Itfii WEEKLY 00N3TITUTI0NALIST
WEDNESDAY MORNING. NOV. 27, 1867
TO OUR SUBOBIBER3.
The Weekly Constitutionalist will here
after be mailed ou Tuesday instead of Wednes
day morning. We make this change to accom
modate many subscribers. It is oui aim and
purpose to make the paper a first class news and !
family journal, and we confidently hope that !
the influence of our subscribers will be exerted !
to aid us in doing so by extending its eircu
ation.
ANOTHER BLAST FROM HILPER.
Hinton llowan Helper, of- Impending
Crisis ” and “Nojoque” fame,has wiitten a :
characteristic letterto the National Intelli
g nicer. He demonstrates, from a loyal point
of view, the black and blighting sway of
Radicalisjn in the South, and preaches a
crusade against everything and everybody
aiming to fasten negro ascendancy or equal
ity upon the down-trodden States. He
clings to the opinion that the negroes must :
be colonized in Mexico or some other re
mote region, and unless this removal take
place promptly, he predicts that peace,
prosperity and grandeur will be banished
from the land. He argues that just as the
existence of slavery tended to the degrada
tion of poor white labor in the past, so the
accursed manipulations of Congress tend
to a general impoverishment and loss of
caste to the poor and rich whites alike.
Therefore, the negro element must be re
moved ; and if the Radical party stands in
the way of removal, it must be toppled ova'
without remorse and without judge or
jury.
He. pictures the tenacity with which men
adhered to the peculiar institution and the ;
evils they endured to preserve it.
He proceeds to show that, in spite of the •
base ingratitude and murderous threats of!
the blacks, the old slaveholders are still j
under the spell of sable witch and sable
wizard, and, though impelled by principle
to oppose their tormentors politically, they
still retain their service from habit and in
dulgence. As long as this distressful sym
pathy continues, white labor is made despi
cable and impossible. Bad as this condi
tion of things is, he considers the case ag
gravated by the ineffable despotism of the
Radical party and its indecent conspiracy
to secure dominion, through the agency of
semi-barbarians.
Predicating, then, that Radicalism is the
stumbling block in the way of the negro’s
deportation ; and the negro the impediment
in the way of Southern progress: he de
mands the downfall of both, in order that
the White Race may rule the country and
make it—what Radicalism can never ac
complish—great, powerful, homogeneous
and renowned. Asa specimen of his style
and matter, and for the further reason that
there is a modicum of hard sense in this
mail’s vehemence and logic, we give his
concluding remarks in full, as follows:
Because of its gross excesses, its shortcom
ings, and its corruptions, the first and most
important thing necessary to be done, in order
to remedy existing evils, is to utterly break
down and destroy the whole Radical parly—a
party which, in its monstrous affiliation with
negroes, is bringing utter abjectuess and ruin
upon at least ten the Union, and dis
gracing and crippling all the others. Here, in
the Southern States, the Radical influence,
which is just as black and bad as it can be,
coupled, not in name, bat, in reality, with the
old slave-holding influence, keeps the negro
unnaturally and disseutiously interlarded be
tween the two great white elements 01 the
South, thus preventing here, among the eight
millions of people who aione are good tor
anything that unity of sentiment and purpose,
and that harmony of plan and action, without
which it is impossible for ns ever to attain any
thing like permanent peace, prosperity, or
greatness. Indeed, under the actual military
despotisms which an umvpublican and malig
nant Radical Congress have foisted upon us,
and under atrocious Radical threats of un
limited confiscation and perpetual disfranchise
ment, leading ns to tear that a still more op
pressive and galling yoke is held in reserve for
us, there is already an almost total suspension
ot all public and private works ; men have no
l eirt to do anything ; their hopes and their
energies have been crushed ; their dwellings,
their outhouses, and fences are, in most
cases, iu a state of dilapidation ; their institu
tions of learning, their churches, and their
public buildings of all kinds—such as were not
actually burned to ashes during the war, having
been greatly misused and abused —are going to
decay ; and in many places, where at least
ordinary instructors aud schools are still to be
found, the children, if not of necessity required
to remain at home and work, are too frequently
so destitute of clothing that their parents are
ashamed to let them go beyond the narrow
limits of their own mournfully-foreboding and
gloomy observation. Mauy of the public roads
and bridges, and not a few of the fords and
ferry-boats, have been so long out of repair
that th. y have become absolutely dangerous;
and un ess, in the good Providence of God, the
desolating aud destructive rule of Radicalism
can soon be checked aud averted, those who
travel here extensively, whether by steam
power or horse power, will do so at the immi
nent peril of their lives.
Especially among the negroes here crime and
lawlessness of every sort is now far more rife
than ever before ; while, in many cases, under
the vicious protection afforded them by the
Radical negro bureau, before whose Dogberry
agents the presence and the testimony of as
good white men as ever lived are but too often
treated with contempt, they (the delinquent
negroes) are never punished at all; or, il pun
ished, punished only in the mildest possible
manner. 1 have known instances whereSvhite
men, coining to knowledge of crimes commit
ted by negroes—those very whites being the
victims —would endure the wrong, and pass
the whole matter by in silence, and without
actiou, rather than subject themselves to the
ex P® nse > au d lose of time which they
well knew they would be but too likely to in
cur b\ making complaint, whether ut the ne
gro bureau or at anyone of those other bureaus
of military despotism which have been <*o un
necessarily and so wickedly inflicted upon ns
by the Radical Congress. Everywhere through
out the South the increasing demoralize ioif of
the negroes is now, indeed, sadly seen and
sadly felt. Nor would it be an easy matter to
make up a full and complete indictment against
them of all other high crimes aud misdemean
ors. In every district or community of a con
siderable sine, on the right hand and on the
left, they are almost constantly committing
brutal murder and highway robbery : breaking
into dwellings aud warehouses; depredating
on orchards, fields ot grain, and grauaries ; ap
propriating to their own use other people’s
cattle, pigs, and poultry; stealiug everything
that tlu-y can lay their haufe upon ; outraging
pure and innocent white girls ; and not unfre
quent Iv in a spirit of the most savage wanton
cess and revenge, settiug on tire aud utterly
destroying the houses mid other property of
their white neighbors. Terrorism reigns su
preme among the white females of every fami
ly and sleep is banished.
Not far from here 1 was, a few weeks ago, in
a small town, where there were just eight
stores, every one of which had, at different
times, been broken into and robbed. Either
at the actual time respectively of < robbery,
or afterward, it was fully ascernuned and
proven, that six of these stores had been forci
bly and feloniously entered by negroes, and
the oilier two by persons unknown. All of
them had been entered since the establishment
of the Radical negro bureau. Prior to that
time no store iu that town had ever been en
tered by burglars. These tacts, well consider
ed, must lead to the most solemn and profound
conviction, in the breast of every right think
. ing man, that the negroes, strongly fortified in
the morbid and misplaced sympathy of the
Radicals, are feeling themselves at comparative
liberty to commit, with impunity, every species
of outrage and crime.
Broken hearted over the disastrous realities
of the present, and dimly peering into the dark
and uncertain future, all the white people here,
of whatever condition in life, are dejected and
sorrowful to an extent that I never before wit
nessed. Sometimes it lias seemed to me that 1
could discern something holy, something sa
cred, iu the c.eep and troubled sadness of those
about me ; as if, indeed, God, iu His great
I mercy, had come to dwell iu their hearts, and
jto protect them from further outrage. I would
'.hat this were so. Among men whose hearts
! are not entirely eallou- to every consideration
of justice and humanity, there should always
prevail a sentiment keenly alive to the sugges
tion, that there should be both a measure and a
limitation of punishment. Yet, strange to say.
more strangi to say of white men, and still
more strange to say of white men in this
nineteenth century, the Radicals, as repre
sented in the Radical Congress, seem to be ac
tuated by no such sentiment as tkis. For
the crinn-s which were committed by only
a few dozen actual traitors, (the more promi
nent and guilty of whom ought., in my opin
ion, to have been hung more than two yoats
ago,) they are inflicting all manner of severe
penalties and punishments on eight millions of
peoplt ! They complain, and justly, of the
cruel treatment and death of some thousands of
Union soldiers in Libby Prison, at Salisbury,
and at Andcrsonville; hut, bv laws more ty
rannical and barbarous than were ever belore
enacted by any civilized hgislature, they are
deliberately crushing out the spirit and the life
of millions of innocent men, women and chil
dren ! Iu the vain effort to exculpate them
selvts, they Tauntingly proclaim to the world
that their measures oi military reconstruction
were enacted iu great part, it not principally,
for the protection and for the benefit of Union
men in the South. I tell them that the true
Union men of the South (the white Union men,
a iu except these there were none, and are none
worthy of the name,) detest, with a detestation
unut'erable, the entire batch.of their disgrace
ful am- ruiuous military measures of recon
struction. With few exceptions, the white
Union men of the South feel that they have
been most foully and shamefully betrayed am
dishonored ; and we reject, with immeasurable
scorn and indignation, the imputation that we
I l ave any sympathies or pui poses in common
with base-minded and degenerate partisan,
I who, like the Radicals, ere abandoned to every
high principle ol honor and right reason.—
We were, and are still, Republicans ; not black
Republicans, lm' white Republicans. Radicals
we never were, nor can we be. It is, then, the
Republican party, in the persons of factious
and fanatical multitudes of Radical demagogues,
that has leu us, aud uot we who have left the
Republican party. Aud I here tell these Radi
ieals, and I tell them with emphasis aud dis
tinctness, uot as a threat, but as a warning, that,
in any future conflict of arms (which, however,
may God and good men avert) between the
friends and the enemies of the Constitution,
aud of the Government of the United States as
constitutionally organized, the Union white
men of the South would be precisely where they
were before —they would be with the right, but
not with the Radicals.
But why do I speak of a warlike contingency
of this sort as being now even -within the
bounds of possibility ? I will tell you. That
ihe whole country, North and South, East and
West, is not now in a state of general good or
der, peace, and prosperity, is alone due to the
unwise and unjust legislation of the Radical
Congress. A large majority of that Congress
are now evincing, or have but recently evinced,
a disposition to prosecute, even to still greater
lengths, if possible, their former schemes of
revenge, despotism, and ruin. * * * *
Another gentleman, (and this brings me to the
very gist of what I wish to say iu reference to
future fighting, and to beg that the Radicals
will give no occasion for it,) a New Yorker,
who occupies an important judicial position,
declared to me, in June last, that in case of the
attempt of the Radical Congress to remove the
Pres id cut in any manner, or for any cause not
explicitly prescribed iu the Constitution—mind
you, he did not even mention the name of An
drew Johnson, he only spoke of “ the Rresi
dent ” —he, for one, would take up arms to re
sist the usurpation, and he believed the people
generally would do the same thing. He furt her
remarked that in such an eveut the war would
be one merely for the preservation of ’republi
can and democratic institutions, aud that it
would prevail only at the North, uuless the
South, by her own volition, should come
to lie a party to it. Now’, it may be that
there are certain men in the South who
would be more or less rejoiced at the outbreak
of a war of that sort, but if so, I most sincere
ly hope and trust that they may never be
gratified ; nor will they be, uuless it be through
the foil}’ and the crime of the Radical party. —
The white Union men of the South are not only
Southerners, they are also Americans, aud they
wish well to the w-hole country ; indeed, so ex
tensive are their good will and aspirations in
this regard, that they hope the day will soon
come, or come sometime, when the entire con
tinent of North America, from the Atlantic to
the Pacific, and from Behring’s Strait to the
isthmus of Darien, shall be found to be too
suiffll to represent in full on the maps the
peaceful, prosperous, and progressive superfices
aud boundarieo of our national domain. We
believe that Andrew Johnson has made, aud is
still making, in the person of himself, a truly
able and patriotic President of tbc-se United
States; aud we believe further, without advo
cating his election or re-election, that he would
make, for the ensuing Presidential term, a bet
ter President than any one of the gentlemen
whose names the Radicals have yet mentioned
iu connection with that high office; aud this
simply because they have not mentioned the
names of such clear-sighted and worthy Repub
lican statesmen as Seward, Adams, Fessenden,
Sherman, McCulloch, Doolittle, Browning,
Welles, Raymond, and Randall; uor the names
of any of those tried aud trusty Democratic
statesmen to whom, in magnanimous and
praiseworthy coalition with the Republicans,
wc may yet have to look for the safe piloting
of the ship of State over the many rough shoals
and breakers among which the Radicals have
so negligently and so culpably allowed her to
drift.
We, the white Union men of the South—and
all the white men here, two or three dozen
arch-traitors excepted, would soon become
faithful friends of the Union, if they were only
afforded a just aud reasonable opportunity to
become so—are very desirous that all the
Southern States shall at once be prudently and
properly rehabilitated; we want them to re
sume, without delay, their rightful status in
the nation; we want them acknowledged and
treated, in all respects, as free and equal States,
with enlightened and republican constitutions
of government, similar to those of New York,
Pennsylvania and Ohio ; we want them to re
taiu, In the amplest possible sense, both the
semblance and the reality of white States, and
so avoid the utter disgrace and worthlessness
of becoming black States ; and we insist upon
it, that the infamous dogmas and teachings of
the Radicals, who are so pertinaciously striving
to reduce the white races of our country to the
low level of negrohood, ought to be every
where refused aud rejected with the utmost
disdain. We insist upon it, that the abolition
of slavery arnoug us ought to leave the negro
occupying in the South precisely the same
status that the abolition of slavery among you
•est him occupying in the North. We insist
upon it, that, because of his natural inferiority,
; his despicable characteristics, his gross stnpidi
i ty and his brutishness, he ought not to be al-
I lowed either to rote or to hold office, nor to
| fill or perform any other high function which
appertains, and, of right, should always upper
taiucxclunivcly, to the worthy aud well qualified
white citizens of our country. (Speaking here
only for myself, ns an individual, 1 nmy say,
with absolute sincerity and truth, that however
much others may itch lor office, there Is no
position ot honor, trust, or profit within the
gilt any number of the American people, or
any number of any other pt-onle, that 1 would
accept, unless it came to me through white
votes alone. And while tnis is strictly true, it
is very certain also, that however uurcgeneratC
I may be in other respects, and it would seem
that, according to the opinion of some, 1 am a
rather siufiil sort of man —yet L feel happy in
the perfect assurance that I shall never go
down to the grave nor elsewhere with the black
crime resting upon my soul of having, iu any
contingency, or under any p< ssible or con
ceivable circumstances, ever voted for a negro. ]
We insist upon it that the enlrauchisement ol
the negroes, and the disfranchisement of the
whites, whereby the supremacy of the negroes
has already been established, or is about to be
established midmost every Southern State, is u
consummate outrage, an unmitigated despot
ism, an unparalleled infamy, and an atrocious
crime. We insist upon it, that our Federal
Government aud our State governments are, as
they ought to be, n publican in form, and that
the miiitary authorities ought, at all times, ex
cept only iu cases of actual war, in the luturi
as in the past, to be held subordinate to the
c'vil authorities. We further insist upon it,
that the whole drift of Radical legislation, for
the last eighteen months and more, has been,
and still is, unstatesmanlike, unrepubliean,
vindictive and despotic- perilous to all tin
principles of enlightened self-government, and
alarmingly degoiding and inimical to the
white Civilization and progress and | In-entire
New World
It is absurd and useless for the Radicals,
j while tacitly admitting the black and banetnl
i excesses of their legislation, to tell n«, in tin*
j pitiful attempt to excuse their own gross
ignorance and folly, that the nmn -rie ii pre
ponderanee ot the whites in the Houlli will
; save them from the corrupting and iletnord.b
dug influences of the negvoee. As well might
| they toil us that a pound, or a less qnanlhv, ot
strychnine could do no harm in a barrel of
flour, that an ounce of arsenic could accomplish
no lqischief in a peck of meal; that a vial of
: prussic acid could effect uo injury in a pitcher
j tit water; or that one idiot, fo.v< risli and ft ant i(
] with contagion, might not communicate the
I effluvium of'fatal infection to a score or more
of sane men. We insist upon it that it is pre
; eminently our duty to be just and kind to our
own race, and that the poor ami distressed ol the
white race are those who, here, there, and
everywhere, have the highest claims upon us,
whether for service, tor food, for clothing, for
, education, or for whatever otliei thing ; and
! Fso that if, in being but just to our own race,
the negroes or others are the sufferers, that,
under the inscrutable purposes of Providence,
is simply their misfortune, and should always
be so considered. Further, and finally, we
insist upon it, that the good results which the
loyal ami intelligent masses ot tiie country had
i a right to expect would soon lollow the aboli
| lion of slavery and the suppression of the re
j hellion, shall neither be defeated nor indefinitely
j de' yed ; and we protest that the disingenuous
j ness and treachery ol the Radicals, since the
i war, seriously treaten to neutralize all the wise
| and patriotic labors which the Republicans so
heroically and so gloriously performed, both
before and during the war. We ask for the
! immediate repeal oi all military laws which are
Antagonistic to the spirit and form of republi
i can government, and, especially, for t he speedy
repeal of all such political and mercenary mon
strosities as the negro bureau bill. We Til so
ask that the expenses of the army aud navy
may be reduced at least one-half, aud that the
burdens of taxation, which now weigh so
heavily upon white people, may at once be
lightened.
With an eye and a purpose to these ends, wc
ask that every Radical Senator and Repre-enta
tive in Congress, and every other Radical offi
cer in the laud, whether nationa 1 , State, county,
or municipal, who is, or Lias been, an aider and
abetioc of that usurpatory and tyrannical oli
garchy, euphemized rs the American Congress,
shall, one and all, at the very next elections in
which their names may be brought before tlie
people, be wholly and summarily withdrawn
from official life, and that new aud better men
—men possessed of good common sense, men
controlled by sentiments of justice for white
people, no less than by sentiments of justice
tor black people—men sufficiently free from
sectional bias—men of enlarged aud statesman
like views—shall be elected in their stead. Let
this be done, and all will be well. Let it be
made manifest, and let it be proclaimed abroad,
throughout the entire length aud breadth of
the land, that what the short-sighted Radicals
are aiming at as a mere possible good to lour
millions of blacks, is a positive disservice and
evil to eight millions of whites. We want, and
we will have, no re-est b’isbment of slavery.—
It is sale to say that there are not to-day, in the
whole State of North Carolina, two hundred
men, of good standing or influence, wlio
would, if they could, have slavery re-establish
ed. Indeed, I doubt whether there are five
thousand white men, in all the South, who
would now, or at any future time, oe so un
wise, so rash, and so reckless, as to undue the
acts of emancipation, even if they had the
power. The only persons here who, in any
considerable number, would be willing to incur
the odium aud the infamy of voting for a re
turn to the system of slavery, are negroes
themselves, whose instincts tell them, that if
really put upon their own resources in com
munities of white men, and in no manner
propped up or sustained at the expense and
degradation of a greater or less number of
whites, whether by se r vitude, under an oli
garchy of slaveholders, on the one hand, or
bv negro bureaus, under an oligarchy of
Radicals, on the other, they will gradually
fall behind in the career of life, fail to multi
ply the inferior race to which they belong, die
out, and become fossilized. While, therefore,
we are firm in the wish and purpose not to
have any more slavery in the South, we are
equally firm in the desire and determination to
get rid of the negroes if we can—not bytakiDg
from them one drop of blood—not by hurting
a single fibre of hair (or wool) upon their heads,
but by colonization, in or out of Mexico; and
in this effort, which will be in perfect harmony
with that of wisdom and patriotism which,
through the mighty energies and enterprises of
white men, have brought imperishable great
ness and glory to the North, we most earnestly
and trustingly solicit your fraternal co-opera
tion. And then, having at last imitated the
good example which yon have held prominent
ly before us for more than half a century, but
which, in our excessive folly and stubbornness,
we have, until now, rejected; having filled our
States, as you have filled your States, with
white people, aud not with such intolerable hu
man rubbish as negroes, Indians, and mulat
toes, then we mean to fight you again ; not with
steam-rams, cannon, muskets, bayonets, swords,
nor satres ; not with any of the sanguinary
and sorrowful weapons ot death, but with all
the pleasiug and ennobling agencies of life.
Then, for the first time since you wisely abol
ished slavery and negroes, and we foolishly
retained them, will it be possible for our States
of the South to begin to be equal with your
States of the North. Aud then, as we all ad
vance onward in the grand march of improve
ment —and we want tens and hundreds of
thousands of you to come among us, aud be
with us and of us, and, at the same time, to aid
us, by sound counsel and otherwise, iu the
varied and arduous duties and responsibilities
which are now devolving upon us—we shall
begin to challenge you iu good earnest; uot to
the battle-field, but to courteous emulation
and rivalry in all of the noble acts and refine
ments—aye, and also occasionally in some of
the more innocent and manly games and sports
of peace and civilization.
Hixton Row ax Helper.
Ashyille, N. C., November 11, 1567.
Sound and Fury. —Gen. Sheridan had
a “triumphant reception” at St. Louis.
Drums beat and trumpets brayed. The day
following this ovatiou, the hat was passed
round among the “ trooly loil,” but they
had no money. It is suggested that Sheri
dan settle the bill. If he does not, the next
military hero that comes along will have to
blow his own horn aud beat his own tin
pan.
GEN. SHERMAN’S SPEECH-
Wc etui very well understand liovv Gen.
Sherman should feel obliged to glorify the
army aud cause of the North ; but it is not
so patent to our comprehension why he j
should heap Infamy upon the South. His
recent address before the Grand Army of
Tennessee may strike some of our contem
poraries as a good Conservative effort, but
we differ in our estimate of the sneaker and
his speech. As many Southern journals
have printed portions of the Lieutenant-
General’s harangue—carefully suppressing
whatever was obnoxious and insulting—wc
will, in order that there may be no mistake
in the premises, supply the missing links
for Hie benefit of those who are still averse
to ihe policy programme of President-ma
kers and their kind.
Before introducing these extracts, wc
would repeat, what lias been often said in
these columns, that as long as Gettysburg
monuments and Grand Army Associations
are kept up at the North —asuerpetual me
mentos of our fallen condition —there never
will be, there never can be, any fraternity
worth the name of Union. In ancient times,
these memorials of domestic feud "eie
studiously forbidden or destroyed. In the
-,o called model Republic of America, they
m'c gifted with all the immortality that art
ot money can bestow. Gen. Sherman, by
k-opening t.lie issues of t lie war and criti
, Ring the motives of the vanquished, has
rival bis full share to lliis common fund of
i nferseethnull animosity.
Anv one would suppose that the memory
of* our Gate City would not, be as pleasant
1.. iim soul of Sherman as other memories
more glorious and less fiendish. But it is
111,1 i Unit, Georgians should know how this
man prefers to live in the canvass of the
painter. Having wished for a Bierstadt
so portray him as he stood on Kennesaw,
be remembers that Kennesaw was not ex
actly a victorious situation, and so, turns
aside and calls upon a Beard or llealy to
limn a spectacle in which the demon of
desolation surveys Lis wild work and
ehaunts the horse-thief’s shibboleth. Here
are his words:
“ Or better still, that a Beard or Healy could
have caught that gorgeous picture as we rode
out of Atlanta that beautiful morning in No
vember, and turned io look at Atlanta smoul
dering in its ruins , whilst long lines if soldiers
with tlieir white-topped wagons were starting
southward, they knew not n hither, and the
whole air resounded with that favorite anthem
of “ John Brown’s soul goes marching on,”
taken up from the band, by the marching col
umns as by a common instinct.”
That is bad enough, but worse is to come.
As long as General Sherman confined him
self to self-laudation and national eulogy, no
objection might be made. But instead of
allowing his hearers to draw their own na
tural inferences; instead of preserving a
magnanimous silence with regard to the
Southern cause and the humiliations its
loss engendered: lie gloats over us in a style
that deserves the indignation of every man
or woman in the South whose soul has
one spark of sympathy and tenderness left
for those who live like Lee and those
who died like Jackson. Head what fol
lows, and if the Conservatism of this man
is the kind you wink at, up with your caps
and shout your vivas for the latest Presi
dential candidate. General Sherman says:
“ Look to i'.:z South, and you who went with
me through that land can best say if they too
have not been fearfully punished. Mourning
in every household, desolalion written in
broad characters across the whole face of their
country, cities in ashes aud fields waste,
their commerce gene, their system of labor an
nihilated and destroyed. Ruin, poverty, and
distress everywhere, and now pestilence add
i ing the very cap sheaf to their stack of misery ;
: her proud men begging for pardon and ap
pealing for permission to raise food for their
children ; her five million of slaves free, and
their value lost to their former masters forever.
Flow any Southern gentleman, with these fads,
plain and palpable, everywhere staring him in
the face and recordedfor ever in the book of hi sto
ry, can still boast of his ' lost cause,' or speak of
it in language other than of shame and sorrow,
passes my understanding, aud, instead of being
revived, I know their lost cause will sink
: deeper and deeper into infamy as time more
keenly probes its hidden mysteries and reveals
them to the light of day.”
Southern men, who are so disposed, may
swallow this sort of denunciation with an
easy gulp; but there are thousands who
will not excuse it on the score of policy.
There are thousands who prefer the nobler
language of T. A. R. Nelson —the great
East Tennessee Unionist —and as an anti
dote for Sherman’s scorn, we beg our people
to place the subjoined extract alongside the
fulmination quoted above. This is what
Nelson spoke, and we would to God that
it were written in the hearts of all our
people:
'•‘■Let the North remember that there is a just
God, icho ruleth in the armies of Heaven and
upon earth, icho governs nations as well as men ;
that He used the Assyrians as instruments to
punish the rebellious Jews; but when the As
syrians persecuted them from year to year, when
4 they showed no mercy,' when upon them they
‘ hi in very heavily their yoke,' He raised up
Cyrus to take Babylon, and punish the conquer
ors, who had been his instruments, most severe
ly. Let them remember that, although the South
is conquered and subjugated, helpless and power
less, bound hand and foot and bleeding at every
pqre; though• her rich men have become poor
men, and her great men have been humbled in
the very dust; though her 'servants ate now
upon horses and her princes are walking as ser
vants upon the earththough famine broods
over the last murmur of complaint; though she
has ‘ drunken the dregs of the cup of trembling
and wrung them out'—yet her shrieks of agony
will go up to Heaven, and, sooner or later, will
be heard ; and in some form, now hid from mor
tal ken, He ‘ who foigetteih not the cry of the
humble ' will be her friend and her avenger."
The readers of the Constitutionalist
will recognize this excerpt as an old
friend ; they may, in the present case, ad
mit it as a friend in need and a friend in
deed.
Horse Talk.— Wade complains that
Grant talks horse—and nothing else. Cal
igula’s steed was nominated consul for a ;
similar idiosyncrasy. Grant may become !
t President by this Dexter-ous plan.
Our New York Correspondence.
New York, November 17.
The Presidential question assumes ne w
aspects. The ferocious zeal of Thurlow
Weed in behalf of Gen. Grant has excited
some suspicion, and led to investigation. —
It lias resulted in the discovery that Mr.
Weed is not really friendly to Gen. Grant,
but that the veteran politician desires to
use the successful General to natter down
the Radicals; hoping that possibly Grant
and Chase may be made to enact the parts
towards each other, of the Kilkenny cats.
Mr. Weed has never given up the idea of
the Philadelphia Convention ; he thinks its j
candidates, Seward for President, and Gov.
Orr for Vice President, may yet be brought
successfully forward.
The friends of Mr. Seward, while advo
cating Gen. Grant for President, have
showered upon the Radicals the most bitter
taunts calculated to stimulate hostility to
him, and provoke a “ bolt” iu case he should
receive the Republican nomination. Mr.
Washburne, who is recogny.ed’as the “next
friend” of Gen. Grant, ou his attention
being called to the phillipics of Mr. Weed,
promptly avowed not only his disapproval
of them, but his hostility to the political
interest in which Mr. Weed wrote.
As respccv-s Gen. Grant’s position, there
is no douot of Ills thorough sympathy with
the Radicals; but he will refuse to make
any public avowal of his opinions ; and die
| attempt will be made to make him aecept
: able to the Radicals, by nominating him
|<m a thoroughly Radical “ platform.’’ This
! is the scheme of the -Republicans who are
' really the friends of Grant. But the friends
of Mr. Chase are still strongly in hopes of
| being able to overturn it.
THE DEMOCRATS AND OEN. GRANT.
; In the meantime, the treatment of their
I into victories by a large portion of the
Democratic party is as short-lighted and
suicidal a* their course at the inception of
; the late war, when they allowed themselves
to believe that war could be made upon the
I Southern States to preserve the Union and
i the Constitution. They fail to judge cov
j rectiy the results of the recent electiors. —
These either Indicated a temporary aliena
tion of* Republicans from their paity for
various reasons —the hard times and negro
suffrage being the most potent—or they
were the inauguration of a counter-revolu
tion pointing to the repudiation of the Fed
eral debt, the re-imbursement of the South
ern people for that property of which they
have been forcibly deprived, and not only
amnesty, but honor to those Southern leacl
i ers who periled all in reponse to the call of
duty.
The timid and irresolute, who accept the
former interpretation of the late elections,
have been coquetting with the Conserva
tive Republicans with regard to a third
party movement, by which Genial Grant
mav be brought forward as a “people’s can
didate,” to be supported, if not openly no n
iuated, by the Democrats. The whole plan
smacks of “spoils” and personal prefer
ment, at the expense of principle, and is
full of danger, because it cannot succeed,
for the Democratic party will not sub art
to any such alliance, and because it would
prove a serious, if not an insuperable ob<a
cle to the further progress of that “ re-ac
tion,” of which the late elections may be
justly assumed to be the beginning. Grant
and the Conservative Republicans wou’d
prove to the Democrats the burden that
Siubad endured in the Old Man of the Sea.
A REPUBLICAN CAUCUS
has been called to meet in Washington, in
the coming week, to determine upon a
course of action during the coming session
of Congress, but a preliminary “council"
of the magnates of the party has been held
in this city and the action of the caucus
substantially marked out,at least upon two
important points. The first, of course, is
IMPEACHMENT.
This is dead. In its place, President John
son is to be “ punished ” in a manner some
what similar to the anathema fulminated
by the United States Senate thirty-five years
ago against President Jack-con, and after
wards “ expunged” on motion of Tom. Ben
ton. Concuireut resolutions, m which the
English language shall oe exhausted in re
viling and denouncing the President, will
be passed by both Houses of Congress and
engrossed upon their journals, leaving to
pome future Benton, perhaps, the duty of
having them expunged. Well, it is “none
of our funeral.” If the hounds of Abolition
fall to rending each other, we can only wish
to s°e fair play.
With reference to the next topic of press
ing interest,
THE FEDERAL FINANCES,
the ‘Ado nothing” policy was agreed upon.
It is thought that business has reached its
worst, and unless disturbed by the tinker
ing of Congress with the finances, may be
expected to improve. Although more infla
tion may be attempted, or at least a stop
put to contraction, no action is probable.—
The latter may possibly succeed in Con
gress, but if so, it will fail under the veto of
the President. Business men may rely, I
think, therefore, that they will be free from
any violent monetary changes the coming
year, or until anew Congress shall meet.—
The country is not quite ripe for the sweep
ing financial reforms that are needed. A
little more taxation at the present rates; a
little longer presence of an army of tax
gatherers ; a little longer existence of the
Freedmen’s Bureau and military domina
tion are necessary to “educate” the people,
and they will have ample opportunity of
learning.
PARSON BEECHER ON TIIE STAGE.
“ Norwood,” the novel written by Henry
Ward Beecher for the Ledger f having been
“dramatized,” was introduced this week to
the public ; and, although excessively stu
pid both in plot and detail, amuses many
people, and is, therefore, a pecuniary suc
cess. But what one hears most frequently
spoken of in connection with the drama,
are the smutty double entendres with which
it is interladed—such as no decent person
will care to listen to.
Herein we have an illustration of the
state of religion and morals among the de
scendants of the Puritans. It has been re
marked of New Englanders that they were
opposed to bear-baiting, not because'it was
painful to the bears, but because it might
possibly give pleasure to some of the spec
tators ; and with the New Englander of a
qimrter century ago, to read a novel was to
inc&r hell and damnation; while the writer
of a tale of fiction was .condemned to the
lowest depths of perdition. Thev have
changed all that. A noted New England
parson not only writes a flash novel, but is
content to see it enacted upon the “ lyric
stage,” loaded, to make it attractive to the
vile, with indecent allusions from beginning
to end.
THE EPISCOPALIANS.
The annual convention of the Episcopal
Church of this diocese, whose adjourned
session concluded yesterday, was not with
out features of general interest. In the first
place, Bishop Potter having returned from
Europe, emasculated a programme for the
opening services in which ritualism was
prominently developed. The high-church
party were offended, but there was no help
for them. Bishop Potter is one of the most
prudent and timid of men; his action on
this occasion has, therefore, peculiar signi
flcance. He would not have interfered, un
less lie had felt himself strongly urged ancl
strongly supported; or unless he had felt
that the monster Ritualism must be throt
tled at once. Iu the election of standing
committees the high-church party was
beaten.
A division of the present Diocese of New
York, into three dioceses, was resolved
upon. That is, if cutting off a dog’s tail
and ears may be said to be “dividing”
him. The new diocese of New York re-
tains three-fourths of the churches and
wealth of the old diocese. The new dioceses
are merely cutting off from the old diocese
the poor, distant and unattractive portions,
with, perhaps, a single exception— not in
any degree impairing the “ glory ” aud
wealth of what remains in Bisnop Potter's
bailiwick. The history of this division il
lustrates, most forcibly, the powerful offi
cial and social influence of the bishop.—
Fourteen ye. rs ago, when Bishop Pottei
was rector of a church at Albany, be was
an earnest- advocate of the division of the
diocese. He was soon after chosen bishop,
and since tiien has succeeded in postponing
the division from year to year. When it
could no longer be resisted, he so far su< -
ceeded in controlling the movement that
the division, when at length accomplished,
was not more like the division contem
plated than the cutting off an animal's ears
and tail is “dividing” it. At the same
time, a movement looking to the creation
of arch-bishoprics in the Episcopal Church,
by which* 1 Bishop Potter may retain domin
ion not only over the whole of his diocese,
but- make Western New York subject to
him, received favorable action. How re
luctantly does man—so good a man as
Bishop Potter even—yield up power that
has once been conceded to him !
BUSINESS MATTERS.
The tide apparently ebbs, when it lias
begun to flow. So the improved turn to
rner antile affairs is not as yet very appa
rent. Cotton goods have become firm aud
fairly active, but this improvement is not
as yet felt in the cotton market, and in the
meantime dull accounts from Liverpool and
the prolonged picking season, are depress
ing prices.
•Breadstuffs and provisions have been the
subject of some speculation, but do not
materially advance. Reliance is placed
upon the wants of the country to lead to a
gradual improvement in business.
Gold and stocks are maintained; but it
is plain that the bulls have exhausted all
their “ points.” The revival of business is
the worst enemy of “ fancy” values.
Willoughby.
Thaddeus, of Lancaster.
Melancholy Mumblings of a Worn Out Dema
gogue.
[Washington (November 15) Correspondence Cincin
uati Enquirer.
Your correspondent paid a visit to Tliad.
Stevens to-day. He was sitting in an arm
chair, and Mr. Wilson, of lowa, Chairman
of the Judiciary Committee, was present.
Time has made fearful ravages outlie Old
Commoner, who is but a wreck of his
former self. He claims, however, to be
quite well, and said he was fast recovering
his strength. But the lustre of the eyes
was gone, and it seemed to require an ef
fort to keep himself from absolutely falling
info a stupor. Occasionally his eye would
brighten, as some bitter reference to Cop
perheads escaped his lips, and then the fire
would die uut, leaving him the appearance
of a dying man.
His memory seems to fail him, and he
would offen press his bony fingers to his
face, in an effort to recall his wandering
thoughts. Frequently after these pauses
he would repeat what he had just spoken,
apparently unconscious of having uttered
them before^j^^^
Iu the c- remarks Air. Stevens
said the never produced a po
• " a-ohe Ra-lic.il
party, and • k-iiiu-d to control
G ... ... . rlia : -. occasional
interruptioii^U
TltSp.- DEMOCRATIC.
The e: Representatives, he
tiie Radi
cal'- w- the ascendancy. —
St (deuchiiig his
lingers, I’e is the
- * 11
1,1 wolves.
amount:- , s or what is worse,
the locot t >c
- STATES.
f ,
In sneakieffect oi Congressional
action in the South, ho said the Republi
can- in those States have placed themselves
on a foundation that cannot be shaken,
and they will stand with us, shoulder to
shoulder, and the Republican party will be
like a great breechy mule between the two
horses, and, if they don't pud the guts out
of them.
THAD. HAS NO INTEREST IN THE OTHER
WORLD.
Stevens said that if he was about to die,
an event he did not like to contemplate, and
which he would like to put off two or three
years longer, he would wish to have some
hearty friends to come aud counsel with
him, “ for,” said he, “we have a deep in
terest in the. affairs of this world, and can
have nope in the other, and we must do our
work here.”
Continuing his discourse, he said the only
danger to the Republican party was dissen
tion among themselves, but this ought not
to be allowed to divide and weaken the
ranks, but if they refused to pull iu the
harness he hoped the Republican wagon
would pass over their bodies and break
their bones.
PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION.
Referring to the Presidential nomination,
he«eaid the movement was premature, and
Republicans should see their way clear be
fore discussing the question, lie declined
expressing an opinion of Grant, but it
seemed as if Forney was looking to availa
bility in their candidate.
IMPEACHMENT DEAD.
He thought impeachment had died out,
but his opinions were unaltered in regard
to the subject. •
CONFISCATION BILL.
He said there was no doubt that the Sen
ate would reinstate Stanton, but thought
likely he would have to resort to legal pro
ceedings, which, said he, is the right way
to adjust wrongs, if a fellow don’t want to
use his fist.
A CAUCUS TO SHAPE LEGISLATION.
Stevens declares his intention to be pres
ent at the opening of Congress, and said the
caucus would shape the course of legisla
tion.
An Infamous Threat. —We hear that many
white men w ould abandon the Union Leagues,
but are threatened by the leaders with trial for
perjury. Why, gentlemen, they have no more
power to try you than the horse-thief Murrell
had to punish any of his gang who bolted from
the oath administered to them.
Where do they get their power to administer
oaths ? The whole concern is illegal and
traitorous to the Constitution. Come out from
them at once. — Ashville (A. C T .) News.
