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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 15, 1868)
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST WEDNESDAY MORNING. JAN. 15,1*68 TO OUR SUBCRIBERS. Tin; Wekkl.t Constitutionalist will here after be ill riled on Tuesday instead of Wednes day morning. We make this change to accom modate many subscribers. It is oui aim and purpose to make the paper a tirst class news and family journal, and we confidently hope that the influence ot our subscribers will be exerted to aid us in doing so by extending its circul ation. DESIGNS OF RADICALISM. The following article, from I)* Bow's Re view, is :t masterly exposure of the Radical Hclu-nic. On some minor points, we might take issue with the writer; but, in the main, his views are sound and irresistible: “Many persons seem to think that the only object of the leaders and managers of the Radical party is to retain political pow er for the sake of holding the State and Federal offices. This may be true as to some, yet there is a deeper significance in their movements and plans than is here sup posed, as will be attempted to be shown in the following article: “ Parties, as well as men, are to be judged by their actions more than by their mere declarations. We can ascertain the pur poses of men and find out their motives more by their deeds than by their words. The whole legislation of Congress for the last two years, which has been under the guidance and direction of the New England Radicals, shows the deliberate purpose, skillfully planned, but artfully concealed, of Africanizing the extreme Southern or Gulf States. This is no new idea with them, but one of many years standing.— Long before the recent war Mt. Sumner, who is the best representative of New Eng land Radicalism, declared that their object was to encircle the slave States with a belt of free States, in order that ‘slavery, like a scorpion girt with fire, might sting itself to death.’ His policy was to confine tiie institution of slavery-within its then limits, not permitting it to go to any of the new States or Territories, and at the same time to make it insecure in the border States, as they were called, by hostile legislation, in order that all the slaves might be carried to the extreme Southern States, where slavery was more profitable. This collecting of all the slaves in the Gulf States would, with their natu ral increase, have given, in ten or fifteen years, a black population in them of not less than six millions. In this way, when emancipation should take place, it would leave the blacks in a much greater prepon derance than they even now are. The New England Radicals did not, at that time, either expect or desire the immediate aboli tion of slavery, but wished an accumula tion of blacks in the Gulf States, before this should occur. The war, however, came on and caused the Immediate abolition of slavery, as a necessity in order to secure success. In this respect, their well laid plans were disconcerted, but they did not falter in their purposes. Their object ever since lias been to place the Southern States in such a condition that the white people, now residing in them, would be compelled to leave their homes and abandon the coun try to the blacks. A systematic persecu tion of the white race of the South, constant and unceasing efforts to ruin and degrade them—to deprive them of their property and their political rights, and at the same time to place all the political power in the country in the hands of their former slaves, without any training or previous prepara tion for the proper exercise of those privi leges—all show a studied effort to drive the white people out of the Gulf States and to place those States under the con trol of the blacks. The whites are, to a great extent, disfranchised, and all the black males, over the age of twenty-one, enfranchised. The Radicals know very well, with the examples of Ilayti and Ja maica before them, that the white people of the Northern States and from Europe will not emigrate to any country while it is un der the control and management of ignorant blacks. In tlie Northern States, where there are but few blacks, the whites will not allow them political privileges, and if they will not do so in their own States how can they be expected to Immigrate to States where the negroes not only vote, but where they will have the supremacy? The New England Radicals know that under their plan of reconstruction there will be no im migration ot white people to the South, and they do not intend there shall be any if they can prevent it. Their object is to collect all the blacks in the extreme South ern or Gulf States, and at the same time to force all the whites to move from the South and settle in the North. This will be the effect of their reconstruction policy, and they so intend. Men do not usually act without motives. “ Let us now inquire what motives can induce such action on their part. Other measures which they have adopted show what motives are controlling them. “ The New England Radical politicians are the representatives of wealthy capital ists and manufacturers, and adopt the poli cy which they consider most conducive to their interests. These men desire a dense population in the Northern States in order that labor may be made cheap by an over-crowded population. They, having the capital, will then be able to control this labor, and the operatives will become the virtual slaves of wealthy manufacturers.— If the South is open to emigration from the North and Europe, that section, on account of its superior advantages, would become the rival in cotton factories of New Eng land; but under negro government there would be no danger of the South entering mo competition with New England, be ; cause the negroes would never become a manufacturing people. But this is not all. New England wants cheap food also. By keeping the white people from the South and destroying the Southern market for Western produce, they will increase the growth of provisions in the West and at the same time diminish the price of those arti cles. In this way they will be enabled to get cheap food, which they so much desire, and which is so necessary, with cheap la bor, to their success in manufacturing.— They know that when the South is Afri canized, there will be less demand in the South for Western produce, and white emi grants from the South to the AN est will be come producers instead of consumers of provisions. The blacks ill the South may, and perhaps will, be able to raise the few articles which they may need, but will fur nish no market, or but little, for W estern produce. They will raise a little corn and (rrain, a few hogs and cattle, a small amount of cotton. The New England manufactur ers think the blacks, left to themselves, will raise enough cotton to supply their mills, and that is all they desire. They do not wish any cotton exported to foreign coun tries. By means of the Freedmen’s Bureau agents, who will at the same time be their agents, they hope to control all the cotton that may be raised in the Sosth. By means of a prohibitory tariff they expect and intend to keep ont foreign competition, and thus be able to put whatever price they may wish upon cotto* fabrics. If cotton should become abn»dant in the South this would enable the South and West, if white labor should be permitted to go South, to manufacture as largely as New’ England, and thus the price of cotton fabrics would be reduced, while at the same time the operatives would be better paid, and labor of all kinds would be more remunerative. If it is not their object to discourage the growth of cotton, w r hy do they impose such an unusual and enormous tax upon it —much of which has to be paid by the blacks, for whom they profess so much friendship? From all these facts w r e must conclude that their object is to de crease the amount of cotton grown in the South, so tiiat they may consume all that is raised in tlieir own mills, and by having a monopoly be enabled to obtain' whatever prices they may wish. They intend by means of their agents in the South, who will be Government officials, to get all the proceeds of the negro’s labor, and really to make the ignorant blacks the slaves of the New England Radicals, whilst they are de luded by the mere shadow of freedom without its substance. Politically they will be used to strengthen the Radicals, whilst industrially they will work to fill Radical pockets. “ These New England Radicals, who arc among the shrewdest of men, and whose fanaticism is the fanaticism of avarice, are using the passions and prejudices of others to subserve their pecuniary interests. The agricultural classes of the North and North west arc and will be deeply injured by this policy, but many of them permit their hatred of those whom they consider South ern rebels to blind them to the wily schemes of the kneen and calculating New Eng landers. ' The poor ignorant blacks are be ing used as. the mere tools of their ambition and avarice; and whilst they consider themselves free, are the real slaves of those whose ancestors sold tlieir ancestors into slavery. They are tempted'by the glitter ing bauble of suffrage to bind themselves hand and foot, and deliver their rights, their liberties and property, into the hands of those who care nothing for them save as they may be used for tlieir own selfish pur poses. What w’ill be the effect upon the industrial pursuits of the country if this policy should be pursued must be evident to every reflecting mind. The grain grow ers of the West and the agricultural classes of the North, who arc the consumers of Southern products, such as sugar, cotton and rice, would be the greatest sufferers. Foreign exports would be diminished to a fearful extent, whilst the internal taxes would weigh Jicavily upon the energies of the laboring people of the North. Even New r England in the end might reap some of the evil fruits of her misdeeds. There might not be enough cotton raised by an Africanized South to supply the ew Entail mills, ail 1 they would then be dependent on foreign countries for a supply of raw material. The great body of the Northern people having to pay in creased prices for all articles of clothing, and at the same time losing the chief mar ket for their productions, being also under the necessity of paying high taxes for the benefit of New England bondholders, would begin to some of the practical results of New England's pretended philanthropy. “ The laboring people of New England are also deeply interested in preventing the Southern States from becoming negro colonies. Labor of all kinds, agricultural, mechanical and manufacturing is in great demand in the South, and commands high prices. If the laboring people of New England were permitted to settle in the South, those who emigrated would improve their condition and increase their wealth, whilst these who remained would then be able to obtain better prices for their labor, since it would be in more demand on ac count of its scarcity. The war between capital and labor has already commenced. The wealthy capitalists wish to close the South against the Northern emigration by Africanizing the Gulf States, whilst it is the interest of the laborers of the North to have the rich fields of the South open to them.— The white people of the South desire the settlement of Northern men among them, but they knew full well that no Northern men are going to emigrate to any country where the negroes are equal in number with the whites, and where they enjoy equal if not superior political privileges. “It is absurd to say that two races so dissimilar as the whites and blacks, when their numbers are equal, can live in peace where they enjoy equal political privileges, where they sit on the same juries, serve In the same legislature and hold similar offices. It is an impossibility. One race or the other must be subordinate. So it has al ways been and so it will always be. Does any one believe that the white people of Massachusetts or any other Northern State would give the negroes the same political rights with the whites if they were equal or nearly equal in numbers .' "W here there are only a few negroes it makes but little difference, for then the white race will be the dominant and governing race. But it is not so in the Gulf States. If the negroes enjoy equal political pri\ileges with the whites, one race or the other must leave the country. “ The conduct of the New England Radi cals shows that it is their design to place the country in such a condition that not only will there be no immigration to the South, buj; even the whites that are now here will be under the necessity of leaving. “ The Southern whites, as a general rule, are disposed to treat the blacks with kind ness and liberality, and to protect them in the enjoyment of civil and personal rights. The white men of Mississippi and Alabama are giving the blacks one-fourth or one third of the gross products of their farms. Are any Northern manufacturers gi\ing tlieir operatives one-fourth or one-third of the gross proceeds of their factories ? It is to the interest of the land owner, when la bor is high, to protect his laborers, so as to win their confidence and secure their ser vices. “ Having shown what is the policy of the New England Radicals, and having glanced hastily at some of its results, the question is now presented can it be prevented, and if so, by what means? The South is powerless. She can of herself do nothing to avert the evil. All depends upon the action of the Northern people. There is no freedom of election now in the South. — Everything is done under coercion. If the people of the North fully understand and correctly appreciate the policy of New England, they can and will apply the remedy—by taking the Government out of the hands of the extremists in a regular and peaceable manner. The great source of apprehension is that they w’ill not see the danger until it is too late to apply the remedy. Let the Southern people endure with patience tlic afflictions which may be placed upon them, and remain by all means in the Southern country, and not give it up to the dominion of the blacks. Kindness to the blacks themselves would dictate this course. They will perhaps find out, sooner or later, the purposes of their now pretend ed friends, and will see that their only ob ject is to fleece them and to use them for their own partizan and pecuniary benefit. To leave the blacks of the South to the ten der mercies of the New England adven turers would be unjust to this unfortunrte race, for they would find, when perhaps too late, that their ‘ tender mercies were cruel.’ Let a good understanding between the blacks and whites of the South be cul tivated, and let it be remembered that the interests of both races are identical; that what injures and oppresses one will injure aud oppress the other, as the cotton tax, which is unjust and oppressive to both. It is not the real interest of the black race that the Southern States should be under negro rule. In that event they would rapidly degenerate and become the prey of New England adventurers. The very best condition which they can now occupy is that of a friendly population among the white people who now inhabit the South, and such white people as may be induced to settle in the South and be come permanent citizens. To check and defeat the New England scheme of African ization should be the aim of all men who wish well to the community, and desire its prosperity, whether they live in the North or South, whether white or black. “ These views are submitted to the calm and sober judgment of the people, and are not the result of passion or prejudice, but are logical deductions from facts that can not be disputed. The policy of New Eng land cannot be accounted lor in any other rational manner. Many are supporting it who do not see the real purposes of the managers, and who will themselves be astonished at the deplorable results. To such as these we have addressed our re marks. We appeal to reason and justice, and the enlightened judgment of the North ern people. Shall our appeal be in vain? DEMOCRAT—CONSERVATIVE. The time has arrived, in our humble opinion, for the Southern people opposed to Radicalism to organize in active sympathy with the Democratic party and assume the name as well as the privileges of that grand political institution. There are, strictly speaking, but two great parties in the coun try —the Radical and the Democratic. — Around the one or the other all minor ele ments must eventually cluster. “ Conserva tism" has fulfilled its destiny and, as such, can be very well dispensed with during the next campaign—if the South proposes to enter upon it with any practical effect. — This year is one of supreme importance to the whole country. It will not only decide the fate of parties, for some considerable time, but it will, likewise, decide the ques tion of liberty and, it may be, the question of purity of rac*. The canvass will be fierce and bitter, under such circumstances; and as we of the South should do all that is possible to save the muniments of free dom erected by our ancestors, and so ter ribly shattered by degenerate successors, it is of the last importance that we become allied with that party which defends the Constitution and fights for the Auglo-Saxon blood. The Democratic party, formidable in numbers, rich in material, electric with suc cess, perfect in organization, is the party that we must coalesce with and support. But our assistance will be of an imperfect character unless we organize as Democrats and not tw Conservatives, It may be that the South will desire a voice in the National Democratic Convention. Nay, it is of con siderable moment that there should be actual representation in that body. In order to secure this representation, we must form Democratic associations. No Conservative delegates will be received ; they must be Democratic in name and have Democratic credentials. As such and with such authority, they will be admitted into the brotherhood of Democracy and share its triumphs and protection. We, there fore, propose that those hitherto known as “ Conservatives ” organize as Democrats; and thauort party be in name, as well as in fact, a branch of that powerful party which calls upon all white men who love the Constitution and their Race to lock shields, in the approaching struggle, under its lordlyoriflamme. In connection with such views, we com mend the following correspondence to the calm judgment of our readers : Washington, D. C., Jan. 7, 1808. Political excitement runs high here. This is but the* advance wave of the much heavier seas which the ensuing Presidential campaign, will arouse. Congress lias re sumed their work with renewed energy and increased bitterness. Nothing will or can satisfy a majority of that body but the complete Africanization of the Southern States. In that policy alone rests their hopes for political power. They have staked all on this card and they play a des perate game. Upon this policy rests their only hope of carrying the Presidential elec tion. This is, perhaps, no news to your readers, but one thing may be, and I give it to you: Great efforts at the North will be made to defeat this policy ; those efforts will be made by the time-honored Demo cratic party. Some Republicans, known as Conserva tives, will co-operate. But the only politi cal organization in the contest in opposi tion to the Radical Republican will be the Democratic. The white people of the South will of course be powerless in the main con test—still they have a power that they may use [o advantage if they are disposed to do so. It lies in their aiding the friends of Constitutional Liberty at the North in se lecting a candidate for the Presidency. If they will by State organizations ally them selves with the Democratic organizations of the Union and send up delegates to the general nominating convention, their dele gates will be received and their voice be heard. The Democracy of the North still adhere to the Constitution of their fathers — they hold the States South still to be in the Union, and their delegates in general con vention will be as of yore. Would it not be well, therefore, for these States to form Democratic organizations and send up delegates to the general Democratic Convention? There is uo hope now for this country but in the Constitutional Democracy—the old iron-sided, Consti tutional Jeffersonian Democracy of 1800. This Democracy then saved the country, it may do it again, If not, there is no other hope! Hampden. [communicated.] The Bogus Convention. To the Editor of the Constitutionalist: Sin : The bogus convention, now in ses sion in Atlanta, brings to mind another like pretended legislative body in the history of this State. In July, 1832, the famous tariff act was passed by Congress, and, at a pub lic meeting held at Athens in the month succeeding, it was resolved that said act was “ arbitrary, unequal, unconstitutional, and, therefore, unjust and that it be re commended to the people of Georgia “ to elect delegates to a State Convention to as semble at Milledgeville on the second Mon day in November next, and to invest them with full power, in behalf of the good peo ple of Georgia, to maintain, preserve, and defend the rights and privileges of the free citizens of this StaU.” In pursuance of this cali one hundred and thirty (130) per sons presented themselves at Milledgeville, on the day named, 12th November, 1832, as delegates from sixty one counties in the State. Among these persons were Win. H. Torrance, from Baldwin ; A. S. Clayton, from Clark ; Owen H. Kenan, from Coweta; Hiram Warner, from Crawford ; David Blackshear, from Laurens ; John Macpher son Berrien, from Monroe ; John Forsyth, William Cumming, and John P. King, from Richmond ; and A. T. Dozier, of Thomas. Hon. Geo. R. Gilmer, of Oglethorpe, was elected President, and Wm. Y. Hansell, Beuj. F. Moseley, and Mansfield Torrance were appointed Secretaries. On the second day Mr. Forsyth presented the following resolution : Resolved , That a committee of five be ap pointed by the President to examine and report to this body at its next meeting the authority of the persons assembled as dele gates from the different counties of the State to represent the people of their re spective counties; the resolutions, if any, under which the election in each county was held, the manner of holding it, the number of votes given at the elections and the number of votes in the county. On the fourth day, this resolution was lost by a vote of 63 to 56 and on the day following, 16th November, Mr. Forsyth, with sixty other gentlemen, withdrew from the body as not being, in a political sense, a convention, and having no authority “ to speak for the people.” Prior to withdrawal a paper was laid by Mr. Forsyth on the Clerk’s desk in the nature of a protest, as follows: TROTEST. The undersigned, who have been appoint ed delegates to a State convention to be held at Milledgeville, hereby declare their secession from the body which is now sit ting under that title, for the following rea sons : First. More than twenty counties are un represented in the convention. The absence of so large a part of a perfect representa tion would in any case make it probable, and in the present instance renders it al most certain, that any important vote of a majority of the convention will be, in ef fect, a vote of the minority of the people. Second. Not only have more than twenty counties plainly indicated that they disap prove the convention, by declining to send delegates, but many of those which are represented made appointments, not because they approved of the convention, but that their delegates might endeavor to avert the evils which they anticipated from the meet ing, and in the expectation that those dele gates would withdraw whenever a course should be adopted inconsistent with the rights of their constituents. Third. We conceive that a course has been adopted inconsistent, not only with the rights of our constituents, but with justice to the whole people. Avery great proportion of those sitting as delegates h ive produced no sufficient evidence that they are duly authorized to appear in be half of those counties which they nominal ly represent; and the majority of the con vention has refused to instiuite and enforce such a scrutiny as is indispensable to the investigation of this essential fact. Under these circumstances, we deem it an imperative duty to secede—at the same time entering a solemn piotest against any authority or influence which may be claim ed for the acts of the body which we have left, as acts of a convention representing the people of Georgia. [Signed.] John Forsyth, Win. Gumming, Rich mond ; Tlios. 11. Harris, Walton ; T. Haynes, Hancock; Win. H. Underwood, Hall; A. Brown, Washington; H. Crowell, Hiram Warner, Crawford ; N. B. Powell, Talbot ; T. B. Hargrove, Cherokee ; Lewis J. Deu pree, DcKalb; Hugh Lawson, Hinston; Andrew R. Moore, Henry; O. 11. Kenan, Coweta ;D. A. Reese, Jasper; Burwell AY. Bracewell, Pulaski; John G. Pittman, Jackson; Walter L. Campbell, .Houston; Gibson Clark, Henry; James Coker, Henry; Alfred Cuthbert, Jasper; John R. Daniel, Emmanuel; Hugh AY. Ector, Meriwether; Samuel Fariss, Rabun; Thomas Gibson, Hanen; Benjamin Holland, Randolph; James G. Lewis, Hancock ; Thomas L»ng, Madison ; Barkley Martin, Harris; John M. McAfee, Hall; M. T. Moseley, Rabun; John G. Park, Gwinnett; Matthew Phillips, Jasper; AYilliam M. Morton, Madison; Samuel Robinson, Washington; William Slone, Irwin ; Orion Stroud, Walton ; David Taylor, Burke; R. Remson, Lincoln ; Samuel Lockhart, Bullock; Thomas Watson, Coweta ; John P. King, Richmond; David Kiddo, Oliver Clarke, DeKalb ; Theophilus J. Hill, AValton ;N. Garrison, Hall; Horace R. Ward, Joseph Hull, Camden; Thomas H. Key, Dooley. After the presentation of the above pro test and withdrawal of those signing it, this first of Georgia’s two bogus conven tions adopted a series of resolutions, seven teen in number, the chief whereof was one recommending the Southern States to hold a convention, and, in rebuke of this unwar ranted action, the General Assembly at its uext succeeding session, while reprehend ing the Tariff Acts, declared : That we earnestly advise our fellow citizens not to give their votes on the reso lutions of the convention lately adjourned, as therein proposed. That convention manifestly consisted of delegates from a minority of the people; yet they submit their acts for ratification to the whole peo ple, according to a form contrived by them selves, through the agency of persons ap pointed by themselves, while they them selves remain final judges of the ratifica tion proposed. To sanction such a pro cedure would open a door for the grossest imposition, would establish an alarming precedent for usurping the rights of the majority, and might ultimately expose us to all the horrors of discordant anarchy. Ilow well, Mr. Editor, do these utter ances of a by-gone generation fit the case at the present day. Ouce more do we see a bogus convention in Georgia, and once more, almost to the letter, might the reso lution of Mr. Forsyth, the protest of with drawing members, and the indignation of the General Assembly be levied, in all truth and justice, against that beggarly assem blage. Tyrone. ORDINANCE-MAD. The Atlanta conventioners are frantic about ordinances. Every member of the concern seems to have lived laborious days, during the recess, and tormented foolscap to some purpose. Now that Gen. Meade has put the assembled Solons oil substan tial rations, with pleasant (to them) assur ances of forthcoming greenbacks, we an ticipate a lengthened session; one studious ly averse to the quick formation of a “'con stitution ” —but prolific of ordinances which consume days and threaten the State treas ure with extinction. Juries, decisive of an individual life, can be starved into a ver dict ; this jury—unconstitutional, ignorant and rapacious—must be pampered at the expense of the State’s life, and paid to pro crastinate its sitting. It is impossible to keep up with such wild legislation. When the animals have exhausted themselves of the current stock of ordinances, let Aaron Alpeoria Bradley, negro, emulate the broadcast wisdom of Tittletat Titmouse and wind up with an ordinance to give everything to everybody who believes in him and his persuasion. % Republican Testimony. —The New York Commercial Advertiser (Republican) gives its testimony to the fact that the “ leading idea of Radicalism, amid the ruin, destitu tion, and starvation that is acknowledged, is that, through universal negro suffrage, ten unrepresented States ‘ must be brought back in time to vote ’ for the Radical candi date for President. This, let it be remem bered, is the key note to the whole Radical programme of reconstruction. All there is of distress and anarchy, ruin and starva tion, results from a determination, in Con gress, to elect a Radical President.” Utterly Abondoned.—Bennett has dropped Grant like a' hot potato. He thinks the combined efforts of Ulysses and burnt brandy powerless to save the rotten carcass of Radicalism. Think of Grant, the idol, one year ago ; think of Grant, the politician, in 1868. Then— he had unlimit id flattery; now —unlimited spittle. The Yankees are great upon lifting a hero up; they are terrible in dragging him down. “ Afric’s Sunny Fountains.”—An English army officer writes from Abyssinia that earn paigqing in Theodore’s dominions is decidedly unpleasant, liiermometer 109 ; snakes in the beds ; scorpions in the men’s boots; camp fevers; epidemics. [communicated.] TEE SITUATION NUMBER 111. The Radical party of Georgia iu its for mation passed through certain stages whicji can be clearly pointed out. First: All the niggers, except a few decent ones, turned Radical as soon as they were emancipated. Next: A few whites, who never led iu any other society or circle, prompted by the ab sence of that competition which had al ways smothered them before, forsook the interests of their race for the leadership of the African. Most of these came from the class denominated floaters. These latter at once struck hands with the military in our midst, aud made a good thiug of it by abetting their followers iu every controver sy with white employers. Some of these have been rewarded with seats in the con vention at their own expense. Such excep tions as Miller, Akerman and AVaddell. I can only remind of poor Tray’s disaster.— I he party in Georgia took its origin among the niggers, with whom it was imineuselv popular from the first, and they still make nine-tenths. The floaters who acceded, af terwards brought little numerical strength —they were only to do the head work and planning—the niggers were to do the vo ting. Such was the constitution of the party in Georgia until lately. Now that defeat has thinned and blighted their ban ners all over the North, here, in their des peration, they seek anew accession. Their call for help is not general—it is onlj' our people in debt who do not wish to pay—or those who wish to keep their property in spite of their debts. As intended now, the great majority of the party will be the late slaves—ignorant slaves, unable to read or write, the peak and top of whose intelligence is to do an easy sum in addition or multiplication in the head—and worse than slaves of a race, ever, except when in servitude to white masters, at war with civilization. The rul ing class will be a medley of disreputable whites who always were confirmed or con verted as an election resulted for or against them —and lastly will be the poor involved debtors entreated and argued not into the conviction, but the wish that their property should be fenced up from creditors. The classification of* the organization as now contemplated will be niggers, floaters and repudiators. These will be brave saviors of a sinking State—a pretty set of fellows to preserve law and order, guard liberty and defend civilization ! These wealsmen will be doubtless grand Constitution makers to lift us up out of our troubles, adopt us to the altered times and steer us back to re viving prosperity and wealth. Desperate as the project may seem, and as mad too may seem the offer of degrada tion to the whites, the Radicals persist and tell us that they are seeking in earnest to proselyte the debtor class of the whites. The bargain offered, and which the floaters say will be accepted, is if you debtors give the nigger equality he will give you relief. The white advocates of the convention draw a distinction between repudiation which we charge upon them and the relief which they confess to ; the nigger having mind enough only to eat and keep himself warm, draws no disti iction at all. The relief men admit that should the relief proposed be given, nearly every debtor will save all of his property. And this indirect impairment of the obligation of contracts is as much prohibited by the Federal Con stitution as open repudiation. A leader proposes to exempt SI,OOO worth of land from paying old debts ami put this exemp tion in the new constitution and swear all officers of the new State government to its support, assuming that they will sooner forswear themselves upon the clause of the Federal Constitution protecting contracts than upon the clause of relief impugning them. He will place the new judges m a rare dilemma. Their oatli of office will bind to support both constitutions, and if they support the Federal, they will commit perjury by sacrificing the exemption; if they support the State constitution, they will commit perjury by disregarding the Federal guaranty of contracts.' The trust worthy palladium, then, of the constitu tional exemption is, that the poor debtor may certainly guess which particular one of two lies a judge will swear to. Any re lief attempted by the convention will fail from many reasons—some of which will now be mentioned: 1. It is offered by the Radicals to strength en themselves in tlie South; but the De mocracy, who are now rushing in flushed with victory, will soon undo the whole work of their enemies. A Democratic Con gress will never recognize a mulatto gov ernment in Georgia. That body, strong in the support of the North already, vomiting up nigger suffrage, will knock down the rickety thing set up under the reconstruc tion acts and guaranty to us in its stead, as the Federal Constitution directs, a white republic. 2. The relief offered contravenes the Con stitution of the United States. The courts would not quarrel much with an act ex empting a trifling amount of property from sale to satisfy prior debts—for a substan tive remedy would still remain. But when the new exemption is considerable and made large with the proclaimed intent of affect ing former debts, no honest judge would hesitate to disregard such exemption; and if any State court upheld it, a combination of creditors would soon carry up the de cision and procure its reversal in the Su preme Court of the United States. The relief men carefully conceal this right ot the creditors. 3. "W ere the relief offered constitutional, per se ; that is were it constitutional for a lawful convention or lawful legislature of a State to give it, the debtor should always remember that it is offered by usurpers. 1 Suppose one has recovered a judgment against his neighbor, and that he is pro ceeding with Ids execution and a party of private citizens force the sheriff to pass over most of the defendant’s land—leaving him we will say, SB,OOO worth—and levy only on the remainder after this allowance had been set apart. \Y ould any sane man say that the creditor had lost his lien on the land passed over, and that the power of the whole country was not pledged to help him collect his debt? Thus it is with the convention. It can <Y no legal act as a convention, and, so soor we can test its powers on a proper made before the Federal courts, the whole' will be held a body of conspirators triable and punishable by the laws of Georgia for the crime of insurrection against the lawful authority of the State. ■ Every thing done by it as a convention—the constitution framed and the relief given—are overt acts of insurrection. That constitution will topple down and all its provisions for relief will be involved in the common ruin. The whites we know will hold themselves higher than this empty relief. It is the most infamous of bribes—it is not cash, and the security offered is worse than worthless. .Great will be the fall of the crazy edifice now erected over us and the Radical party of Georgia will soon consist only of niggers sympathizing, but not voting, for the floaters will, as ever, quit a defeated party. Albus. The Columbus Enquirer says: “ Pope, the Brevet Major General, left his toadies * lying loose ’ and disconsolate about Atlanta.” It might have added “ lying fast.”
