Funding for the digitization of this title was provided by the R.J. Taylor, Jr. Foundation in partnership with the Atlanta History Center.
About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 20, 1867)
TH£ WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST * WEDNESDAY MORNING. NOV. 20, 1867 TO OUfi SUBORIBEBS. The Weekly Constitutionalist will here after be mailed on Tuesday instead of Wednes day morning. We make this change to accom modate many subscribers. It is om aim and purpose to make the paper a first class news and family journal, and we confidently hope that the influence ot our subscribers will be exerted, to aid us in doing so by extending its don ation. ~ A CONSERVATIVE CONVENTION. In a brief and dispassionate article, the Macon Telegraph suggests the assembling of a State Conservative Convention at Macon, on the sth day of December. Our contemporary s;tys : “ When the project ot a State Convention for the purpose ol organizing a Conservative party was proposed by several of our Georgia con temporaries, some weeks ago, while we did not oppose, wc gave no support to the movement. We regarded it as premature, and preferred to await a further and vclopment of events. Under the unfairness of the reconstruction acts, to ■which was added a most unjust apportionment of election districts, we could see no possible chance of carrying the late election, and con sidered nil efforls to that end as time and labor thrown away. Gen. Pope was bound to have his Convention. That was evident, and he had bo fixed up matters that it was useless to strug gle against it. We, therefore, concluded that the best policy for our people was to run can didates in those districts where the whites largely preponderated, so as to get some good men into the Convention it it should be held, and in the districts where the blacks had the power, to give them an open field. “The tune has now come, however, when the whites of the State can possibly do some thing for their own protection by concurrent, harmonious action, and it is our duty to pre pare for the struggle. We should defeat the Constitution to be formed by the approaching Cinvention, if possible. We take it for grant ed, from the influences that have triumphed at the polls, that nothing will be presented that we can ratify with honor and safety to the State. We have no great confidence in the suc cess ot even this campaign. With the ballot box completely iu the hands of the enemy, with power to throw out all objectionable votes, there is but little dependence to be placed iu such a struggle. But the occasiou is one of great moment, and the experiment worthy of a trial. We may have a better chance than appearances now indicate, and if the election is conducted with any approach to fairness, as we shall not have the gerrymander to'contend with, we may succeed in defeating negro su premaey and numerous other evils that are likely to be concocted in the Negro Radical Convention. We shall be in a bad condition enough if we do not. “In order to accomplish anything there must be thorough organization among the Conserva tive whites of the States, and this cannot be effected without a meeting of delegates from nil parts of the State, at some early day to be agreed upon, by whom the whole matter shall be discussed and the plan of organization aud battle agreed upon. We therefore propose, and trust it will meet the approval of .the Con servatives generally, press and people, that a State Conservative Convention be held in this city on Thursday, the sth day of December, to take into consideration the action proper for the people of Georgia in the circumstances of the present and of the early future. We invite the co-operation of our Conservative friends throughout the State in this impprtant matter.” AVe arc not assured that the time has yet arrived for such a Convention ; beside, the date fixed for its convocation—the sth of December-—is too near at hand for a gen eral canvass of the subject. Be this as it may, it the wish of the people is expressed by the journals suggesting this Conven tion, we will not oppose it, but, on the con trary, lend our hearty support to make it a success. baking it for granted that some such de sire is latent in the popular sentiment, we agree with the Journal <£• Messenger that the first work in hand is county organization. W ithout such a preliminary, the duty of electing delegates will prove cumbersome and haphazard. This organization of counties should be commenced forthwith and made as thorough as possible. The prime object of the Convention will be to consolidate the scattered elements of our strength in antagonism to the mon strous usurpations of Congress. The line of policy to be adopted seems to have been already marked out by the almost sponta neous declaration of four-fifths of the vyhite men of Georgia—absolute non-action as to voting. We do not venture the prediction that such a policy will be decided upon; audit is just at this point that a serious difficulty may be apprehended, for in many men there are many minds and the pride of opinion is strong in human nature. We will not, however, prejudge the matter, and, if the work of organization is to be commenced at all, we trust it will be begun immediately and with becoming enthu siasm and confidence. Let some men of capability and expe rience inaugurate the scheme of consolida tion in each county. There are many per sons cognizant of the ways aud means of political campaigning; let such parties start the ball aud start it promptly. Let us organize, therefore, in every coun ty* Let there be no cavils or differences. Let us. as one man, from the mountains to the seaboard, and from the Savannah to the Chattahoochee, array ourselves in solid phalanx against the combined enemies of our liberties and race. A Bad Business. —Mrs. Sumner’s first husband left her SIOO,OOO, to be forfeited by a second marriage. For the sake of “ ador able Chawles,” she parted with the filthy lucre Would she not, as the case stands, prefer the adorable lucre to the filthy Chawles ? BEPUDIATION AND INFLATION- Mr. Thaddeus Stevens has made his appearance, prior to final departure from this wicked world, in a character rather startling to those Radicals who, like Greeley and Wade, accuse Mr. Pendle ton of knavery and exhaust the vocabulary of the language iu denouncing his scheme of finance. Mr. Thaddecs .Stevens has written a letter substantially endorsing the platform of Mr. Pendleton on the subject of the “ national debt ” and the taxation thereof. This will be a surprise to many of his coadjutors ; but it need astonish no one aware of his remarkable sagacity in party manceuvering. lie has discernment enough to perceive that Pendleton is car rying the people by storm ; and, therefore, to keep the people on the Radical side of the line, he essays to take the wind out of his adversary’s sail, by subjecting them to the same temptations. It is h bold stroke of generalship, and, if backed up by his lieutenants, may impair the influence of Democratic strategy. It is true that Butler preceded Mr. Stevens ; but there is* a shade of difference between the Massachusetts hero and the grand gentlemau from Ohio ; and, as But ler has less party strength than Stevens, Stevens, in going a bow-shot further, is the more formidable antagonist. If Mr. Stevens can so far risk the abuse of the boud-power, for the sake of popu larizing Radicalism with the masses, it is not impossible that, for similar objects, he may come out in another letter and urge a Pendletonian crusade against the negro. The “expounders of the Constitution”—as Aaron Burk called the people—have ex hibited a decided preference for inflation, whether it bankrupt the Government or not. Mr. Stevens chimes in with them ; for, without them be will be, like Archi medes, at loss for a lever to move his peculiar world. The aforesaid “expound ers” have manifested a still more vigorous preference for a white man’s country. Would it not be in perfect keeping with the char acter lately assumed by Mr. Stevens to bellow lustily for the demolition of Ethi opia ? as we suppose, he is bent upon wean ing the masses from Democracy—even at the expense of certain pet theories of liis faction with regard to finance—he should not hesitate to complete the work by sacri ficing another darling project; for he is bound to fail if he attack the bond-holders and yet keep a hug upon the freedmen. This is a world of strange anomalies. Should Mr. Stevens “ survive the Winter,” it may. not be impossible for him, in catch ing at the straws of safety, to let go his cffitch on Sambo. The Radical leaders will cling to the aforesaid Sambo as long as he helps them to swim. But the min ute he becomes a clog or impediment, over board he goes and drown he must. It may be that the negro will hold on like grim death and force his friends to seek vasty deeps in company. Such a finale would give additional dramatic interest to the ca tastrophe and furnish a magnificent display for earth and an inimitable Black Crook for Pandemonium. A POLITICAL CRISIS. We give prominence to the subjoined New York correspondence of the Charles ton Courier , because the great perils mena cing Conservatism are portrayed with vig or and sagacity. The nomination of Gen! Grant for the Presidency; the subdued tone of the Radical press regarding the ne gro ; the recent somersault of Mr. Tiiad deus Stevens on the subject of finance— all these cunning stratagems betray a pro found adaptation of means to ends and an adroit shifting of scenery to suit the changes of the great political drama. In the same ratio that the Radicals glow cau tious, the Democracy grow over-confident. This intoxication of long-deferred success is their principal danger—a danger admi rably sketched by the correspondent above mentioned. We invite attention to his re view of the situation as developed by the re cent elections. The correspondent thus writes: “All readers will remember that two months a £° I gave the result of a conference held by the wisest of Democratic leaders in New York, touching the future of the political situation throughout the country. In that conference, it will be remembered, it was predicted that not only would the Democracy be successful in thes October elections, but that the tide against Radicalism would run still stronger in November. It will :»lso be recalled what was expressly stated at the time, that aforesaid leaders then already feared the result of these victories and plainly saw that only then the real perils would commence ; that confident of success, the masses would insist upon once more clinging to old and obsolete issues, would insist upon renominating for important offices their old leaders, and once more fight a Presi dential election upon the platforms of 1856 IS6O and 1864. “It is the great misfortune of the Demo cratic party that it lacks flexibility, and doe« not know how to cut its garments according to the fashions of the day. The Republicans change, according to the various aspects of the time. Just recall simply the various names under which that party has successfully been led to victory; first Free Soil, then Anti-Ne braska, and then, in rapid succession, the Re publican, Union and Radical party. This shows that at all times it has been ready, not only to change principles, bnt even to assume names, popular with the people at certain periods of our political history. Then, tc#, they have al ways encouraged desertions from their oppo nents’ ranks, and at all times have liberally re warded those Democrats who, right or wrong, i left their own party ia the lurch, to act, for a j time at least, with their old enemies. Not so I" hh the Democrats. Through all the changes which have distinguished the last twenty years, | the P ar ty has stuck most persistently to its old name and its old principles, and thus has be ; come the Conservative party of the country. In this, then, lies the great danger. The re , ceut elections show that it is quite competent j to beat the Republicans on a negative platform. “ Bat to go in a Presidential contest requires something more. Some determined line of policy must be announced before the people will entrust it with unlimited power iu the ad ministration of the country’s affairs. The Democratic-party objects to the Republican plan of reconstruction, but what is its plan Os reconstruction ? The Democratic party objects to the Republican scheme of finance—well, what is its plan?—and so on through all meas ures of public policy. W hat are its cures ? lhe people must know it, and know it most emphatically, too. Notwithstanding the suc cess of the party *t the recent elections, the shrewdest leaders are of profound impression that if the National Convention, which meets next summer, should nominate an old line Democrat, and should present a platform upon which Andrew* Johnson has been fighting Con gress these three years past, that it has no chance with the country, especially if General Grant is the nominee of the Republican party. There should be no doubt at all at the position the Republicans will assume in the coming con test. Their presses are already engaged in tak ing the back track on negro suffrage, and are already now feeling for some new ground to stand upon. Democratic leaders, on the very evening of the election, when returns announc ing Democratic victories everywhere were com ing iu thick and last, were seriously discussing,- at the Manhattan Ciub, thepropriety of coming out boldly and at once for General Grant as the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. Those who urged this bold course, alleged that it would act as a bombshell in the Republican camp, and would terribly embarrass the leaders of that party, who areso anxious to bring out the General as their candidate. It would also have been the origin of a serious suspicion which then would naturally have arisen as to Grant’s political status ; but what the leaders principally aimed at was the desire to give the Democratic masses something else to talk about than* old and obsolete issues, and the merits ol old party hacks, whom they are so desirous of bringing out. There is no sensible Democrat with whom I talk, who can see how possibly any distinctive Democrat, be it Gov. Seymour, Geo. H. Pendleton, Gov. English, or Vallandigham, that can carry the Presidential election. If Grant should decline to run, and Gen. Sherman be willing to run on a liberal platform, the Democracy would have a sure thing of it. It may not be that these views will accord with the sentiments of Conservatives iu the South ; but facts are stubborn things. And it behooves Southern gentlemen to obtain a correct impression of the situation, as viewed by the wisest of the Democratic party in the North.” Rare Old Thad.— Mr. Mantilini Ste vens closes his somersaulting letter on the currency thus: “ Garrulity is ouc of the enticements to old age, if any inducement were necessary to carry you to that point which should always be men tioned as sweetest of them all. I advise Cicero, when he again attempts to instruct us upon the chief solace of old age, like Demosthenese, who proclaimed ‘action, action,’ as the chief merit of an orator, if he has not already done it—lor it is long since I read De Senectute— to insert garrulity ! garrulity ! garrulity !” If Mr. Chick-re A— or Cicero—had had our frieud Stevens for a model, he would have treated him as sm generis. It is, in deed, the foible of old age to be garrulous, but it is well known that old age is uncon scious of the truth. If Stevens, unlike other fossils, is aware of his failing, he should apply the remedy : Keep his mouth shut. Sayings op an Old Politician.— IThur low Weed, of the Commercial Advertiser, is responsible for the following: The Republican Party.—“ I was well, took an overdose of Tribune, and here I am!” The same veteran politician thus speaks of the Conservative victory in New York: New York “ goes wrong ” for two prin cipal and several incidental reasons. The two principal reasons are—first, insisting on negro supremacy in Southern States; and second, the social crusade against Ger mans. As these are sufficient to account for our “ goings wrong,” it is unnecessary to state the mrnor reasons. Also add— “ Do Revolutionists Go Backward ?” —Had the question of negro suffrage been submitted to the electors of New York, New Jersey, Ohio aud Kansas, in 1865 and 1866, those States would have respond ed affirmatively. Ohio, New Jersey and Kansas have now answered in the negative, not on account of their objections to grant ing suffrage to their own colored people, but to emphasise their abhorrence of the attempt to make this a mixed government oT black and white. When Sumner warned Senators that they must be prepared to wel come negro colleagues, the key note was sounded. Something Funny.—Lewis Lindsey, a colored delegate in Virginia, said at a pub lic assemblage of negroes and mean whites, “ That before any of his children should suffer for food, the streets of Richmond should run knee deep in blood.' and he thanked Cod the negroes had learned to use guns, pistols and ramrods.” The reporter declared that this seditious language “ received the smiling approval of Hunnicutt and the cheers of the ignorant masses.” Several blacks afterward apologized for Lindsey and his utterance in this fashion: “It was not sympathy with Mr. Lindsey which caused the meeting to applaud him on the above occasion, but the ludicrousness of his ideas /” We do not see anything very ludicrous in such language. The Ethiopian idea oi a joke is something like the grin of a can nibal over broiled man-steak. Something Rotten.— The Hartford Cou rant and the Medical Doctors acknowledge that morality is on the wane in New Eng land. The men are lapsing into infidelity and the women into something akin to it. The explanation is easy. Both sexes of Puritauia have gone abroad to evangelize others and left heathendom to flourish rankly at home; they have bowed down to Quashee-Gumbo and abandoned Jesus Christ. Headquarters in the Saddle.—Gari | baldi is coming to America, He is death | on Popes. Logan and Brown.—Joe Brown is about on a par with Logan, of Illinois. They both jump toward power and care nothing for consistency. We all kfiow what a bungler old Collards is. Here is a specimen ol his prototype. Before the war, Logan said: “ What, in the name ol all that is sacred, do you Black Republicans want? The cotton States, even the eminent Senator from Missis sippi, Mr. Davis, will accept*the just and hon orable plan of compromise proposed by the distinguished gentleman from Kentucky, but yon will not. I charge here to-day, therefore, that, if this country is plunged into an interne cine war, with the Black Republican party will rest the terrible responsibility.” Sflfce the war the same man has used the following language: “ The red-handed traitor, Jeff. Davis, is re sponsible for the war and all the horrors conse quent.” They will both—Joe. and John—go to the Magdalen Asylum before many days. Hurt his Nose. — Mi'. Charles Sumner came very near anticipating Mr. Thaddeus Stevens’ departure from this world. An Indiana paper says: “On stepping from the cars, not noticing they had started and were under considerable head way, lid was precipitated violently forward upon his head. His hat broke somewhat the force of the fall, and perhaps saved his lile. As it was, he was rendered nearly unconscious, and badly bruised about the face, shoulders and other parts of the body.” The late meteoric display was in honor of his preservation. Railroad bonds have declined iu apprehension of abolishment. Europe is on the qui vive for an exhibition of the scars. The Baron Holstein grins hideously. Poor Charles ! He has no wife to put his nose into shape and feed him with whipped-syllabub and arrow-root pap. • —— —»— p»— ■ Then and Now. — Bennett says the tax gatherers of the United States are “ cor rupt beyond all precedent, and popular opinion hardly makes a distinction between a revenue officer and a thief.” He com pares the modern functionary with his ancient fellow, in this wise: “ From remote times the tax-gatherer was a scoundrel, publicans were robbers and the friends of robbers, and the Christian text classes ‘ the publican and the tax-gatherer ’ as one in repute and performance ; and those old fellows stole a measure of cummin, may be, or a skin of wine. Perhaps some fellow of un usual boldness here and there may have taken a talent of silver. What pigmies of plunder! Hundreds of thousands of dollars make the small dust iu the balance of our revenue col lectors, and a place is hardly worth the in trigues by which it is gained if it does not promise a round million above all contingen cies for a teim.” Exodus.— Gen. Beauregard says many of the best Louisiana families are selling out their effects and removing to Maryland. Gen. Schofield thinks this kind of liegira will continue. He lias fond hopes that the whites will gravitate Northward and leave their homes to the negro and his pimps.— Just think what Democratic majorities we would give the East and West, if Scho field’s idea could be carried out. But it can not. Enough true men are going to remain and fight it out on this line, if it takes a century of Schofields and Popes. Poor Grant.— Greeley is alarmed at the prospect of Grant’s inclination toward Thurlow Weed. He says: “Terrible indeed wilLbe the fate of the gen eral of the army of the United States should he fall into the hands of Thurlow Weed, as Oliver Twist into the hands of Fagin the Jew.” Between Wade's friendship and Gree ley’s enmity, poor Grant will have a slim choice of fates. Fagin is bad enough; and Greeley is his rival. Thurlow Weed’s paper says: “Colonel Forney, who has a keen scent windward, evinces his sagacity by jumping on the Grant train. He imagines that it is a Rad ical machine, but it does not matter a great deal what the fly thinks of the cart wheel!” Aud it matters very little what the cart wheel thinks of the fly. [From the New York Express. Grant. The break in the Republican ranks on Grant, is, for the moment, the most instructive, as well as the most amusing, phase qf current politics. The Tribune (anti-Grant) has a peculiar way of giving the General a side-thrust; thus, for example: “ WHEN WE HAVE GRANT WHAT HAVE WE ? The President says he has been trying to have the Southern States come hack to the Union. This is the contrivance he calls his “ policy.” Now his organ urges the Southern people not to hold Conventions. Who stands in the way of Reconstruction ?” The following too, means a good deal, and it does not require much penetration to “ see the point”: “The New York Times gives, through its Washington correspondence, the following love tap to Col. Forney and his two papers, both ; daily : | “ The hoiatiDg of the Grant flag since the election : by cert un extreme Radical journals and politicians, S j 9 regarded here as a signal of distress, and there is a ! filing against taking them on board , unless they will give guaranties of future good behavior.' 1 ' 1 How much is the “guaranty” required of a Radical who displays a “ signal of distress,” and solicits the privilege of running with the Conservative machine? We are not in this category; but, if any friend should be, we wish to be able to give him the requisite informa tion.” —— One of the best illustrations of avarice we i over heard of is that contained in a caricature which represents Old Nick carrying a Duleh j man down to his regions, and while on the way the Hollander is making propositions to supply him with coal. ‘ The diameter of the earth multiplied by 108 gives the diameter of the sun ; the diameter of the sun multiplied by 108 gives the mean dis tance of the earth from the sun ; aud the diame ter ot the moon multiplied by 108 gives the mean distance of the moon lrom the earth. [COMMUNICATED.] Masonry and Politics- WHERE DOES JUDGE HARRIS STAND ? Mr. Editor : In the published proceed ings of the recent annual communication of the Grand Lodge of Georgia, held at Macon, I observe that John Harris, Esq., of Cov ington, Ga., was re-elected Grand Master for the ensuing year. I was somewhat sur prised at this" result, from the fact that it has been reported that Judge Harris fully identified himself with the enemies of our section of country, and is daily using his influence to establish negro supremacy in the South. Masonry has no connection with politics, nor does it seek in any manner to control or shape the action of the Government. It is truly and exclusively a benevolent insti tution! No one, in my judgment, who is destitute of patriotism, or who acts with duplicity in polities, morals or reli giou, can be a good Mason. The questions which are before the people at this time are of supreme importance, involving, as they do, not only the status of the African, but the material prosperity, liberties and safety of the white race in the South. The posi tion of the Radical party, and the extrava gant and monstrous doctrines and principles which they proclaim and advocate are so utterly at variance with all my ideas of Jus tice, Truth, Charity and Benevolence that it appears impossible for a true and worthy Mason to support them. Judge Harris is a member elect of the convention which is soon to assemble for the purpose of framing anew Constitution for Georgia. It is said, that with but few exceptions, he was chosen exclusively by the negroes of liis district. There are many reports in circulation iu regard to what lie has said, and what he lias promised to the negroes that he will do tor them, when he takes his seat iu the convention. It is charged that he is pledged to use his influ ence to establish universal suffrage, and po litical equality in every respect. On account of these reports, and others which classify him with the enemies of white supremacy in the South, he. owes it to his own reputation, and the reputation of the ancient and honorable order, which he represents, to give denial of the truth of these charges. Sileuce at this time will be construed into an admission that these de rogatory reports are true. With no fac tious or unkind spirit is this subject brought before the public, but for the sole purpose of affording the Grand Master an opportunity of vindicating himself from the charges of sympathy and connection with those who are laboring to prostrate the white race in the South. A Mason. Geo. 11. Pendleton. The following article, descriptive of the Hon. Geo. 11. Pendleton, is from the New York Tribune, of the Bth. Coining from a bitter opponent, writhing with chagrin and mortification from a defeat which this gen tleman contributed so much to insure, it may be taken as a fair estimate of his character and present attitude before the nation: The Democrats of this section have little knowledge of their probable candidate for next president, aud will thank us for mak ing him better known to them. His name is George 11. Pendleton, and he lives at Cincinnati, Ohio. His father, Nathaniel G. Pendleton, was a scion of an eminent Vir ginia family, who migrated to Cincinnati some fifty years ago, practiced "law and made a handsome fortune there, and was chosen to Congress as a Whig in 1840, beat ing the Hon. Robert T. Lytie, his Demo c’/atic competitor, by ten majority, if our memory serves. (Hamilton county was strongly Democratic in those days, but was carried that year for Gen. Harrison on the Presidential vote which followed the State election aforesaid.) Nathaniel G. Pendleton was an excellent, though not a great man. His son George has rather more civilization, and perhaps more natural ability, though far from being a genius. But he is a thorough gentleman in manner and address; aud if, outside of his politics, he ever did an unjust or un worthy act, we never heard of it. We think he will be the Democratic can didate for the next President, for tiiese rea sons : The party is now on its high horse, and not likely to stultify itself as.it did when it ran a General on a peace platform. It be lieves it may consult its wishes rather in choosing its standard-bearer, and is not likely to be undeceived before making its national nominations. Now Mr. Pendle ton embodies its ideas and its purposes as thoroughly and palpably as Mr. Clay ever did those of the Whig party. A Whig by education, he is a Democrat by conviction and by deliberate choice. Never desiring disunion, he had early studied Calhoun and become a convert to his view of State rights and Federal limitations, and he read the Constitution as giving the Federal au thority no power to coerce or constrain a State. And, detesting the national debt, he is now open in his advocacy of its prompt extinction by printing off two thousand millions of fresh greenbacks, and giving every holder of that debt the face of his bonds in currency, thus stopping in terest of the debt at once, and justifying a reduction of all Federal imposts and taxes by one-half. Mr. Pendleton is likely to be the candi date, because the South and West are now a decided overmatch for the East, while the Democracy of the West is scarcely dis tinguishable in type from the Conservatism of the South. We do not believe there is a Conservative in all the South who would object to Mr. Pendleton ; if there be one such, he must be very bigoted aud exclu sive. There are many bogus professors of Democratic orthodoxy, but he is the genu ine article. His version of the Bible evi dently reads, “ God made the white man in His own image;” his copy of the Declara tion of Independence sets forth that “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all white men are created equal.” There is a silver lining to most clouds.— If the elections of 1867 had gone like those of 1866, we should probably have had some ambiguous, half-and-half, shuffling candi date for President to oppose in 1868; but the late results have cleared the atmosphere decidedly. A square, clean issue between the two parties will now be made up; the ! Democracy will select a representative man ; and for such it has none better in its j ranks than George H, Pendleton. Hon. James A. Seddon Takes the Am iNESTY Oath.— Yesterday the Hon. James | A. Seddon, late Secretary of War for the Confederate States, went to Gen. Schofield’s headquarters and made application to take the amnesty oath required by the terms of | his pardon. He was introduced to the Judge Advocate of this district, Major Layton, by Colonel Chaifin, who adminis ered it to him.— Richmond Whig, 12th. A feminine pedestrian is creating a sensation in Clarion county, Pa. She made two and a hall miles in seventeen minutes, for a wager, the other day, and now challenges the fastest j woman in the county for a race of one to five i miles, or SCO a side. Tbere-nre a great many • fast women who won’t show their speed. \Y. Y. Evening Gazette. [From the Savannah Republican. United States Courts for Southern District of Georgia. CIRCUIT COURT. DON. JOHN ERSKINE, JUDGE, PRESIDING. November 15, 1867.—The petit jury was called and discharged until 10 o’clock on Mon day morning. Sarah A. A. Shelton et. al. vs. Simeon Rod gers, Executor —In Equity. The hearing of this case was resumed and the testimony on part of the respondent was read. It appeared from the evidence that the executor purchased in February, 1865, bonds of the State of Geor gia, of two classes, to the amount of the lega cies due the complainants, which he tenders in court iu payment of such legacies, of which the following are copies: CLASS i. Milledgeville, Ga., January 15, ISG2. — | Receivable in payment of all dues to the State, i and to the Western and Atlantic Railroad. The State of Georgia'will pay to bearer five dollars, redeemable iu eight per cent. State bonds or specie, six mouths alter a treaty ot peace, or when the banks ot Savauuali and Au gusta resume specie payments, it before that time. Signed by the Comptroller General and Trea surer ot State. CLASS 11. Milledgeville, Ga., February 1, 1563. Receivable iu payment of all dues to the State and the Western and Atlantic Railroad. The State ot Georgia will pay bearer ten dol lars iu specie or six per cent, bonds of this State, six months after a treaty of peace shall have been ratified between the United States and the Confederate States. Sigued by the Comptroller General and Trea surer of State. These notes bore no endorsement whatever, and there was no written evidence made at the time to show that they were set apart as the property of the legatees.* Judge Law, with his usual ability, addressed the court on behalf of the complainants, at the conclusion of which the court adjourned to 10 o’clock to-morrow morning. * DISTRICT COURT. IION. JOHN ERSKINE, JUDGE, PRESIDING. November 15, 1867.—The petit jury was called and discharged until 10 o’clock to-mor row morning. At the request of ex-Governor J. E. Brown, as counsel lor Foster Blodgett, Mayor of Au gusta, the grand jury were brought into court, and after their names were called the counsel suited to the court that there was pending be fore the grand jury a charge of penury against said Blodgett, and proposed to challenge sev eral members of said jury on the ground that they had been engaged in the late rebellion, and as counsel, he said," because his client had rea son to believe, and did believe, that he would not receive justice at the hands ol the jurors named. Alter hearing the argument of ex-Governor Brown in support of his motion, District Attor ney Fitch, who was in New York at the time of the empanelling of the grand jury, addressed the court in an eloquent and spirited argument in opposition to the motion, in which lie con tended that it was only the Government that could take advantage of the provisions of the act of Congress passed on the 17th of June, 1862. 12th, Statutes at Large, page 430. The District Attorney desiring further time to produce authorities in support of his posi tion, the court adjourned the further hearing ol the ease until 9 o’clock to-morrow morning. [From the Savannah Republican. Savannah, Ga., November 11, 1867. Col. Maloney, Commander Post , Ac., Savannah : Colonel : The undersigned have the honor to report to you that there exists on the Chat ham county side of the Great Ogeeehee river an armed military organization among the freedmen, whose ostensible and avowed pur pose is to resist 6uch rules and regulations as have been established by the contracts made with the approval of the Freedman’s Bureau, and to protect them in their own estimate of their rights, without regard to those of the landed proprietors or their lessees. They are under the influence of the notorious demagogue Bradley, and are impressed with the belief that the lands are to be divided among them. Should this agrarian measure be kept before the public, the above organization may be stimulated to seize property, and perhaps to acts of bloodshed. Even the ordinary dis putes about sharing of crops, wages, or dis charge of disobedient workmen, &c., might lead these military bands to some violence. Admitting even that no outbreak should oc cur, this organization has produced feelings which, if not removed, will prevent the makiug of an/ contracts next January, and give up the now productive idleness and a strong hold for now meetings are frequently got of this organ ization, who influence to force the attendance laborers (often their directions of or deserted be next Saturday. While regrettingmuch upon your attention, we before you some details which have transpired in regard to this affair, which we conceive to be beyond the reach ot the civil officers, and therefore ask your action. / It has been noticed even by outside parties, and we would refer to Mr. Martin Geiger, a ship builder, and to Captain Barrett, of the sloop Fleet, both of Savannah, who hare seen the drills take place. The commanding officer of this would-be army is named Solomon Fally, in the employ of Colonel Waddell, on the Habersham place, and is styled “General” by the negroes. There are supposed to be five organized companies, say one at each of the following places: At Southfield, Colonel Waddell’s; at Grove Hill, Colonel Waddell’s; at Wilaborn, McLeod’s; at Mifflin, Bcreven’s ; at Heyward’s place. The negroes at the Elliott place are supposed to belong to them. They are armed generally with muskets, the officers having swords; generally provided with ammunition and drums. Flags are to be made. No accoutrements or uniform have so far been noticed. Drills take place nearly every night of late, on the above plantation, and discipline is pre served by a system of fines which are rigidly enforced. On one place the order of a sergeant to report to company duty wa6 obeyed with alacrity. The undersigned have the honor to be, Colo nel, your obedient servants, [Signed] Geo. P. Screven, Planter and owner of Mifflin Plantation. Bryan, Hartridge & Cos., Interested as Factors. Lloyd D. Waddell. W. H. Burroughs & Cos. J. W. Anderson, Sons & Cos., Factors for T. C. Arnold, Esq. Wm. Habersham, Executor and part owner of Grove Plantation. Savannah, November 11,1867. Hon. E. C. Anderson, Mayor of Savannah— Sir : In behalf of the above parties we respect fully request that you wiil forward the above communication with an expression of your opinion. Lloyd Waddell, W. H. Burroughs & Cos., Per Thos. H. Maxwell, J. W. Anderson, Sons A Cos., Wm. Habersham. Dem.—“ Well, it seems the Democrats have carried even Massachusetts ?” Radical pulpit politician.—“ Guess not! How do you make that out ?” Dem. —“ Why, the Democrats are the‘rum party,’ you say?” Pulpit.—“ Yes, that’s so.” Dem. —“ Well, you admit that the rum par%* have got that State ?” Preacher ner vously loosened bis white choker aud sloped. (The above conversation occurred yesterday in. a town not many miles from Hartford.)
