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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 22, 1868)
BY STOCKTON & CO. OUR TERMS. The following are the rates of Subscription: Daily, one year $lO 00 Wbekly, one year $3 00 ' : i * "" The Victim. BY ALFRED TENNYSON, PORT LAUREATE. I. A plague upon ihe people fell, A famine after laid them low,. Then thorp” and byre arose in lire, For on In on brake the sudden foe ; So thick they died, the people cried, “ The gods are moved against the land.” Th” pri - t in horror, about his altar, To Thor and Odin lifted a hand. “ Help us from f »n*i le .Arid plague and strife 1 What would you have of us ! Human life! Were it our nearest, Wore it our dearest, (Answer, O, answi r,) We give you his life.” ii. But still the foeman spoil’d and burn’d, And cattle died, and deer in wood, And bird in air, and fishes turn’d And whiton’d all the rolling flood ; And dead men lay a 1 over the way, Or down in a I‘nrrow sca'hed with flame ; And ever and aye the Priesthood moan’d, Till at last It seemi and that answer came : “ The King Is happy In child and wife ; Take you his nearest, Take you his dearest, Give us a life.” HI. The Priest out by heath and hill; Tin; King was hunting in the wild ; They found the mother sitting still ; Hhe c st her arms about the child. The child was only fight summers old, His beauty still with ids years increased, His face was ruddy, his hair was gold, He seem’d a victim due to the Priest. The Priest exulted, And cried with joy, “ Here is his nearest, Here is his dearest, We take the hoy.” IV. The King returned from out the wild, He bore hut little game in hand ; The mother said. “ They have taken the child To spill hi-* blood and heal the land ; The land is sick, the people diseased, And blighi and famine on all the lea ; The holy Gods, they must he appeased, Bo I pray you tell the truth to me. They have taken our son ; They will have his life; Is he your nearest ? Is he your dearest ? (Answer, O, answer,) Or I, the wile ?” v. The King bent low, with hand on brow, He stay’d his arms upon his knee ; “ (), wife, what use to answer now ? For now the Priest lias judged for me.” The King was shaken with ho'y fear ; “ The Gods.” he said, would have chosen well; Yet both are near, and both are dear, And which the dearest I cannot tell l” But the Priest was happy, Ills victim won. “ We have his nearest, We have his dearest, Ilis only son I” IV. The rites prepared, the victim hared, The knife uprising toward tho blow, To the altar stone, she sprang alone, “ Me, me, not him, my darling, no I” He caught her away with a sudden cry ; Buddenly from him brake the wife, And shrieking, “ /an Ins dearest, I I am liis dearest l” rush’d on tlie knife. And th i Priest was happy; “Oh, Father Odin, We give you a lile ; Which was his nearest! Which was his dearest ? The Gods have answered . We give them tho wife 1” [ From Good Words of January. The Silent Prayer. Blie prayed ; I watched her ivghtly On her knees beside the bod, Ami for a while each prayer-tine I beard the words she said. And then there fell a silence On her bowed head, and I thought My senses had been sleeping Bince her words I had not caught. But duly as the night came, Game that silent prayer again; I marked her lips unmuving. And 1 knew tue mystery then. Was she praying for the living? Was she praying for the dead ? There was no sobbing, sighing, And not a tear was shed. She was fragile in her beauty, Asa leaf before the blast; Was she praying for sweet patience Till the storm was overpast ? Who shall tell us of her loving f Who shall tell us of her tears! Bite is gone from us forever, In her ineompleted years. Gone like snow from oft the mountain, Gone like mist from out the vale; In her golden hour of morning She was swept before the gale. Bho never told in dying What had winged that silent prayer; Bid something we divined it When we saw her look so fair; Fair with lilies on her bosom, Fair aslihe* and as sweet; Fair with slumber on her forehead, Fair with silence at her leet. Ere the hand o? death con’d reach her Bhe had flown to meet his kiss ; Ere another land could claim her, Bhe was far away from this. She was far beyond out sunshine, Bhe was breathing ot her air, Alone with her Creator, In the shadow ora prayer, I London Athetueum. The Fire on the Hearth. There is n luxury rsr ■ in the carpet of Brussels, And splendor in pictures that haug on the wall, And grace in the curtain, with rainbow-liued tassels And brilliance in gaslight, that flashes o’er all; But give me the glow ot the bright-glazing fire, TANARUS; at sp rkles and snaps as it echoes your mirth, WI p! ; iu i( * joy, up the chimney still higher, " °°Jd winds without make us draw near tne hearth ; ™«Sf h,on S and d ® w * lh “ cheerful wood fire, The maple-wood hre that burns on the hearth. 1 £ e ?I itS a . rtn S’fWjl iemember my childhood, ' ° UeS thut drew round our The winter eve sports, with the nuts from the wild wood, The apples and cider from cellars well stored • 1 hear in its roar the wild shout-* of my brothers' And the laugh of my sisters, in innocent mirth And the voice of my sire, as he reads to my mother. Who knits by the firelight that glows from the hearth; r The old open fire, the health-giving fire, The home cheering fire that glows on the hearth. It reminds us of friends that we draw to the nearer When winds of misfortune blow h avy and chill, j ith ea °h blast, they are warmer and dearer, And ready to help us and comfort us still— Friends tl at never grow cold till the long day is ended, Ajid the ashes are laid to their rest in the earth, And the spirit, still glowing, to God hath ascended, lo rekindle new fires, like the coal on the hearth: Then give me the fire, the fresh glowing fire, The bright open fire that burns on the hearth. Proceedings of the Georgia Unconstitutional u Convention, KEPOKTED FOR TTTE ATLANTA DAILY INTELLI GENCE It. Atlanta, Jan. 11, 1868. Convention met—President Parrott in the Chair—Prayer by the Chaplain—Journal of pre vious day read and confirmed. L. N. Trammel! being entitled to the floor, resumed his discussion in opposition to the Ashburn resolution, and in support of his sub stitute therefor. [The reporter will here re produce Ashburn’s resolution, in order to give the reader a clear idea of the matter under dis cussion. | It is as follows : Resolved , That we, the Representatives' of the people of Georgia, in convention assembled, respectfully represent to the Congress of the United States, that it is essential to the success ful execution of the reconstruction laws that the provisional government of the State should be executed by such persons only as are made eligible by the following clause ol the (Ith sec tion of the “ Act to provide for a more efficient government of the rebel States,” viz: “ And no person shall be eligible to any office under any such provisional government who would be disqualified lrom holding office under the pro visions of the 3d article of said constitutional amendment,” said section 3d of said constitu tional amendment being: No person shall be eligible “who, having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, judicial officer of any State, to sup port the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same,or given aid or comfort to the enemy;” and we, therefore, respectfully recom mend that this convention be clothed with an operative authority, the same as delegated to the district commander in section 2d of the supplemental reconstruction act, passed July 19, 1807 ; and that we further petition Congress to at once amend the reconstruction act, so that all persons who have aided reconstruction un der the said law, and are so endorsed by this convention, shall be eligible to office in the provisional government. Resolved, That the Secretary be, and he is hereby instructed to transmit at once a copy of this resolution to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and to the President ot the Senate. Also, the substitute of L. N. Trammell, which is as follows: Resolved, That our confidence in the firm ness, ability, and fidelity of Major General George G. Meade is full and complete; that we hereby express our opinion that be comes among us to execute the laws of the United States ; that his powers are ample and com plete, and that he has the will to effect the resto ration of the State to its full relations as a State of the Union.” The remarks of Mr. Trammel were to the ef fect that the purpose of Ashburn’s resolution was to crush out the last vestige of civil gov ernment now remaining in Georgia, and he hoped to save the State from a day so dark, and would, therefore urge upon the conven tion the adoption ol his substitute. If there was no intention to wrest from Gen. Meade the power he enjoys, and if there was no want ot confidence In the ability of that officer to for ward in a proper manner the matter of recon struction, here was an opportunity to so ex press themselves. The issue was a plain one, but it would not be met. The true purpose was plain to the whole country. There were vulture beaks scenting tho. “flesh pots,” and the question of spoils would be brought to an easy solution if the civil government of Geor gia could be swept out of existence — Here Mr. Trammel was requested to yield the floor in order to have a reading of the Ash burn resolution, when Mr. Trammel gave way to Dr. 11. V. M. Miller, who desired to remark upon it, and did so at considerable length.— His line of argument was able and conclusive, and his opposition to a scheme so mendacious was open and manly. It was the legitimate business of this convention to make a. constitu tution for Georgia, but he had observed, from day to day, no matter what sort of a beginning that was made in the morning, that before two o’clock (the hour for adjournment) arrived, the convention would veer around, and a dash would be made at the Treasury, or some effort looking to the spoils of office rear its hydra head. [Applause in the lobby.] That was a poor way to make a constitution. He alluded to the letter ol John Sherman, M. C., read on the previous day, and criticised it sentence by sentence. It seemed that someone iu the con vention had intimated to that gentleman that there were fears about reconstruction. How afraid ? Not of personal violence, certainly, for there was law, civil and military, to protect every man. The convention was assuredly in peaceful assemblage, and nothing within the limits of the State to make it afraid. Its duty was plain and specific—the military bill clearly stated what was to be done. Then why had Mr. Sherman been informed that fears were entertained about reconstruction? And what more power did the convention want that Mr. Sherman should send and request that it be asked for ? (The speaker pursued this at some length, but want of space will not allow us to follow him.) He thought the Ashburn resolu tion was discourteous to General Meade. In fact, it implied a want of confidence in, and amounted to little else than a direct insult to that, distinguished soldier. He could not vote for the resolution because it would be saying to Congress, to the country, and to Gen. Meade himself, that he had no confidence in him. He was not prepared to say that the general would not faithfully perform his duties, for he had not been tried. He believed, and hoped, that he would. -In regard to the displacement of civil officers, (the only purpose of the resolution) Dr. Miller said that such a step was not neces sary to the completion ol' the work this body had been created to do. There were in the State about 6,G00 civil offices, and, should Con gress be stupid enough to grant the power asked, it was utterly impracticable lor this con vention to fill that number of places with loyal men. It would take until the next flood to do it. From the difficult) 7 experienced in officer ing this body at the outset, he was safe iu as serting that there would be w rangling for at least a week, in many instances, in finding a suitable person to fill a bailiff’s office, not to mention others of more importance and more pay. Thus it would operate, and the idea of this convention taking charge of the six thou sand civil offices in this State was too absurdly ridiculous to he entertained for a moment! The Bt-ate of affairs in this once proud old Com monwealth under such a pretty reign of power would iudeed be amusing. [Applause iu the lobby, when J. F,. Bryant asked that the lobby be cleared. Chair said such would be done if it was not stopped. J Think of the aspirants, con tinued the speaker, whose claims would at once be urged for the Gubernatorial Chair. Any man who happened to be within the bor ders ot the State would be eligible. It did not matter, under the resolution, ii he had only re sided here twelve hours. A gentleman from Timbuctoo, Kamscbatka, or the chief of the Arapahoe Indians, if he should chance to get the inside track, would step into the chair of the State Executive. Even the leader of the Savannah delegation (Aaron Alpeoria) might be placed in the position. He could not find lan guage to depict a proposition so immeasurably ridiculous ! [Repeated applause in the lobby.] G. VV. Ashburn arose to inquire if civil offi cers were not required to take an oath ? and if so, had those now in position taken that oath. If they bad, were they legal officers ? All who had, or could take it, were eligible and might remain, perhaps. The resolution said noth?ng about removals, and he did not see why the AUGUoTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 22, 1868. [gentleman from Fulton should harp on that point so much. Dr. Miller replied that the present officials were in position and had not taken such oa:h>; I •md while the resolution did not say as much,' a man with one idea could see that not one of them could retain their places under the reso lution. They were men ot honor, and w’ould not perjure themselves. They differed from ihe multitude now clamoring for displacement, lor they could su-ear to anything—could take any oath. [Ashburn in constant interruption, aided by several negro delegates.J The ab surdity he continually heard about there being no law in Georgia was all wrong. Wc had the laws Georgia always had—provisional though they be. Everything done was legal, for the very military bill which created this body made it so. Overthrow the present civil government of Georgia and this convention becomes a body en permanence. It must remain in ses sion to wield the legislative and judiciary pow er of the State. Ashburn said that Ibis convention would re main iu session until Georgia was reslored to the Union. “ Precisely,” replied Dr. Miller, “I am obliged to the gentleman for his candor. lam Well aware that it is not the purpose of this convention to adjourn. If the people of Geor gia reject the constitution, hereyouwill remain in perpetuity to grind the already down-trodden people—and to further wrong and outrage them. Such a programme is monstrous, viola tive of every principle ol civil liberty, and can only end in anarchy! Your constitution is mere clerical labor until the people ol the State shall give it vitality. The military bill imposes this task upon them. The people were indif ferent about the convention, and hence the small vote upon the question. They knew that it was left, them to condemn or approve its action, and they held back to vote on the con stitution, and he thanked God that Gen. Meade told this convention yesterday that the peo ple should have a fair chance to decide the question at the ballot box. The power sought by the resolution would be free to tax without limit, control and ruin this once great State. [Constantly interrupted by Ash burn. j It was an effort of persons now in acci dental position to usurp power. [lnterrupted by half dozen negro delegates.] We stand here not the representatives of the property of Georgia, and. it becomes us to use care how we usurp rights, or interfere with that property and people. The form of government sought to be set up by the resolution is worse than the mind of man ever before conceived. It is a species of Jacobinism of which the people of Georgia should be warned in time. The peo ple should know that this convention, instead ol confining itself to its legitimate business of making a constitution, seeks to wield a power not belonging to it, and a power that \wll ruin them, i Dunning and Ashburn both roke to a question.] It was boldly charged outside that this convention does not propose to make a constitution that the people can accept. II the people should reject, the convention would not care, for the power would be in its hands. lie did not charge that such was its intention, but was compelled to admit that the proposed measure looked that way, and he desired to lift his voice against it, and he would to God that he could make it resound in the halls of Congress. [The reporter regrets that lie can give but an imperfect report of Dr. Miller’s able and manly speech.] A. T. Akerman followed. He desired to ap prove much that the gentleman had said, it was evidently the purpose of the convention to get possession of all the offices in the State.— There were, in his opinion, but two peisous who had the power to remove civil officers — Meade and Grant. He thought some officers should be removed, and would be, but he was opposed to the Ashburn resolution. Mr. Aker man’s remarks were extended to some length, but want ol space will not permit us to follow him. He concluded by offering an amendment to the Ashburn resolution, in the event it should pass, to the effect that no man in this conven tion shall accept a civil office. J. E. Bryant made a rambling speech in de fence ot the measure, during the delivery of which Mr. Waddell asked him if he would ac cept the Akerman amendment. This question he evaded at the time, but being subsequently pressed to answer, said that so far as he was in dividually concerned he would. Mr. Trammel inquired if he would accept the military bill as it is, and close the whole argument. Bryant dodged again, and promised to answer after a whije. He thought the Government set up in 1865 should be abated. It was troublesome. He wanted to know if this was a legal body—if this convention or the disloyal government of the State is to have the power. It is a vital question, and should be decided. Let us re move the men now iu office, put our friends in their stead, and a vast difference would be made in votes in tlie ratification election. Gen. Sheri dan was the man for him— he had the nerve to act. He had heard that General Rousseau would be sent to command ibis district, and his course would prove similar to that of Hancock. He would not favor the resolution if he bad any as surance that Gen. Meade would remain here, but down would come Gen. Rousseau to ride rough-shod over the loyal people of Geor gia. Therefore, let us act now while we have the power—it is necessary to our salvation. He wanted the constitution ratified, and it would be done if the proper measures tvere taken. — The proposed measure would have that effect, and so we must adopt it. It is the opinion of very distinguished men that this convention should be paid out of the State Treasury, yet an order to that end has been treated wilh con tempt. Here is an obstruction to our opera tions, aud we should not hesitate to remove it. We are charged with an effort to get our hands into the Treasury. Well, is it not. better that those hands should be loyal than disloyal f Os course. He would admit that the power which the resolution asks for should not be granted save uuder extraordinary circumstances, and such now surround us. The emergen jy is an extraordinary one. It must be met. He fa vored a postponement of the question until Monday. As the gentleman was taking his seat, Mr. Waddell pressed his question as to the military bill, when Bryant answered that he would, with some alterations or amend ments, or changes. Here J. E. Blount arose and demanded the floor to know if J. E. Bryant meant to be per sonal in some allusion in his speech, the nature ot which this reporter did not catch at the time. J. E. Bryant disclaimed such purpose. J. E. Blount said hereafter any allusion what ever of the gentleman to him would be con strued into a personality. J. E. Bryant said he boarded at the National Hotel. Mr. Whitely moved that further discussion of the subject be dispensed with, and that the Clerk be requested to read a substitute he would offer for Mr. Ashburn's resolution, when the Clerk read'as follows: Whereas, The reconstruction acts recognize the existence of a government within the limits of Georgia—subject to the military commander of the district, and the paramount authority of Congress—under which certain officials hold office; and Whereas, The term for which said officials were elected is set forth iu the laws allowed to operate within said limits has expired, and said officials hold only by reason of a failure to pro vide their successors; and Whereas, A great many of said officials are hostile to, and are using their influence against the restoration of Georgia to the Union, and by so doing are uot only seriously retarding the work of reconstruction, but also materially affectii g the prosperity of the suite : Therefore, Resolved, That the convention do hereby re quest the Legislative Department of the Gov ernment of the United States to authorize this body to declare vacant the chief executive of fices of the State, and to fill the same, as well as to provide for the removal, through tho chief executive officer of the State thus elected, of all persons who are hostile to reconstruc tion, and the filling of such vacancies t>y said executive. Resolved, That the convention, in justice to the friends of restoration under tiie recon struction acts, do hereby request the depart ment aforesaid to relieve all such of existing disabilities, that they may be eligible to till the vacancies thus created. Resolved, That the convention do further re quest the modification of the test oath, so as to admit of all persons who h ive aided or abetted the late war against the United States holding office therein : Provided, such persons honestly regret the past, and are earnestly attracted to, aud are determined to labor for, the return ot the States, on the basis of the reconstruction acts. Resoived, That a copy of the foregoing pre amble and resolutions be forwarded by tlie President ot the convention to the President of the United States, the President of the Senate, aud the Speaker of the Home of Representa tives. Mr. Whitely moved that this be adopted as a substitute for all previous resolutions and amendments on the subject of civil govern ment and civil officers, and that the whole mat ter be laid over to Monday. G. (J.Richardson was satisfied with Ashburn’s resolution, and moved the “ previous question,” up an which the yeas and nays were taken as follows: Yeas, 6; nays, 128. Mr. Whitely then moved to lay the resolution and substitute on the table. Carried. Mr. Waddell moved that 200 copies of them be printed. Carried. J. E. Bryant moved to make them the special order for Monday. Carried. Mr. McCoy offered the following resolution, which was adopted after a suspension of the rules: Resolved, That the Secretary be directed to furnish to Major General Meade a copy of the temporary ordinance passed by this convention for the temporary relief of the people against further sales of property under legal process, and a copy of the preamble and resolutions passed on yesterday, requesting him to cause it to be enforced until further action of this con vention. Leaves of absence were granted to several members, when the convention adjourned to Monday. Atlanta, January 13, 1868. Convention met—President Parrott in the Chair—Prayer by the Chaplain—Journal of Saturday last read and confirmed. i (The President retires from the chair, and B. Conley, of Richmond, in temporary occupancy.) J. E. Bryant moved that the rules be sus pended for the purpose of changing the hours of assembling and adjourning this convention. Carried. H. K. McCoy, Chairman of the Committee on Legislative Department, sent in a report, which was read by the Clerk. The military order of Gen. Meade, removing the Governor of Georgia, and the Treasurer, was sent to the Clerk’s desk, and directed to he read. The announcement was received with prolonged and stormy applause by the conven tion. C. C. Richardson presented a minority report from the Committee on the Legislative Depart ment. J. E Bryant then introduced his resolution changing the hours for assembling and adjourn ment. The resolution proposed 10 o’clock, a. m., and 1 o clock, p. in., as suitable hours for assembling; and 3 o’clock and— o’clock for adjournment. The purpose of this resolution was to provide for an afternoon session, which could be prolonged to such hour in the after noon or night as might be deemed proper. The mover of this resolution did not want a speci fied hour for adjourning the latter session. As the rules now stood, important debate was often cut off by the arrival of the fixed hour for adjournment. A. T. Akerman favored the resolution, but would amend it by having it to take effect on Thursday next. Considerable debate ensued on the subject, which was participated in by C. C. Richardson, J. L. Bryant, J. L. Dunning, B. P. Bedford, ,7. R. Parrott, N. L. Angler, Aaron Alpeoria Badley and S. W. Beaird, the two latter being negroes. B. P. Bedford opposed the resolution. He did not wish to increase the hours of labor. — They were now sufficient for the intellect of this body. II members labored faithfully from 10 ta 2 o clock they would be tired. They would go to dinner at 2 o’clock, eat heavily, and re turn to this hall full, in a good humor, and easy natured . The result would be lazy and indif ferent legislation, and the better part of next day v> ould be consumed in reconsidering the previous afternoon’s work. J. E. Bryant was not afraid of eating too much dinner, and he did not agree w T ith the gentleman that the intellect of this assemblage was incapable of further pressure. It was ca pable ot doing more work, and since it had been charged that there was a disposition to delay legislation, he would refute such charges by increasing the labor. R. H. Whitely was opposed to the move. He agreed with Mr. Bedford. He knew that there was done more work—quietly done in the in terregnum of adjournment—than was done while the con vention was iu session. The mem bers wanted time to confer with each other—to discuss this or that measure—aud to make uu their minds as to the "best course to pursue when the body should assemble, and measures come up lor consideration and action. He should oppose this resolution. The members were already sufficiently taxed. He did not wish to see the imperfect legislation that would result from such a move. £?> „ rjaut insisted upon his resolution. R. B. Bullock favored the move m a few re marks, when a vote was taken aud the resolu tion lost. C. .D. Davis offered a resolution relating to the time occupied in discussions. The resolu tion fixed the period of fifteen minutes as long enough for any man to speak at a time. A. T. Akerman approved this in remarks ol some length. U. W. Ashburn wanted plenty of time for discussion. We have just emerged from a re volution of arms, and are now passing through a revolution of ideas. It was preposterous ! The idea of confining a gentleman to filteen minutes when he should essay to discuss the great questions of this day and generation. N. L. ADgier moved to adjourn, since it was apparent that no business would be done to day. Already had the better part of the morn iDg been consumed in doing literally nothing. J. E. Bryant was opposed to C. D. Davis’ re solution, for be wanted an abundance of time for discussion. C. IE Davis urged the matter, but the ques tiun being called ior, his resolution was lost. J. E. Bryant moved that the Ashburn reso'u tion, and substitutes—they having been made a specia matter for to-day—be taken up. Mo tion carried. G.AY. Ashburn rose in support of his resolu tion. He had hoped that it would not meet with any 7 opposition in this body—but was mis taken. It had been bitterly attacked on Satur day last by gentlemen on this floor, and it was incumbent upon him to reply to the charges of the gentleman from Fuiton (H. V. M. Mil ler,) and Messrs. Akerman and Trammell. He hurled back from whence they came the asser tions that his resolution contemplated a raid upon the State Treasury. Such was not its purpose. Reconstruction was the end aime I at, and that could never be until the present State officials were removed, for they were ob stacles to it. He would reiterate his charge that present officials were now using their power, and funds of the State, too, that re construction might be deleated, and to for ward the recommendations ot the late Macon Convention of “so-calljd” Conservatives. Let : loyal men get in those positions and the same (effective means shall be used to restore Geor ; gi 1 to her once proud station in the Union of our fathers, lie further charged that the pre sent civil government was in co-operation with Andrew Johnson and Ms kind ol reeon [ struetion. Governor Jenkins had been re speeded lor his private worth and purity of I character, but his day had ended. He was in tavor of removing every officer iu the State who was in the wav of reconstruction, it it took until July next to do it. He wanted to get possession ot the enemy’s strongholds at Sa vannah, Macon, Atlanta and Columbus. The | condition of affairs in the latter place could only be appreciated by someone who had been in h—ll tor a few days. Certainly it was out of his power to describe it. He was pleas ed to know that Augusta was in loyal hands, and would there remain. The enemy cannot be vanquished until routed from his fortified positions. Let us do this and turn his own guns upon him. The gentleman from Fulton had charged that it was “impracticable” to fill the positions thus vacated. This was a mis take. There would be 110 difficulty whatever. Every county in the State had a representa tive upon this floor, and he was satisfied that there was moral courage and worth enough in this body to fill th- in all, and fill them proper ly. The speech of G. VV. Ashburn was a lengthy one—was a written one, and read from the manuscript. We have not space to follow him. J. H. Caldwell rose in support of the Whitely substitute, and read lrom the manuscript his entire speech. His remarks were mainly direct ed at Dr. Miller, and were spun out to such a length that the reporter cannot follow him. He went over about the same ground as that of G. W. Ashburn, save that he frankly admitted that he, and his side of the house, would not vote for Mr. Trammel’s laudatory resolution of Geu. Meade, notwithstanding he had as much re spect for that soldier as any man, and so did the convention, but it was in bad taste for the con quered to extol the conqueror. When J. H Caldwell concluded, it was mov ed by G. W. Ashburn that the whole matter be laid on the table. Carried. A. T. Akerman presented the minority re port of the Committee on Relief, which was read by the Clerk, and ordered to be printed. C. C. Richardson offered a resolution that the Committee on Printing be empowered to em ploy three stenographic reporters for the con vention. A. T. Akerman moved as a substitute that three stenographic reporters be employed, and that one of the city 7 papers be engaged to pub lish the full proceedings of the convention, as made by said reporters, and that each member be supplied w ith 10 copies of the paper daily He would urge this for the reason that con tempt had been thrown upon this convention by the caricature reports which had been sent abioad, and it was full time that the action of this body, its business, its deliberations, and all that pertained to it, were truthfully repre sented. [Just here this reporter would re mark that his life cau never have a greater re gret than that he has been wholly unable to do just what Mr. Akerman wants. The conven tion may congratulate itself upon his incom petency. It is a show that must be visited to pen aud paper cannot portray J. E. Blount opposed the proposition. It would add SI,OOO a day to the expenses of this convention. The people of Georgia would no doubt be glad (and this reporter thinks so too .) to have the information, but would thev be willing to foot the bills ? The resolution was discussed at some length by several members, when so much of it as au thorized the employment of three competent stenographic reporters was adopted, and that part relating to the selection of a city paper to publish, ard the furnishing of ten copies to each member, was referred'to the Committee on Printing. H. M. Turnei (negro) said the question of re | lief would come up in a few days, and a vote upon it (Bradley rose to a point” of order, but was silenced,) would be taken. He wanted to know if this was a territory, and if so can we pass bills of relief ? He wanted to offer a reso lution, and did so to the effect that if Georgia sustains _ territorial relations to the Unit' and States this convention cannot pass bills of re lief. This was laid on the table, and 300 copies ordered to be printed. Convention adjourned. Tuesday, January 14,1868. The convention opened this day with prayer —W. Shropshire in the chair. While the Journal was being read Mr. Bed ford offered a resolution to the effect that its reading, which was so tedious, be dispensed with, which was put to the vote and lost. A PROVISIONAL CIVIL GOVERNMENT. G. W. Ashburn offered a resolution to the effect that the Congress of the United States be requested by the convention to extend to it powers by which it might establish a provi sional civil government iu tiie State; alsoTegis lative powc-r on the question of Relief. He demanded immediate action on this all important subject because there had been several measures of relief proposed for consid eration, none of which had met the approbation of all parties, aud be trusted the one which he then offered would be deemed sufficiently satis factory. J. R. Parrott said that he bad neglected to draw attention to the question, but as it had now come before the convention for considera tion he deemed it a duty he owed to the Re publican party to w hich he belonged, to the State of Georgia, and to himself, to state his view 7 s fully and fairly with reference to it. He 1 deemed it his duty a3 a Republican to preserve his honor and the honor of his State. It should uot be understood that it was for the sake of affording relief the question was brought for ward. No person should be deceived on that point. When the voice of Georgia 6poke that was sufficient. 1 he voice of Georgia had spoken and the matter was placed in their hands. It rested with them to deal with the proposition, and it was not necessary for them to call upon the Congress of the United States to give them power or liberty to do so. Mr. Ashbnrn rose to a question of order. The pos tion was not his. He did not look upon it in the light of the resolution, but he found so many were of the opinion that the convention had not the power of itself without receiving it from Congress, that he, for the sake of delay ing further time on the subject, offered the resolm tion in order that some action might be taken in regard to it. Mr. Parrott looked upon it as a virtual ad mission on the part of the resolution, whether he (Mr. Ashburn) held it doubtful or not, to i the Congress of the United States and to the i people of Georgia, that the convention possess- j ed no legislative authority. If such an admis sion went before the country, he wanted to know where would go their action on that bill, which, in all probability, Congress would have taken action on in a few days—in regard to the provisional governments of the States. They occupied one of two stand points in that con vention. They were either working against or aiding the great Republican party of the nation 10 maintain and the power and inte o7 - I rity of the Union. If the Republican party tailed—if its banners were trailed in the dust down North, down they went also in the South, down went their constitution, down went the privileges which the constitution guaranteed to them. It was all lost—lost beyond redemption. Mr. Parrott continued at some length, closing with saying: He imploredjof them, for the sake of the Con stitution of the country, not to suspend the VOL, 27, NO. 4 I ru^e? - Let Congress alone! Let the command ing general alone, and all w ill be well! If they were so anxious for relief, all they had to do was to come up to the work, act upon it, pre sent it to Congress, ask it to ratify it, which it would do, and all would go well. «J. E. Bryart has surprised thnt any person should object to the resolution. He was in fa vor of it because he believed it essential to the vital interests of the State, and he trusted that action would be taken on it without delay.— There .was a rumor ou the streets yesterday that the President had sent an order to Gen. Meade ordering him to reinstate Gov. Jenkins, which, though not true, would not by any means be surprising, since they had reason to know that the President would not hesitate for a moment to do such a thing. That rumor could alone have originated with parties op posed to the commanding general, and to everything done by the Congress ofthe United States, and he was surprised that any person who belonged to the Republican party should offer any objection to the measure. R. H. Whiteley trusted the gentleman from Richmond would withdraw the” previous oues tion. Cries were then made for the yeas and nays. Dr. Miller said there was but one question before the house. There were not a rnulti plieitv of questions, and he thought that at this stage ofthe proceedings of the convention it was out of order to call for the previous question. J. D. Waddell thought it was simply a piece of nonsense to talk about the previous ques tion when there was but one question before the convention. The Chair decided that the call for the pre vious question was in order, provided there was a one fifth vote in favor it.. A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro), who made seve ral unsuccessful efforts to gain a hearing, said with some indignation, that the vote had not been taken by which they could tell whether there was a sufficient number of votes to jus tify the call. A considerable discussion here ensued, iu which the reporter was at a loss to keep to the subject, and was finally carried away by the tor rent. The yeas and nays were then taken, when the previous question was sustained,' the vote standing—yeas, 74; nays, 70. The question of the suspending of the rules for the purpose of taking up the previous ques tion was then taken up aud a dvision called for, which was carried, the vote being—yeas, 80 ’ nays, 66. 11. M. Turner (negro) wanted to give his rea sons for asking to be excused from voting, which was not listened to, and as A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) moved that he be excused for the entire session, said Turner withdrew his re quest aud voted “ no,” amid a general outburst of laughter. Some confusion here took place with regard to the question which was or ought to be fore the house, and several members were on their feet, amongst them prominently stood A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro), who, with a martyr like resignation, sat down, finding it utterly impossible to get iu a word. The Chair here decided that the call was lost, it not having been carried by a two-thirds vote, in accordance yvith Rule 23 of the conven tion. J. D. Waddell said that the rule was to begin on oue day where they left off the day be fore. L. N. Trammell followed in the same vein, saying that if they went back every day to the beginning ofthe alphabet it would" not come to the 1 ’s, or the W’s for an indefinite period, and the rule was to take up the unfinished business where they left off the previous day. Benjamin Conley 7 mov’ed that the unfinished business be taken up each day at the place where they had stopped the preceding day, which was carried. AN ORDINANCE OF FRANCHISE. C. C. Martin presented the following : An ordinance on Franchise and other matters therein contained. Ist. Re it enacted by the people of Georgia in convention assembled, That no person shall be entitled to vote at an electien in this State or nold an office of profit or honor in the same, unless lie can read the Bible and the Constilu non of this State ; provided, that no free person of color shall be eligible to any office in this State. 2<l. Intermarriage between white persons and persons of color is hereby prohibited, and per sons violating this ordinance, as well as the minister or officer performing the ceremony of inairiage, shall be punished by confinement in separate apartments in the penitentiary for not less than ten nor more than twenty years, or be banished to Africa or Liberia on their own ex pense, at the option ofthe parties. Ihe above resolution created a general oat burst ofindignation and many members waxed exceedingly wrathy. Several attempts were made while it was being read to prevent it be ing proceeded with, but to no purpose. Still ihe felonious ordinance went on, and even the blushes of A. Alpeoria (negro) had no effect in squelching the foul missle from the hall. After a great and prolonged excitement the document was declared out of order under the rule and was dismissed, two or three negroes moving that the gentleman be sent to Liberia himself. R - IL Whiteley presented, in behalf of fl. K. McCoy 7 , an ordinance providing for taxing debts 25 per cent, per annum on their value. — Laid over under the rule. Romulus Moore (negro) presented an ordi nance regulating the relations of debtor and creditor. S. F. Salter introduced a resolution for the payment of the members of the convention.— It provides that an order be givefl on the State Treasury for the sum'Nif *60,000, aud the dis bursing officer be directed to proceed to Mil ledgeville to obtain the money and receipt for the same. It also provided that each member should receive bis per diem pay and mileage up the 20th of January, 1868. Laid over. Several other ordinances aud resolutions were read and laid over. "VOTE OF THANKS TO GEN. HANCOCK. Mr. Waddell offered a resolution to the effect that all persons, from the highest to the hum blest citizens of the land, who paid due allegi ance to the Constitution of the United States w 7 ere entitled to the respect of the convention’ and that as Maj. Gen. Winfield 8. Hancock’ Commander of the Fifth Military District, had shown himself to be such a man, and Was there fore entitled to the thanks of' the convention for his conduct as Comm <nder of the Filth Mil’ itary District. The people of Louisiana were happy in having a man, such as Gen. Hancock is, amongst them. -Akerman objected to the resolution—it might be that Gen. Hancock was a very good officer, and he had no doubt that he was ; but he knew 7 that while a man might be very com petent to dispense military law, he might at the same time not be competent to dispense civil law. He did not of bijoiseli know enough on these matters to be able to decide whether Gen. Hancock was right or not in his conduct in Louisiana, but there was one thing they *ll knew, aud that was that the conduct of General Hancock was now being criticised very keenly throughout the North, and he would like to know more of him than he did, before he would sanction such a resolution. The resolution, af ter some farther discussion, was put to the vote and lost —yeas, 13; nays, 123. Mr. Whitely offered a resolution to the effect that henceforth all matters or petitions pertain ing to relief should be handed to the chairman of the Reliel Committee, and uot introduced iu the convention. A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro), in his usual an gry manner, objected to the resolution. He
