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The Victim.
BY ALFRED TENNYSON, PORT LAUREATE.
I.
A plague upon ihe people fell,
A famine after laid them low,.
Then thorp” and byre arose in lire,
For on In on brake the sudden foe ;
So thick they died, the people cried,
“ The gods are moved against the land.”
Th” pri - t in horror, about his altar,
To Thor and Odin lifted a hand.
“ Help us from f »n*i le
.Arid plague and strife 1
What would you have of us !
Human life!
Were it our nearest,
Wore it our dearest,
(Answer, O, answi r,)
We give you his life.”
ii.
But still the foeman spoil’d and burn’d,
And cattle died, and deer in wood,
And bird in air, and fishes turn’d
And whiton’d all the rolling flood ;
And dead men lay a 1 over the way,
Or down in a I‘nrrow sca'hed with flame ;
And ever and aye the Priesthood moan’d,
Till at last It seemi and that answer came :
“ The King Is happy
In child and wife ;
Take you his nearest,
Take you his dearest,
Give us a life.”
HI.
The Priest out by heath and hill;
Tin; King was hunting in the wild ;
They found the mother sitting still ;
Hhe c st her arms about the child.
The child was only fight summers old,
His beauty still with ids years increased,
His face was ruddy, his hair was gold,
He seem’d a victim due to the Priest.
The Priest exulted,
And cried with joy,
“ Here is his nearest,
Here is his dearest,
We take the hoy.”
IV.
The King returned from out the wild,
He bore hut little game in hand ;
The mother said. “ They have taken the child
To spill hi-* blood and heal the land ;
The land is sick, the people diseased,
And blighi and famine on all the lea ;
The holy Gods, they must he appeased,
Bo I pray you tell the truth to me.
They have taken our son ;
They will have his life;
Is he your nearest ?
Is he your dearest ?
(Answer, O, answer,)
Or I, the wile ?”
v.
The King bent low, with hand on brow,
He stay’d his arms upon his knee ;
“ (), wife, what use to answer now ?
For now the Priest lias judged for me.”
The King was shaken with ho'y fear ;
“ The Gods.” he said, would have chosen well;
Yet both are near, and both are dear,
And which the dearest I cannot tell l”
But the Priest was happy,
Ills victim won.
“ We have his nearest,
We have his dearest,
Ilis only son I”
IV.
The rites prepared, the victim hared,
The knife uprising toward tho blow,
To the altar stone, she sprang alone,
“ Me, me, not him, my darling, no I”
He caught her away with a sudden cry ;
Buddenly from him brake the wife,
And shrieking, “ /an Ins dearest, I
I am liis dearest l” rush’d on tlie knife.
And th i Priest was happy;
“Oh, Father Odin,
We give you a lile ;
Which was his nearest!
Which was his dearest ?
The Gods have answered .
We give them tho wife 1”
[ From Good Words of January.
The Silent Prayer.
Blie prayed ; I watched her ivghtly
On her knees beside the bod,
Ami for a while each prayer-tine
I beard the words she said.
And then there fell a silence
On her bowed head, and I thought
My senses had been sleeping
Bince her words I had not caught.
But duly as the night came,
Game that silent prayer again;
I marked her lips unmuving.
And 1 knew tue mystery then.
Was she praying for the living?
Was she praying for the dead ?
There was no sobbing, sighing,
And not a tear was shed.
She was fragile in her beauty,
Asa leaf before the blast;
Was she praying for sweet patience
Till the storm was overpast ?
Who shall tell us of her loving f
Who shall tell us of her tears!
Bite is gone from us forever,
In her ineompleted years.
Gone like snow from oft the mountain,
Gone like mist from out the vale;
In her golden hour of morning
She was swept before the gale.
Bho never told in dying
What had winged that silent prayer;
Bid something we divined it
When we saw her look so fair;
Fair with lilies on her bosom,
Fair aslihe* and as sweet;
Fair with slumber on her forehead,
Fair with silence at her leet.
Ere the hand o? death con’d reach her
Bhe had flown to meet his kiss ;
Ere another land could claim her,
Bhe was far away from this.
She was far beyond out sunshine,
Bhe was breathing ot her air,
Alone with her Creator,
In the shadow ora prayer,
I London Athetueum.
The Fire on the Hearth.
There is n luxury rsr ■ in the carpet of Brussels,
And splendor in pictures that haug on the wall,
And grace in the curtain, with rainbow-liued tassels
And brilliance in gaslight, that flashes o’er all;
But give me the glow ot the bright-glazing fire,
TANARUS; at sp rkles and snaps as it echoes your mirth,
WI p! ; iu i( * joy, up the chimney still higher,
" °°Jd winds without make us draw near
tne hearth ;
™«Sf h,on S and d ® w * lh “ cheerful wood fire,
The maple-wood hre that burns on the hearth.
1 £ e ?I itS a . rtn S’fWjl iemember my childhood,
' ° UeS thut drew round our
The winter eve sports, with the nuts from the wild
wood,
The apples and cider from cellars well stored •
1 hear in its roar the wild shout-* of my brothers'
And the laugh of my sisters, in innocent mirth
And the voice of my sire, as he reads to my mother.
Who knits by the firelight that glows from the
hearth;
r The old open fire, the health-giving fire,
The home cheering fire that glows on the hearth.
It reminds us of friends that we draw to the nearer
When winds of misfortune blow h avy and chill,
j ith ea °h blast, they are warmer and dearer,
And ready to help us and comfort us still—
Friends tl at never grow cold till the long day is ended,
Ajid the ashes are laid to their rest in the earth,
And the spirit, still glowing, to God hath ascended,
lo rekindle new fires, like the coal on the hearth:
Then give me the fire, the fresh glowing fire,
The bright open fire that burns on the hearth.
Proceedings of the Georgia Unconstitutional
u Convention,
KEPOKTED FOR TTTE ATLANTA DAILY INTELLI
GENCE It.
Atlanta, Jan. 11, 1868.
Convention met—President Parrott in the
Chair—Prayer by the Chaplain—Journal of pre
vious day read and confirmed.
L. N. Trammel! being entitled to the floor,
resumed his discussion in opposition to the
Ashburn resolution, and in support of his sub
stitute therefor. [The reporter will here re
produce Ashburn’s resolution, in order to give
the reader a clear idea of the matter under dis
cussion. | It is as follows :
Resolved , That we, the Representatives' of the
people of Georgia, in convention assembled,
respectfully represent to the Congress of the
United States, that it is essential to the success
ful execution of the reconstruction laws that
the provisional government of the State should
be executed by such persons only as are made
eligible by the following clause ol the (Ith sec
tion of the “ Act to provide for a more efficient
government of the rebel States,” viz: “ And no
person shall be eligible to any office under any
such provisional government who would be
disqualified lrom holding office under the pro
visions of the 3d article of said constitutional
amendment,” said section 3d of said constitu
tional amendment being: No person shall be
eligible “who, having previously taken an oath
as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the
United States, or as a member of any State
Legislature, judicial officer of any State, to sup
port the Constitution of the United States, shall
have engaged in insurrection or rebellion
against the same,or given aid or comfort to the
enemy;” and we, therefore, respectfully recom
mend that this convention be clothed with an
operative authority, the same as delegated to
the district commander in section 2d of the
supplemental reconstruction act, passed July
19, 1807 ; and that we further petition Congress
to at once amend the reconstruction act, so that
all persons who have aided reconstruction un
der the said law, and are so endorsed by this
convention, shall be eligible to office in the
provisional government.
Resolved, That the Secretary be, and he is
hereby instructed to transmit at once a copy of
this resolution to the Speaker of the House of
Representatives and to the President ot the
Senate.
Also, the substitute of L. N. Trammell, which
is as follows:
Resolved, That our confidence in the firm
ness, ability, and fidelity of Major General
George G. Meade is full and complete; that we
hereby express our opinion that be comes
among us to execute the laws of the United
States ; that his powers are ample and com
plete, and that he has the will to effect the resto
ration of the State to its full relations as a State
of the Union.”
The remarks of Mr. Trammel were to the ef
fect that the purpose of Ashburn’s resolution
was to crush out the last vestige of civil gov
ernment now remaining in Georgia, and he
hoped to save the State from a day so dark,
and would, therefore urge upon the conven
tion the adoption ol his substitute. If there
was no intention to wrest from Gen. Meade the
power he enjoys, and if there was no want ot
confidence In the ability of that officer to for
ward in a proper manner the matter of recon
struction, here was an opportunity to so ex
press themselves. The issue was a plain one,
but it would not be met. The true purpose
was plain to the whole country. There were
vulture beaks scenting tho. “flesh pots,” and
the question of spoils would be brought to an
easy solution if the civil government of Geor
gia could be swept out of existence —
Here Mr. Trammel was requested to yield
the floor in order to have a reading of the Ash
burn resolution, when Mr. Trammel gave way
to Dr. 11. V. M. Miller, who desired to remark
upon it, and did so at considerable length.—
His line of argument was able and conclusive,
and his opposition to a scheme so mendacious
was open and manly. It was the legitimate
business of this convention to make a. constitu
tution for Georgia, but he had observed, from
day to day, no matter what sort of a beginning
that was made in the morning, that before two
o’clock (the hour for adjournment) arrived,
the convention would veer around, and a dash
would be made at the Treasury, or some effort
looking to the spoils of office rear its hydra
head. [Applause in the lobby.] That was a
poor way to make a constitution. He alluded
to the letter ol John Sherman, M. C., read on
the previous day, and criticised it sentence by
sentence. It seemed that someone iu the con
vention had intimated to that gentleman that
there were fears about reconstruction. How
afraid ? Not of personal violence, certainly,
for there was law, civil and military, to protect
every man. The convention was assuredly in
peaceful assemblage, and nothing within the
limits of the State to make it afraid. Its duty
was plain and specific—the military bill clearly
stated what was to be done. Then why had
Mr. Sherman been informed that fears were
entertained about reconstruction? And what
more power did the convention want that Mr.
Sherman should send and request that it be
asked for ? (The speaker pursued this at some
length, but want of space will not allow us to
follow him.) He thought the Ashburn resolu
tion was discourteous to General Meade. In
fact, it implied a want of confidence in, and
amounted to little else than a direct insult to
that, distinguished soldier. He could not vote
for the resolution because it would be saying to
Congress, to the country, and to Gen. Meade
himself, that he had no confidence in him. He
was not prepared to say that the general would
not faithfully perform his duties, for he had not
been tried. He believed, and hoped, that he
would. -In regard to the displacement of civil
officers, (the only purpose of the resolution)
Dr. Miller said that such a step was not neces
sary to the completion ol' the work this body
had been created to do. There were in the
State about 6,G00 civil offices, and, should Con
gress be stupid enough to grant the power
asked, it was utterly impracticable lor this con
vention to fill that number of places with loyal
men. It would take until the next flood to do
it. From the difficult) 7 experienced in officer
ing this body at the outset, he was safe iu as
serting that there would be w rangling for at
least a week, in many instances, in finding a
suitable person to fill a bailiff’s office, not to
mention others of more importance and more
pay. Thus it would operate, and the idea of
this convention taking charge of the six thou
sand civil offices in this State was too absurdly
ridiculous to he entertained for a moment!
The Bt-ate of affairs in this once proud old Com
monwealth under such a pretty reign of power
would iudeed be amusing. [Applause iu the
lobby, when J. F,. Bryant asked that the lobby
be cleared. Chair said such would be done if it
was not stopped. J Think of the aspirants, con
tinued the speaker, whose claims would at
once be urged for the Gubernatorial Chair.
Any man who happened to be within the bor
ders ot the State would be eligible. It did not
matter, under the resolution, ii he had only re
sided here twelve hours. A gentleman from
Timbuctoo, Kamscbatka, or the chief of the
Arapahoe Indians, if he should chance to get
the inside track, would step into the chair of
the State Executive. Even the leader of the
Savannah delegation (Aaron Alpeoria) might be
placed in the position. He could not find lan
guage to depict a proposition so immeasurably
ridiculous ! [Repeated applause in the lobby.]
G. VV. Ashburn arose to inquire if civil offi
cers were not required to take an oath ? and if
so, had those now in position taken that oath.
If they bad, were they legal officers ? All who
had, or could take it, were eligible and might
remain, perhaps. The resolution said noth?ng
about removals, and he did not see why the
AUGUoTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 22, 1868.
[gentleman from Fulton should harp on that
point so much.
Dr. Miller replied that the present officials
were in position and had not taken such oa:h>;
I •md while the resolution did not say as much,'
a man with one idea could see that not one of
them could retain their places under the reso
lution. They were men ot honor, and w’ould
not perjure themselves. They differed from
ihe multitude now clamoring for displacement,
lor they could su-ear to anything—could take
any oath. [Ashburn in constant interruption,
aided by several negro delegates.J The ab
surdity he continually heard about there being
no law in Georgia was all wrong. Wc had the
laws Georgia always had—provisional though
they be. Everything done was legal, for the
very military bill which created this body made
it so. Overthrow the present civil government
of Georgia and this convention becomes a
body en permanence. It must remain in ses
sion to wield the legislative and judiciary pow
er of the State.
Ashburn said that Ibis convention would re
main iu session until Georgia was reslored to
the Union.
“ Precisely,” replied Dr. Miller, “I am
obliged to the gentleman for his candor. lam
Well aware that it is not the purpose of this
convention to adjourn. If the people of Geor
gia reject the constitution, hereyouwill remain
in perpetuity to grind the already down-trodden
people—and to further wrong and outrage
them. Such a programme is monstrous, viola
tive of every principle ol civil liberty, and can
only end in anarchy! Your constitution is
mere clerical labor until the people ol the State
shall give it vitality. The military bill imposes
this task upon them. The people were indif
ferent about the convention, and hence the
small vote upon the question. They knew
that it was left, them to condemn or approve its
action, and they held back to vote on the con
stitution, and he thanked God that Gen. Meade
told this convention yesterday that the peo
ple should have a fair chance to decide
the question at the ballot box. The power
sought by the resolution would be free to
tax without limit, control and ruin this once
great State. [Constantly interrupted by Ash
burn. j It was an effort of persons now in acci
dental position to usurp power. [lnterrupted
by half dozen negro delegates.] We stand
here not the representatives of the property of
Georgia, and. it becomes us to use care how we
usurp rights, or interfere with that property
and people. The form of government sought
to be set up by the resolution is worse than the
mind of man ever before conceived. It is a
species of Jacobinism of which the people of
Georgia should be warned in time. The peo
ple should know that this convention, instead
ol confining itself to its legitimate business of
making a constitution, seeks to wield a power
not belonging to it, and a power that \wll ruin
them, i Dunning and Ashburn both roke to a
question.] It was boldly charged outside that
this convention does not propose to make a
constitution that the people can accept. II the
people should reject, the convention would not
care, for the power would be in its hands. lie
did not charge that such was its intention, but
was compelled to admit that the proposed
measure looked that way, and he desired to
lift his voice against it, and he would to God
that he could make it resound in the halls of
Congress. [The reporter regrets that lie can
give but an imperfect report of Dr. Miller’s
able and manly speech.]
A. T. Akerman followed. He desired to ap
prove much that the gentleman had said, it
was evidently the purpose of the convention to
get possession of all the offices in the State.—
There were, in his opinion, but two peisous
who had the power to remove civil officers —
Meade and Grant. He thought some officers
should be removed, and would be, but he was
opposed to the Ashburn resolution. Mr. Aker
man’s remarks were extended to some length,
but want ol space will not permit us to follow
him. He concluded by offering an amendment
to the Ashburn resolution, in the event it should
pass, to the effect that no man in this conven
tion shall accept a civil office.
J. E. Bryant made a rambling speech in de
fence ot the measure, during the delivery of
which Mr. Waddell asked him if he would ac
cept the Akerman amendment. This question
he evaded at the time, but being subsequently
pressed to answer, said that so far as he was in
dividually concerned he would. Mr. Trammel
inquired if he would accept the military bill as
it is, and close the whole argument. Bryant
dodged again, and promised to answer after a
whije. He thought the Government set up in
1865 should be abated. It was troublesome.
He wanted to know if this was a legal body—if
this convention or the disloyal government of
the State is to have the power. It is a vital
question, and should be decided. Let us re
move the men now iu office, put our friends in
their stead, and a vast difference would be made
in votes in tlie ratification election. Gen. Sheri
dan was the man for him— he had the nerve to
act. He had heard that General Rousseau would
be sent to command ibis district, and his course
would prove similar to that of Hancock. He
would not favor the resolution if he bad any as
surance that Gen. Meade would remain here,
but down would come Gen. Rousseau to ride
rough-shod over the loyal people of Geor
gia. Therefore, let us act now while we have
the power—it is necessary to our salvation. He
wanted the constitution ratified, and it would
be done if the proper measures tvere taken. —
The proposed measure would have that effect,
and so we must adopt it. It is the opinion of
very distinguished men that this convention
should be paid out of the State Treasury, yet
an order to that end has been treated wilh con
tempt. Here is an obstruction to our opera
tions, aud we should not hesitate to remove it.
We are charged with an effort to get our hands
into the Treasury. Well, is it not. better that
those hands should be loyal than disloyal f Os
course. He would admit that the power which
the resolution asks for should not be granted
save uuder extraordinary circumstances, and
such now surround us. The emergen jy is an
extraordinary one. It must be met. He fa
vored a postponement of the question until
Monday. As the gentleman was taking his
seat, Mr. Waddell pressed his question as to
the military bill, when Bryant answered that
he would, with some alterations or amend
ments, or changes.
Here J. E. Blount arose and demanded the
floor to know if J. E. Bryant meant to be per
sonal in some allusion in his speech, the nature
ot which this reporter did not catch at the time.
J. E. Bryant disclaimed such purpose.
J. E. Blount said hereafter any allusion what
ever of the gentleman to him would be con
strued into a personality.
J. E. Bryant said he boarded at the National
Hotel.
Mr. Whitely moved that further discussion
of the subject be dispensed with, and that the
Clerk be requested to read a substitute he would
offer for Mr. Ashburn's resolution, when the
Clerk read'as follows:
Whereas, The reconstruction acts recognize
the existence of a government within the limits
of Georgia—subject to the military commander
of the district, and the paramount authority of
Congress—under which certain officials hold
office; and
Whereas, The term for which said officials
were elected is set forth iu the laws allowed to
operate within said limits has expired, and said
officials hold only by reason of a failure to pro
vide their successors; and
Whereas, A great many of said officials are
hostile to, and are using their influence against
the restoration of Georgia to the Union, and
by so doing are uot only seriously retarding the
work of reconstruction, but also materially
affectii g the prosperity of the suite : Therefore,
Resolved, That the convention do hereby re
quest the Legislative Department of the Gov
ernment of the United States to authorize this
body to declare vacant the chief executive of
fices of the State, and to fill the same, as well
as to provide for the removal, through tho
chief executive officer of the State thus elected,
of all persons who are hostile to reconstruc
tion, and the filling of such vacancies t>y said
executive.
Resolved, That the convention, in justice to
the friends of restoration under tiie recon
struction acts, do hereby request the depart
ment aforesaid to relieve all such of existing
disabilities, that they may be eligible to till the
vacancies thus created.
Resolved, That the convention do further re
quest the modification of the test oath, so as to
admit of all persons who h ive aided or abetted
the late war against the United States holding
office therein : Provided, such persons honestly
regret the past, and are earnestly attracted to,
aud are determined to labor for, the return ot
the States, on the basis of the reconstruction
acts.
Resoived, That a copy of the foregoing pre
amble and resolutions be forwarded by tlie
President ot the convention to the President of
the United States, the President of the Senate,
aud the Speaker of the Home of Representa
tives.
Mr. Whitely moved that this be adopted as a
substitute for all previous resolutions and
amendments on the subject of civil govern
ment and civil officers, and that the whole mat
ter be laid over to Monday.
G. (J.Richardson was satisfied with Ashburn’s
resolution, and moved the “ previous question,”
up an which the yeas and nays were taken as
follows: Yeas, 6; nays, 128.
Mr. Whitely then moved to lay the resolution
and substitute on the table. Carried.
Mr. Waddell moved that 200 copies of them
be printed. Carried.
J. E. Bryant moved to make them the special
order for Monday. Carried.
Mr. McCoy offered the following resolution,
which was adopted after a suspension of the
rules:
Resolved, That the Secretary be directed to
furnish to Major General Meade a copy of the
temporary ordinance passed by this convention
for the temporary relief of the people against
further sales of property under legal process,
and a copy of the preamble and resolutions
passed on yesterday, requesting him to cause it
to be enforced until further action of this con
vention.
Leaves of absence were granted to several
members, when the convention adjourned to
Monday.
Atlanta, January 13, 1868.
Convention met—President Parrott in the
Chair—Prayer by the Chaplain—Journal of
Saturday last read and confirmed.
i (The President retires from the chair, and B.
Conley, of Richmond, in temporary occupancy.)
J. E. Bryant moved that the rules be sus
pended for the purpose of changing the hours
of assembling and adjourning this convention.
Carried.
H. K. McCoy, Chairman of the Committee
on Legislative Department, sent in a report,
which was read by the Clerk.
The military order of Gen. Meade, removing
the Governor of Georgia, and the Treasurer,
was sent to the Clerk’s desk, and directed to he
read. The announcement was received with
prolonged and stormy applause by the conven
tion.
C. C. Richardson presented a minority report
from the Committee on the Legislative Depart
ment.
J. E Bryant then introduced his resolution
changing the hours for assembling and adjourn
ment. The resolution proposed 10 o’clock, a.
m., and 1 o clock, p. in., as suitable hours for
assembling; and 3 o’clock and— o’clock for
adjournment. The purpose of this resolution
was to provide for an afternoon session, which
could be prolonged to such hour in the after
noon or night as might be deemed proper. The
mover of this resolution did not want a speci
fied hour for adjourning the latter session. As
the rules now stood, important debate was
often cut off by the arrival of the fixed hour
for adjournment.
A. T. Akerman favored the resolution, but
would amend it by having it to take effect on
Thursday next.
Considerable debate ensued on the subject,
which was participated in by C. C. Richardson,
J. L. Bryant, J. L. Dunning, B. P. Bedford, ,7.
R. Parrott, N. L. Angler, Aaron Alpeoria Badley
and S. W. Beaird, the two latter being negroes.
B. P. Bedford opposed the resolution. He
did not wish to increase the hours of labor. —
They were now sufficient for the intellect of this
body. II members labored faithfully from 10
ta 2 o clock they would be tired. They would
go to dinner at 2 o’clock, eat heavily, and re
turn to this hall full, in a good humor, and easy
natured . The result would be lazy and indif
ferent legislation, and the better part of next
day v> ould be consumed in reconsidering the
previous afternoon’s work.
J. E. Bryant was not afraid of eating too
much dinner, and he did not agree w T ith the
gentleman that the intellect of this assemblage
was incapable of further pressure. It was ca
pable ot doing more work, and since it had been
charged that there was a disposition to delay
legislation, he would refute such charges by
increasing the labor.
R. H. Whitely was opposed to the move. He
agreed with Mr. Bedford. He knew that there
was done more work—quietly done in the in
terregnum of adjournment—than was done
while the con vention was iu session. The mem
bers wanted time to confer with each other—to
discuss this or that measure—aud to make uu
their minds as to the "best course to pursue
when the body should assemble, and measures
come up lor consideration and action. He
should oppose this resolution. The members
were already sufficiently taxed. He did not
wish to see the imperfect legislation that would
result from such a move.
£?> „ rjaut insisted upon his resolution.
R. B. Bullock favored the move m a few re
marks, when a vote was taken aud the resolu
tion lost.
C. .D. Davis offered a resolution relating to
the time occupied in discussions. The resolu
tion fixed the period of fifteen minutes as long
enough for any man to speak at a time.
A. T. Akerman approved this in remarks ol
some length.
U. W. Ashburn wanted plenty of time for
discussion. We have just emerged from a re
volution of arms, and are now passing through
a revolution of ideas. It was preposterous !
The idea of confining a gentleman to filteen
minutes when he should essay to discuss the
great questions of this day and generation.
N. L. ADgier moved to adjourn, since it was
apparent that no business would be done to
day. Already had the better part of the morn
iDg been consumed in doing literally nothing.
J. E. Bryant was opposed to C. D. Davis’ re
solution, for be wanted an abundance of time
for discussion.
C. IE Davis urged the matter, but the ques
tiun being called ior, his resolution was lost.
J. E. Bryant moved that the Ashburn reso'u
tion, and substitutes—they having been made
a specia matter for to-day—be taken up. Mo
tion carried.
G.AY. Ashburn rose in support of his resolu
tion. He had hoped that it would not meet
with any 7 opposition in this body—but was mis
taken. It had been bitterly attacked on Satur
day last by gentlemen on this floor, and it was
incumbent upon him to reply to the charges
of the gentleman from Fuiton (H. V. M. Mil
ler,) and Messrs. Akerman and Trammell. He
hurled back from whence they came the asser
tions that his resolution contemplated a raid
upon the State Treasury. Such was not its
purpose. Reconstruction was the end aime I
at, and that could never be until the present
State officials were removed, for they were ob
stacles to it. He would reiterate his charge
that present officials were now using their
power, and funds of the State, too, that re
construction might be deleated, and to for
ward the recommendations ot the late Macon
Convention of “so-calljd” Conservatives. Let
: loyal men get in those positions and the same
(effective means shall be used to restore Geor
; gi 1 to her once proud station in the Union of
our fathers, lie further charged that the pre
sent civil government was in co-operation
with Andrew Johnson and Ms kind ol reeon
[ struetion. Governor Jenkins had been re
speeded lor his private worth and purity of
I character, but his day had ended. He was in
tavor of removing every officer iu the State
who was in the wav of reconstruction, it it took
until July next to do it. He wanted to get
possession ot the enemy’s strongholds at Sa
vannah, Macon, Atlanta and Columbus. The
| condition of affairs in the latter place could
only be appreciated by someone who had
been in h—ll tor a few days. Certainly it was
out of his power to describe it. He was pleas
ed to know that Augusta was in loyal hands,
and would there remain. The enemy cannot
be vanquished until routed from his fortified
positions. Let us do this and turn his own
guns upon him. The gentleman from Fulton
had charged that it was “impracticable” to fill
the positions thus vacated. This was a mis
take. There would be 110 difficulty whatever.
Every county in the State had a representa
tive upon this floor, and he was satisfied that
there was moral courage and worth enough in
this body to fill th- in all, and fill them proper
ly. The speech of G. VV. Ashburn was a
lengthy one—was a written one, and read from
the manuscript. We have not space to follow
him.
J. H. Caldwell rose in support of the Whitely
substitute, and read lrom the manuscript his
entire speech. His remarks were mainly direct
ed at Dr. Miller, and were spun out to such a
length that the reporter cannot follow him. He
went over about the same ground as that of G.
W. Ashburn, save that he frankly admitted that
he, and his side of the house, would not vote
for Mr. Trammel’s laudatory resolution of Geu.
Meade, notwithstanding he had as much re
spect for that soldier as any man, and so did the
convention, but it was in bad taste for the con
quered to extol the conqueror.
When J. H Caldwell concluded, it was mov
ed by G. W. Ashburn that the whole matter be
laid on the table. Carried.
A. T. Akerman presented the minority re
port of the Committee on Relief, which was
read by the Clerk, and ordered to be printed.
C. C. Richardson offered a resolution that the
Committee on Printing be empowered to em
ploy three stenographic reporters for the con
vention.
A. T. Akerman moved as a substitute that
three stenographic reporters be employed, and
that one of the city 7 papers be engaged to pub
lish the full proceedings of the convention, as
made by said reporters, and that each member
be supplied w ith 10 copies of the paper daily
He would urge this for the reason that con
tempt had been thrown upon this convention
by the caricature reports which had been sent
abioad, and it was full time that the action of
this body, its business, its deliberations, and
all that pertained to it, were truthfully repre
sented. [Just here this reporter would re
mark that his life cau never have a greater re
gret than that he has been wholly unable to do
just what Mr. Akerman wants. The conven
tion may congratulate itself upon his incom
petency. It is a show that must be visited to
pen aud paper cannot portray
J. E. Blount opposed the proposition. It
would add SI,OOO a day to the expenses of this
convention. The people of Georgia would no
doubt be glad (and this reporter thinks so
too .) to have the information, but would thev
be willing to foot the bills ?
The resolution was discussed at some length
by several members, when so much of it as au
thorized the employment of three competent
stenographic reporters was adopted, and that
part relating to the selection of a city paper to
publish, ard the furnishing of ten copies to
each member, was referred'to the Committee
on Printing.
H. M. Turnei (negro) said the question of re
| lief would come up in a few days, and a vote
upon it (Bradley rose to a point” of order, but
was silenced,) would be taken. He wanted to
know if this was a territory, and if so can we
pass bills of relief ? He wanted to offer a reso
lution, and did so to the effect that if Georgia
sustains _ territorial relations to the Unit' and
States this convention cannot pass bills of re
lief. This was laid on the table, and 300 copies
ordered to be printed.
Convention adjourned.
Tuesday, January 14,1868.
The convention opened this day with prayer
—W. Shropshire in the chair.
While the Journal was being read Mr. Bed
ford offered a resolution to the effect that its
reading, which was so tedious, be dispensed
with, which was put to the vote and lost.
A PROVISIONAL CIVIL GOVERNMENT.
G. W. Ashburn offered a resolution to the
effect that the Congress of the United States be
requested by the convention to extend to it
powers by which it might establish a provi
sional civil government iu tiie State; alsoTegis
lative powc-r on the question of Relief.
He demanded immediate action on this all
important subject because there had been
several measures of relief proposed for consid
eration, none of which had met the approbation
of all parties, aud be trusted the one which he
then offered would be deemed sufficiently satis
factory.
J. R. Parrott said that he bad neglected to
draw attention to the question, but as it had
now come before the convention for considera
tion he deemed it a duty he owed to the Re
publican party to w hich he belonged, to the
State of Georgia, and to himself, to state his
view 7 s fully and fairly with reference to it. He
1 deemed it his duty a3 a Republican to preserve
his honor and the honor of his State. It should
uot be understood that it was for the sake of
affording relief the question was brought for
ward. No person should be deceived on that
point. When the voice of Georgia 6poke that
was sufficient. 1 he voice of Georgia had spoken
and the matter was placed in their hands. It
rested with them to deal with the proposition,
and it was not necessary for them to call upon
the Congress of the United States to give them
power or liberty to do so.
Mr. Ashbnrn rose to a question of order. The
pos tion was not his. He did not look upon it
in the light of the resolution, but he found so
many were of the opinion that the convention
had not the power of itself without receiving it
from Congress, that he, for the sake of delay ing
further time on the subject, offered the resolm
tion in order that some action might be taken
in regard to it.
Mr. Parrott looked upon it as a virtual ad
mission on the part of the resolution, whether
he (Mr. Ashburn) held it doubtful or not, to i
the Congress of the United States and to the i
people of Georgia, that the convention possess- j
ed no legislative authority. If such an admis
sion went before the country, he wanted to
know where would go their action on that bill,
which, in all probability, Congress would have
taken action on in a few days—in regard to the
provisional governments of the States. They
occupied one of two stand points in that con
vention. They were either working against or
aiding the great Republican party of the nation
10 maintain and the power and inte o7 - I
rity of the Union. If the Republican party
tailed—if its banners were trailed in the dust
down North, down they went also in the South,
down went their constitution, down went the
privileges which the constitution guaranteed to
them. It was all lost—lost beyond redemption.
Mr. Parrott continued at some length, closing
with saying:
He imploredjof them, for the sake of the Con
stitution of the country, not to suspend the
VOL, 27, NO. 4
I ru^e? - Let Congress alone! Let the command
ing general alone, and all w ill be well! If they
were so anxious for relief, all they had to do
was to come up to the work, act upon it, pre
sent it to Congress, ask it to ratify it, which it
would do, and all would go well.
«J. E. Bryart has surprised thnt any person
should object to the resolution. He was in fa
vor of it because he believed it essential to the
vital interests of the State, and he trusted that
action would be taken on it without delay.—
There .was a rumor ou the streets yesterday
that the President had sent an order to Gen.
Meade ordering him to reinstate Gov. Jenkins,
which, though not true, would not by any
means be surprising, since they had reason to
know that the President would not hesitate for
a moment to do such a thing. That rumor
could alone have originated with parties op
posed to the commanding general, and to
everything done by the Congress ofthe United
States, and he was surprised that any person
who belonged to the Republican party should
offer any objection to the measure.
R. H. Whiteley trusted the gentleman from
Richmond would withdraw the” previous oues
tion.
Cries were then made for the yeas and nays.
Dr. Miller said there was but one question
before the house. There were not a rnulti
plieitv of questions, and he thought that at
this stage ofthe proceedings of the convention
it was out of order to call for the previous
question.
J. D. Waddell thought it was simply a piece
of nonsense to talk about the previous ques
tion when there was but one question before
the convention.
The Chair decided that the call for the pre
vious question was in order, provided there
was a one fifth vote in favor it..
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro), who made seve
ral unsuccessful efforts to gain a hearing, said
with some indignation, that the vote had not
been taken by which they could tell whether
there was a sufficient number of votes to jus
tify the call.
A considerable discussion here ensued, iu
which the reporter was at a loss to keep to the
subject, and was finally carried away by the tor
rent.
The yeas and nays were then taken, when the
previous question was sustained,' the vote
standing—yeas, 74; nays, 70.
The question of the suspending of the rules
for the purpose of taking up the previous ques
tion was then taken up aud a dvision called for,
which was carried, the vote being—yeas, 80 ’
nays, 66.
11. M. Turner (negro) wanted to give his rea
sons for asking to be excused from voting,
which was not listened to, and as A. Alpeoria
Bradley (negro) moved that he be excused for
the entire session, said Turner withdrew his re
quest aud voted “ no,” amid a general outburst
of laughter.
Some confusion here took place with regard
to the question which was or ought to be
fore the house, and several members were on
their feet, amongst them prominently stood A.
Alpeoria Bradley (negro), who, with a martyr
like resignation, sat down, finding it utterly
impossible to get iu a word.
The Chair here decided that the call was lost,
it not having been carried by a two-thirds vote,
in accordance yvith Rule 23 of the conven
tion.
J. D. Waddell said that the rule was to begin
on oue day where they left off the day be
fore.
L. N. Trammell followed in the same vein,
saying that if they went back every day to the
beginning ofthe alphabet it would" not come to
the 1 ’s, or the W’s for an indefinite period, and
the rule was to take up the unfinished business
where they left off the previous day.
Benjamin Conley 7 mov’ed that the unfinished
business be taken up each day at the place
where they had stopped the preceding day,
which was carried.
AN ORDINANCE OF FRANCHISE.
C. C. Martin presented the following :
An ordinance on Franchise and other matters
therein contained.
Ist. Re it enacted by the people of Georgia in
convention assembled, That no person shall be
entitled to vote at an electien in this State or
nold an office of profit or honor in the same,
unless lie can read the Bible and the Constilu
non of this State ; provided, that no free person
of color shall be eligible to any office in this
State.
2<l. Intermarriage between white persons and
persons of color is hereby prohibited, and per
sons violating this ordinance, as well as the
minister or officer performing the ceremony of
inairiage, shall be punished by confinement in
separate apartments in the penitentiary for not
less than ten nor more than twenty years, or be
banished to Africa or Liberia on their own ex
pense, at the option ofthe parties.
Ihe above resolution created a general oat
burst ofindignation and many members waxed
exceedingly wrathy. Several attempts were
made while it was being read to prevent it be
ing proceeded with, but to no purpose. Still
ihe felonious ordinance went on, and even the
blushes of A. Alpeoria (negro) had no effect in
squelching the foul missle from the hall.
After a great and prolonged excitement the
document was declared out of order under the
rule and was dismissed, two or three negroes
moving that the gentleman be sent to Liberia
himself.
R - IL Whiteley presented, in behalf of fl. K.
McCoy 7 , an ordinance providing for taxing
debts 25 per cent, per annum on their value. —
Laid over under the rule.
Romulus Moore (negro) presented an ordi
nance regulating the relations of debtor and
creditor.
S. F. Salter introduced a resolution for the
payment of the members of the convention.—
It provides that an order be givefl on the State
Treasury for the sum'Nif *60,000, aud the dis
bursing officer be directed to proceed to Mil
ledgeville to obtain the money and receipt for
the same. It also provided that each member
should receive bis per diem pay and mileage
up the 20th of January, 1868. Laid over.
Several other ordinances aud resolutions
were read and laid over.
"VOTE OF THANKS TO GEN. HANCOCK.
Mr. Waddell offered a resolution to the effect
that all persons, from the highest to the hum
blest citizens of the land, who paid due allegi
ance to the Constitution of the United States
w 7 ere entitled to the respect of the convention’
and that as Maj. Gen. Winfield 8. Hancock’
Commander of the Fifth Military District, had
shown himself to be such a man, and Was there
fore entitled to the thanks of' the convention
for his conduct as Comm <nder of the Filth Mil’
itary District. The people of Louisiana were
happy in having a man, such as Gen. Hancock
is, amongst them.
-Akerman objected to the resolution—it
might be that Gen. Hancock was a very good
officer, and he had no doubt that he was ; but
he knew 7 that while a man might be very com
petent to dispense military law, he might at the
same time not be competent to dispense civil
law. He did not of bijoiseli know enough on
these matters to be able to decide whether Gen.
Hancock was right or not in his conduct in
Louisiana, but there was one thing they *ll
knew, aud that was that the conduct of General
Hancock was now being criticised very keenly
throughout the North, and he would like to
know more of him than he did, before he would
sanction such a resolution. The resolution, af
ter some farther discussion, was put to the vote
and lost —yeas, 13; nays, 123.
Mr. Whitely offered a resolution to the effect
that henceforth all matters or petitions pertain
ing to relief should be handed to the chairman
of the Reliel Committee, and uot introduced
iu the convention.
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro), in his usual an
gry manner, objected to the resolution. He
