a notable set of vigorous and deter mined, but narrow and prejudiced, thinkers is unlikely to be carried out. We mean the object of saturating and controlling the New South with New England ideas, ten dencies, and habits of thought. The ani mus of such a scheme may readily be traced even in narrow limits. No educated and impartial observer will deny that the feel ing of antagonism, not to say bitterness or hatred, long prevalent in New England to ward the South, did not arise exclusively from disapproval of slavery. New Eng land was trading, the South was agricul tural. New England was, comparatively speaking, morose and ascetic, while the South, in like manner, was genial and self indulgent. Theological, social, political, and climatic distinctions were strongly marked in each section, and all partook of I the same antithetical character. Acrimo nious disputes about slavery sharpened the edge of these differences, but did not create them. Iu the absence of slavery such dif ferences would have existed, having a legit imate source in contrarieties of origin, cli mate, and avocation. In the absence of slavery such differences will continue to exist, notwithstanding a large transfusion of Northern blood, in obedience to natural laws which all the prejudice or fanaticism in the world cannot permanently check of obliterate. These laws operated in a broad, coarse way when they made red hot, un compromising, slaveholding Southerners, in an inconceivably short space, of calcu lating, anti-slavery Yankees who went iSouth iu the days gone by. The effect was more subtle and genuine when working slowly and on large masses. Two potent causes of that effect exist now as they ex isted then, and no uniformity as regards, either domestic servitude or religion can remove them. These two sources of indi viduality and divergence are, of course, j climate aud vocation. Nothing can keep two bodies of men alike, either physically or otherwise, although coming fro*» the same stock, when one lives in Carolina, the other in Massachusetts; nothing can per petuate common characteristics in the two communities when one lives by raising cot ton and rice on the profits of agriculture, the other by buying and selling on the j profits of trade. The distinction is so gen erally understood as scarcely to require elucidation. Our sole object at present is to urge that the abolition of slavery does not remove it. The traders of New England long re sented the attribution of social superiority over themselves to the Southern planters a resentment which, as usual, was height ened by an uneasy consciousness that the superiority in fact existed, since it is cer tain that, other things being equal, no purely trading community, in point of breeding, culture, and whatever goes to make up social eminence and refinement, j ever equals a purely agricultural one. Ex- j ceptions there may be ; but the general law j is demonstrable, being based upon simple, definite and irrefutable principles. It was, however, the hope 6f the New England traders, indeed of the whole body of ex tremists and doctrinaires, their congeners, to circumvent this law and to attain their favorite end of making everybody exactly alike, North and South, black and white. They proposed to “New Euglandize” the recalcitrant States. This was to be done, after the inevitable abolition of slavery, by pouring into the South a large emigration from their own section. It was, however, perceived that the climate and the pursuits of those who live .in it would necessarily continue to be what they were before. Hence a complete social revolution was contemplated, which, by putting the lately servile race literally over the heads of their former masters, would entirely destroy the prestige or superiority those masters had once possessed and which had been so-gen erally acknowledged. We are regarding the-question for the moment in its social as apart from its political aspect: the main tenance of supremacy in the latter regard having been designed to accompany en forced social equality. But it will be easily seen that both parts of the scheme must, by the failure of either, come to the ground together. Nothing but negro suffrage im posed by force upon the unwilling but help less whites of the South can ensure that so cial degradation of them which has been so ungenerously contemplated. Nothing short of this can prevent that harmonious order, 1 that graduated adjustment of the social ' scale, which in an agricultural community 1 like that of the South the causes we have glanced at are certain to produce. But the i late elections hare indicated that the Ameri i can people at large are by no means pre | pared to assent to a measure in which party and prejudice have so much greater an interest than patriotism and rustfee. If negro suffrage is not to be*forced upon the South the process referred to cannot con veniently be carried into effect. The whole theory of interference, the the ory of making people drink alike, eat alike, dress alike, move alike, think alike, practice obligatory uniformity in a word, in all con ceivable respects, the Puritan notion of compelling people to do what we choose to think right and not what they choose to think right, has received in these elections a signal rebuke, and one which it was not premature to administer. The passion for carrying all things to extremes, for apply ing the untenable and preposterous dogma of universal equality in every impolitic and .silly direction, seems to have had its swing, and the common sense of the people to have recoiled just this side of destruction. A warning has at least been given which, from the nature of our situation, is likely to prove quite as effectual as the strong arm. What we require in this country is not uniformity, but variety; not legislation to repress individuality, but absence of leg islation to encourage it; not protection bringing impoverishment, but free trade bringing prosperity; not canting provin cials thinking their own little corner the centre of the world and themselves the wisest who live in it, but generous-hearted, clear-headed patriots who think of the in terest of the whole country, who know the meaning of the golden rule and who strive to act up to it; not ignorant and degraded voters who bring baskets aud tin pots in which to carry away their “ right” of suf frage, but intelligent and fairly educated citizens \ffith sense enough to know and laugh at a selfish demagogue or a spurious humanitarian when they' see him ; not par sons who spout politics and talk about good works, but pastors who teach charity and do good works; not a capacity to hate and curse and strive to oppress our epu quered brothers even when we think them wrong, but a disposition to forget their faults, to think only of their nobler quali ties, to remember how human is error and how djvine is forgiveness. For these rea sons. and not out of regard for any politi cal party, we are glad of the result of the late elections, and shall not be sorry to see the next ensuing ones of a similar com plexion. New England is very well in her : way, but it will be better for all sections— j in the long run even for her own—that the j New South shall not be altogether “New! Englandized ” either now or hereafter. j [From the Memphis Avalanche, Oct. 27. Fire in Memphis. A TERRIBLE CONFLAGRATION—THE BRADLEY BLOCK IN RUINS—LOSS OVER £250,000. One of the most disastrous conflagrations with which Memphis has been visited for years occurred this morning, shortly after twelve o’clock. The Bradley block, situated on the levee, between Jefferson and Adams streets, was the scene ; and what was yesterday a pile of palatial buildings, is now a smouldering ruin. Fire, we understand, was discovered in the building in which it commenced, early in the evening, but was extinguished, and the fire men, after a thorough scrutiny, were satisfied that no danger was to bo apprehended. At about half-past twelve, however, the bells rang out their dread alarm, waking us out ot a sound sleep, to attend upon the carnival. Upon arriving upon the ground we found the Brad ley block on fire, the flames appearing to pro ceed from the third store from the corner of Adams, occupied by Banfillufe Cos., as a liquor store aud rectifying establishment. From this the flames spread rapidly, extend ing both ways, from north to south, and flow ing backward from the levee to the street be hind, east aud west, until the whole block was one lurid sheet of flame. The merchants occu pying the block were on the corner of Adams and the levee. John Spellman, as a grocer, nexjaeriement was occupied, and the next was thcTcctifyiug establishment of Baufill & Cos., iu which the fire originated. Then came (down stairs) the meat and boat store ot M. Fyne & Cos., and next, the commission house ol R. R. Walt & Cos., who, we understand, had a stock of goods which an insurance of £IO,OOO would not cover. These we have mentioned all front ed on the levee; bjit there were besides these the occupants of some stores froutiug toward Front street. Among these we will mention Low «fc Bro., immediately on the corner of Adams. Downs <& Cos., and Moody & Cos., all of whom were burned out. In one of the es tablishments was stored 2,090 bales of hay, aud when the flames reached it, and the black smoke began to roll up, combined with the alcohol which was being consumed iu the rec tifying establishment, we had no hopes eutire square. Next to the Bradley block is the City Ice house, at which the flames stayed. The walls of the Hock, as soon as they were gutted—although the flames still shot upward with marvelous vitality, owing to being fed by the immense amount of hay aud alcohol stored iu the block —commenced falling in, and seve ral of our gallant firemen made a narrow es cape by the sudden falliug iu of the east wall; hut, thank Heaven, we have uot to record the sacrifice of any of them. At this writing, the flames have been conquered, and the firemen have them under perfect control. From good aud competent judges we cannot estimate the loss and damage at a less figure than £250,0.00. Memphis cannot be too proud of her gallant fire brigade ; >we saw some of them tried lust night, aud saw them meet uublauchragly not only the terrors of the conflagration proper, bnt the dread and crush of falling walls. We s.iw men stand there at the pipe who could not tell but that the next second would usher them iuto eternity; but we saw iu jhem not the first sign of weakness or oi flinching. As we close this paragraph, the danger lrom the conflagra tion is all over, and tne engines are now work ing only to prevent its further extensipn. The Bisnor of Tennessee’s Story—Uncle Toney on the Resurrection. —The London correspondent of the New York Times, speak ing oi Bishop Qnintard, says : Among the “ fresh and racy ” American pre lates of the Church Congress was the Bishop of Teuuessee, who brought down the house with a'nigger story he told of Uncle Toney, a plantation preacher. The Bishop asked brim some questions about Christian doctrines! and fiuallv said : “ And what about the Tesurrec tion ?” With a very solemn face he replied : “ You see, master, intment is raiment.” “Yes.” “ Well, yon see dere is a speritnal body, and dis here body made of dust.” “Yes.” “Well, you see, when de angel Gabriel comes down from heaven, and goiu’ up and down de riber Jordan, a blowin’ of his-trumpet, and de birds of heaben singin’, and de bells of heaben ringin’, and de milk and de honey rainin’ down on all de hills of heaben, he will bring de speritnal body wid him down from heaben, and take dis here body up out of de das’, and take de intment and rub it on, den stick um togedder—and dar dey is.” Suffering Among French Workingmen— The distress which has for some time prevailed among the working classes in France appears by the latest reports from the manufacturing districts to be on the increase. At Rouen most of the factory hands now only work four days in the week, and it is said that the manufac turers will soon reduce this number to three. There is also great difficulty in obtaining work atElboeuf, Muthouseand St. Quentin. In Paris too, the completion of most of the new streets and buildings has thrown a great number of laborers out of work and men who earned from four to five francs a day last year are now glad to obtain employment at less than half that rate. This state of things will, of coarse, be still farth er aggravated by the close of the Exhibition. It is to be feared that the lower classes in Paris will have a hard time of it this winter. Speaker Oolfax on Brant. The dispatches this morning refer to a speech by this gentleman at the Cooper In stitute, >tew \ork, a night or two since, in which he declared in favor of the nomiua tion of Gen. Grant as the Radical candi date for the Presidency. It will have been observed, thgl in the last ten days, there have been several movements of‘the same sort set on foot. Nothing more clearly in dicates the desperate straight in which the late elections placed the Radical managers than this attempt to use the supposed mili tary popularity of Grant to sustain their sinking cause. The Cincinnati Enquirer, of the 23d, particularly says: There are -some little difficulties in the way of the nomination of Gen. Grant for President by the Radicals, which the ardent and enthusiastic gentlemen who are now pressing his claims do not take into account, but which, at the proper time, will mani fest themselves. 1 hose difficulties are con nected 'with the platform. The positive and “roughissue” men in the Republican party do not feel like trusting Grant at all, Jiud they certainly would not take him as his friends desire, without a platform, or with one that was evasive or equivocal in its character. If Grant runs, he has to de fine his views. His present reticence must cease. He will be put upon a platform to which he must give his assent. The people will ask whether he is for negro suffrage or uot? Whether he is lor forcing it upon the States by the General Government? Whether he is for the continued military occupation of the South ? Whether he is for the bondholders or the people ? Whether he is for paying the bonded debt in gold or in currency that pays all other debts? 1 hese and many kindred issues the General, when he becomes a candidate, will have to meet. If he meets them as the Radicals desire, what will become of his Conserva tive supporters ? If he does no!; so answer, does auy one believe that he will receive the cordial support of the Radical party ? W ill there not be a formidable bolt against him in that event ? Grant’s position now is very similar to that of General Winfield Scott in 1852. Like Grant he was pressed for President because his views wore not known upon the great political questions of the day, and it was thought ne would run better in consequence. But when nomi nated, he was placed on a platform that defined them plainly and Unequivocally. The Radiauls liked Scott, but they “spit upon the platform,” to use the language of Mr. Greeley, who applied it. The Conserva tives did not like Scott, but they admired the platform. One section of the party as sailed the platform, aud the other the can didate. The result was that the great mill tary chieftain was the worst beaten man who ever ran for President. [From the New York Herald. The Nigger Question and the Republican Party, Shall this continent be given up to barbarism for a fanatical experiment and a party scheme ? This, and none other, is now the question be fore the American* people. Shall we throw away what we have acquired of science aud civilization, blot out our history, give up all aspirations of the future, that the nigger may become supreme and restore the land to that happy state of nature in which Africa now is ? Is Africa such a magnificent evidence of the nigger’s greatness that the example of its His tory' should induce us to change our system for his? For uncounted centuries the negro has had possession of that continent and never built a city, never bridged a river, never made the smallest discovery having any tendency to widen the little space that separates him from the gorilla—never even borrowed the discov eries of races with wiiich he came in contact, except as they supplied more efficient means for the gratification of his instinct for cruelty. Such is the history of the nigger in his native land. But he comes to another continent, be comes subordinate to a race that forces him to IwixW, aud presto! there is a change! Free dom had kept him a brute, slavery made him a man. and what must the second freedom make him? Lord of the ascendant! He must be the master and must control the political desti nies of the uation, though it be to the exclu sion of a race of white men without superiors on the face of the earth. Such is the drama now in progress. The whit j man of the North holds down the white mao of the South while the nigger tramples upon him. Wendell Phillips and Thad. Stevens are right. There is nothing in the platform of the Repub lican party but the nigger, aud no other sub ject in national politics worthy ot thought, by comparison with the discussion of the position, but the rights and the po.vers the nigger is to have in the nation. This involves the most mo mentous revolution a people ever passed through. It involves the complete overturning of our present social and political system. We are accustomed to look upon the French revo lution as a sufficiently terrible chapter of histo ry ; yet that was only a war between classes, all of whom were ot the same race, and its bloodiest phase was merely the insanity oi re venge. Here it is insisted that a superior race shall give way to an inferior, when that inferior race has derived only from contact with the other what semblance of huraauity it has. Men whose fathers fought side by side with the men of the North in three wars for the honor of the republic —men of a race whose instincts are all towards progress—must yield to a race whose instincts are so positively the other way that, left alone, they fall to absolute barbarism,and wildness in a single generation. Os what mo ment are financial discussions, free trade the ories, or political hairsplitting of any sort, by comparison with the deliberation of this nigger question—bearing with it as it does the possi bility that the Westward progress of civiliza tion is stayed, was definitely arrested by the success ot the Northern people in the great war that they supposed was a war against barbar ism? -Election in Bryan County.—Statement of the polls up to 12, a. m., October 31st: No. for Couventian 233 Against Convention 20 Total 253 WHITE TICKET. James Johnson, 60 ; Aaron Wilbur, 60 ; Alex. N. Wilson, 60; A. W. Stone, 112; A. L. Harris, 130 ; E. C. Wade, 60 ; Davis Tillson, 60 ; A. F. Rah a, 60. % AFRICAN ZEBRA TICKET. C. H. Hopkins, 148; A. A. Bradley, 148 ; W. S. Clift, 148 ; Isaac Seeley, 148; W. H. D. Rey nolds, 14S ; James Stewart, 148; Moses H. Bent ley, 148. Notwithstanding the general apathy manifest ed by our people in the election which has been going on dnrinq the past week, our readers will perhaps feel an interest in knowing the result of the ballotting so far as ascertained in this Senatorial District. From the little attention we have given to the matter, we are not pre pared to give an accurate statement up to this time. The total vote in this city, including the county, np to 6 o’clock, Ist inst., is 3,699, only 38 of which were cast by whites. From Bryan county we have returns of 253 votes, np to 12 o’clock on Thursday—223 for Convention, and 20 against Convention. From Effingham connty, 228 votes, 148 of which were lor the Bradley ticket, and 24 for the Johnson ticket, only 3 voters being white men. From these figures it will be seen that the total vote in the district op to Friday afternoon was 4,250, which is very considerably short ol the registration. It is probable that recruits will be drummed up, as the has been ex tended, and the vote may be increased a few hundred by the balloting to-day. As not more than 79 white men in the entire district have voted, the vote against Convention will pro bably be less than that number. The white ticket, beaded by ex-Governor Johnson, has received very few votes in Chatham, sixty in Bryan and only forty-four in Effingham, being a total thus far reported of one hundred and ionr votes, against a total in the District thus far of 4^50. [Savannah Netos, 2d. The Ruling Passion.—A few days before the death of George Wilkes Kendall, he wrote a letter to the Picayune , concluding thus : I had passed two nights in the stage between S.m Autouio and Aileyton ; and on reaching the latter was of course in a fair plight for a little rest after the jolting of such a journey. I was conducted to a room, after puffing a post prandial pipe, stud in that room was the out lines of a bed. My frame was somewhat shat tered and out of repair, and thinks 1 to myself, “I II reconstruct on that base,” or iu that bed. But it was of no use. As we get old our memory grows defective ; but I shall never fbrget that bed at Aileyton— no, never. I was tired and sleepy when I en tered it, but after threshing and rolling about for five minutes was as wide awke as I ever was in my life. The sheets aim blankets may nave been dean—l do not say they were not; but the mattrass and pillow bothered me in more ways than one. I did uot open either, but after prospecting about on both lor a space in search of a soft spot, aud after trying the pro cess known as the “ laying on of hands,” I came to this conclusion, viz: that the pillow was stuffed with pecan shells and the mattrass with corn cobs! \Y hen a man has no ocular demon stration, he is obliged to resort to his feelings. I have never meddled much with any other poetry than ready made—that is, poetry made by other people—but parodies will sometimes get into the heads of people who are not poets. At ail events, as I rolled about in that bed at Aileyton, one of Tom, Moore’s beautiful songs came into my head, and I crucified it iu this way while threshing the mattrass : “ 4oa may twist, you may turn, you may squirm as you will, But the ends of those corn cobs will stick in you still— J Will stick in you still aud hurt you smartly. N At Columb.us I hope they will have softer pillows and mattrasses. The Epidemic. —The epidemic is over, though it may perhaps not be sale for strangers to come to our city for another week or ten days. Although the Angel of Death has visited almost every household in our plague-stricken city, We have certainly reason t» congratulate ourselves when we compare the list of mortal ity this year with those of 1853 afid 1858. Dur ing the former year the disease died out be fore frost, and up to the 13th September alone 7,822 deaths from yellow fever had been re ported, while for two weeks during the month of August the average deaths from yellow fe ver daily was over 200. Iu 1858 the epidemic continued till the appearance ol frost in No vember, and up to the Btli November 4,767 per sons had died of yellow fever. This year, al though perhaps more eases have been treated, the number of victims has so far been only 2,917. From the records of the Howard Association we find that the members, iu 1853, extended re lief to 11,088 yellow fever patients, out of which number 2,942 died under the so-called heroic treatment of the physicians of that day. This season, the percentage of the deaths out ol thp number treated is not expected to ex ?eed five, but it is impossible to make any lose estimate until the Howard Association makes its final report. Each member lias now on file a weekly report of the cases attended to When the epidemic shall have entirely disap peared these reports will be revised, each mem ber making his report for the whole season, and the official report of the Association will be compiled from them. Judging from the difference in the mode of treatment adopted by physicians this year, we shall look with in terest at the difference iu the amount and kiud of medicines purchased by the Association this season as compared with that of 1853. The epidemic, we repeat, is over, but let those absent from the city remain quietly away for the next ten days, and we shall have a busy and a gay season to relieve the general dullness which ha* reigned in the Crescent City for the last four months.— N. O. Bulletin , Oct. 28. The Fenians. —The Manchester police were still searching for Kelly and Deasy, but their zeal had been profitless. Irish papers publish a letter bearing the signature of Kelly, in which he gloats over his escape, but gives no clue to his whereabouts. The inquest ou the body of Police Sergeant Brett, shot at Manchester, had terminated, the jury returning a verdict of “ wil ful murder” against William O’Meara, Allen, and others unknown. The London Times , of the 9th, says ; “We are officially informed that a special commission has been issued under the seal ol the Duchy of Lancaster, for the trial of persons charged with having taken part in the late rescue of prisoners at Manchester. Two of Her Majesty’s puisne judges will proceed to Manchester fbr that purpose, and will probably commence their sittings ou the 28th* inst.” Rumors were current at Aldershot Camp with regard to the departure of troops for the North of England, consequent on the Fenian alarm throughout that part of the country. However, but oue regiment, the 70lb, was under orders. Four others were expected to>be moved. A most desperate and determined .attempt to rescue prisoners from custody during their transit from the Session House t(>the prison van was made ou the evening of the Bth L>3' a mob of between 200 and 300 roughs, at Clerk enwefl Green, London. The police closed with them, and after a struggle the mob found their efforts fruitless. One man was iu custody. Insurrection in Spain.—A Madrid letter in the Moniteur , dated September 30th, thus sketches the state of public feeling in the Pen insula : The manner in which the lamentable insur rection in Spain has terminated is well known ; the loyalty and courage of the army, the ener getic measures adopted at the commencement of the disturbances by the President of the Council and by Gen. Pezuela, Count de Cheste, Captain-General of Catalonia, were of a nature to foreshadow the prompt success of the Gov ernment. The great majority of the nation re frained from taking any part in the rising, which was besides badly conceive'd, and repre sented no precise political view's. The insur gents -wasted all their resources in scouring the country in isolated bands, without succeeding in occupying any great centre of population.— The third effort of the party which, in June, 1866, stained the streets of Madrid with blood, was marked by no great events. From the very outset, the organization of the defense was such that the area of the insurrection could *not extend ; at the same time, the publication of an amnesty, combined with measures of clemency with the most rigorous dispositions, induced a large number of individuals who had entered the ranks of the rebels to desert the cause, thus reducing in a few days the strength of the bands of Pierrad and Contreras. The firmness of the troops did the rest. Saving their Bacon.— When the Legisla ture convened, it was generally supposed that the leading business of the session would be the “ loyal indemnity” bill, or some such mea sure. Never were the knowing ones worse hood winked. A member from East Tennes see let the cat out of the bag yesterday, by of fering, in the House, a bill to repeal all laws of the State relating to bastardy. Not a few Rads snickered when the bill was read, but all seem ed to understand what was up, and breathed more freely when it passed its first reading. Perhaps we are not explicit enough. Well, the fact of the matter is—the Brownlow speak ers and candidates so thoroughly identified themselves with the colored folks in the late campaign that the passage of the proposed law has become imperatively necessary—otherwise there wouldn’t be a county court in the State without some such case as “ DiDah vs. Hon. So and So,” on its docket. It may safely be stated that no measure has ever been proposed to the Legislature of this or any other State more pregnant with important results to those im mediately concerned. — Nashville Banner , 17 th Condition of France.— The internal affairs of France are scarcely less serious than the re lations abroad. Credit societies are shaken and revenue falls off. Much distress exists in sev eral cities, and the French workman, when he is wanting bread, is a desperate animal. The crash of the Credit Mobilier has brought ruin to hundreds of families, and thousands of little shop-keepers in France are enrsing the Gov ernment for inciting them to invest in Mexican securities, which are worthless on their hands unless the State robs the rfet of the country to pay them. Reverend Miss A. Chapman has been called to the pastorage of the church at Mt. Pleasant lowa. Now, we have known a chan andTS to be a priest, but it seems that lE thU £2 two affirmatives make a negative, the resffit being that the chap man is a woman. Second 1 ly, she couldn’t be called to the pastorate • she might be summoned to a pastoress-ate ’ or a sbepardess ate, but she couldn’t be a he. In being qualified for a clergy-woman—as Corpo ral Trim calls such—she would, of course have to pass, to rate as a duly examined theo lqgian. Just so—strike up music. Let us continue by singing the bran new “slam “ Encumbrance sore long time-4 bore, Derision was in vain ; But when short skirts became the mode, They eased me of my train.” And lo! my hat is much reduced. ’Tis more than extra small; But then my head is wondrous with Its monstrous waterfall. Why do we wear these awful braids, And twine them with such pains f Because it makes us look as if We had a lot of brains. And if we have no brains at all, Still let us loudly sing; For in this world it is agreed That looks are everything. The Washington correspondent of the Cin cinnati Enquirer says in his dispatch of the 24th instant: An attempt has been made by several corres pondents, pretending to act by the authority of the President, to contradict the statements made you that he would resist Congress if it tried to depose him unconstitutionally. Ido not believe he has authorized these statements, because Andrew Johnson is a man of truth. I know he entertains these sentiments that you have made public, and I unhesitatingly declare that Hon. S. V. Bogy, of Bt. Louis, Hon. Dan. W. Voorhees, of Indiana, lion. Thomas B. Florence and Fred. Aken and others, of this city, can beai* testimony that he has expressed these sentiments in .stronger terms than 1 have represented them to you. I repeat, the Presi dent entertains these opinions whatever he may do. Fire in Charleston. —An alarm of fire was sounded last night about 12 o’clock by a police man on East Bay, who noticed smoke issuing from the door of Mr. T. D. Clancy’s Ship Chandlery. The German was the first on the ground, and the doors being broken open, dis closed the filet that the fire hud been set iu the front of the store near the door. The stock was of such inflammable material that Hie whole store was sftm wrapped in flames, and the efforts of the firemen were al most futile. Whfii first discovered, the fire had such headway that it was found impossible to do more than confine it to the building where it originated. The flames were speedily com municated to the upper stories, and from them to the wing which opened on Boyce’s South Wharf. At the time of our going to press this was entirely destroyed, but the firemen had suc ceeded in saving the adjoining stores occupied by Messrs. Cohen, Hauekei <fc Cos., and Mr. J. W. Carmalt. For some time the cotton ware house on Boyce’s Wharf whs in great danger, but the dead wall and tho efforts of the firemen prevented the flames lrom spreading in that di rection. Mr. Clancy’s stock was insured In the ngen • cies of Messrs. Colburn & Howell; and the building, which was the property of the Adger family, was insured by the same company.— The second story was occupied by Messrs. John & Theodore Getty, and had little beyond office furniture, which was uninsured ; hut in the lower story of the south wing they had a number of articles stored, which were insured by Messrs. Tupper & Lane. Mr. P. J. Esnard, a Spanish importer, occu pied a portion of the second story of an ad joining office to the Messrs. Getty’s. The up per portion of the wiug of the building was used by the British Consul as an office, and we understand a quantity of his furhiture was stored in the vacant rooms. None ol these parties succeeded in saving anything. The fierceness of the fire, and tho intense heat, prevented any efforts being-made, aud they fell a prey to the flames.— Notes, 29th. George Wilkins Kendall.— The death of this well known editor was announced by tele graph, as having taken place at his residence, at Post Oak Springs, near Boerue, Texas, on Mon day morning last. His death was caused by congestive chills. Mr. Kendall was a native of Amherst, now Mount Vernon, New Hamp shire, where he was born about the year ISIO. He received a plain,education, aud alter leaving school was apprenticed to a printer. As soon as he had mastered his trade he left home and traveled through various parts of the Southern aud Western States, working as a journeyman. In 1835 he removed to New Orleans, where he finally settled. For some time after his arrival he worked at his trade ; but afterwards, in part nership with F. A. Lnmdsen, lie started the New Orleans Picayune , which was a decided success from/its first issue. Under his able management the paper soon rose in popularity ahcl influence until it became the leading and most extensively circulated journal in’ the South. His health being impaired by too close an application to his editorial duties, ‘ Mr. Ken dall, in obedience to his spirit of adventure, joined Hie expedition which set out from Austin, Texas, for Santa Fe in 1841, and after passing through many stirring adventures had the misfortune to he captured with others and taken to Mexico, where he suffered a long and disagreeable captivity. Upon his release he published an account of the campaign, entitled “ Narrative of the Texan Santa Fe Expedition,” in two most entertaining aud instructive Volumes. When the war with Mexico broke out he accompanied our array in the capacity of a volunteer, aud alter its close went to Europe, where he spent two years superin tending the publication of his history of the conflict. In 1852 he retired from the active management of the Picayune and removed to Texas, in which State he had purchased a large tract of land. Here he devoted his time lo the breeding of sheep, in which lie was very suc cessful. During the political excitement in 1860 Mr. Kendall opposed secession, but after Louisiana and Texas seceded he acquiesced in the decision of the majority and supported the Confederate cause, although he did not person ally engage in the contest. He was about fifty seven years of age, was married, and leaves a wife and four children. He was a most es timable gentleman, and was very popular with all who knew him.— N. Y. Herald. Cotton from Florida.— The following are extracts from letters received by a mercantile house in this city from Jacksonville, Fla.: “ You may rely upon it that not more than five thousand bales of long cotton will be ship ped from Florida this year; this is confirmed by Dr. W., who is just from the interior, and who has taken some trouble to inlorra him self.” “ I am satisfied that there will not be a third of a crop made in our State this year. Some of my neighbors who planted for one hundred bales will not make twenty.” [Charleston Mercury. A Centre Shot. —During the late canvass in Ohio, the Cleveland Plaindealer dealt the fol lowing telling blow just between the eyes of two political celebrities : John A. Logan and Schuyler Colfax are stumping Ohio for negro suffrage. Both of their States have laws on their statute books preventing a negro emigration, and both refuse suffrage to the black man. Hadn’t they better tramp homewards and induce their otfn people to swallow the dose they are attempting to ad minister to the people of Ohio ? Mrs. Lincoln’s brothers, as is known, were in the Confederate army. The youngest of them started in April, 1861, from New Orleans, as a private in the Chasseurs a Pled, and, being discharged for sickness at Richmond., in Octo ber of the same year, returned to his borne; but, though still suffering In health, he left a wife and two babes to join the Crescent rai ment, in response to Beauregard’s call, ana fell at Shiloh. Another, Captain Dave Todd, start ed with Col. Tom Taylor, of the First Kentucky Volunteers, and was also killed towards the end of the War. And the third, Dr. Todd, served throughout as a distingusbed surgeon
