iiid not see how any gentleman could dare to
g g the convention, and be would not stand it
himself He would have, after ft while, per
haps, to introduce a resolution praying for re
lief tor one hundred colored persons who
were illegally confined in Savannah jail. If
was'an alarming fact, that while only eight
white persons were detained there, there were
one hundred colored persons there accused of
murder. Those offenses occurred at the time
Sherman parsed through here, and lie could
not see how they were to be tried. They could
not be tried by the Confederate law, and as it
was war times they could not he tried by any
law, and they should he released.
Mr. Gilbert said this was not a court for the
trial of prisoners.
A. Alpcoria Bradley (negro) would not admit
of any argument on this matter, and could not
be prevented from making bis statement.
The matter was referred to the Chair for de
cision, and it was decided that though the gen
tleman was taking a very wide range he was
not out of order.
A. Alpeori 1 Bradley (negro)then proceeded
in a most terrific manner to object to the reso
lution and afterward sat down.
The rules were suspended after some further
discussion and the resolution was laid over.
W. Shropshire, from the Committee on
Finance, presented the following:
Your committee beg leave to report that pre
terinitting any opinion as to the validity of the
constitution of 1865, or the acts of the General
Assembly that existed under and by virtue of
its authority, wc beg leave to recommend the
adoption of the following resolution:
Resolved , That in the opinion of the conven
tion it is unwise and inexpedient to directly or
indirectly interfere with the legislation of the
General Assembly authorizing the issue of
bonds for the p irpose of paying the indebted
ness of the State.
Wesley Shropshire,
Chairman.
The rules in this case weie suspended and
the resolution taken up for action.
B. Conley moved the adoption of the resolu
tion.
Mr. Bedford thought they ought to be caie
ful how they acted in the matter, as they may
have to pay the debts incurred by the State for
war purposes.
After some discussion, a motion was made
to lay the resolution on the table and have
three hundred copies printed, which was lost.
The question of the preamble and resolu
tions was then brought hack and acted upon,
when they weie adopted without division.
!). G. Clotting read a resolution requesting
the commanding general to investigate all pro
ceedings connected with the late elections,
which was unanimously, or nearly so, objected
to, and the question was withd'awn.
J. E. Bryant, from the standing Committee
on Franchise, reported the chapter on the elect
ive franchise. It contained a provision for uni
versal suffrage, except such as were disqualified
by article 14 of the proposed amendment to
the United States Constitution and by tiie laws
of Congress. It also provided lor registra ion.
After some discussion tlie report was laid on
the table, and 500 copies ordered to be print and
for the use of tiro members of the conventh j
J. R. Parrott moved that the rules be sus
pended for the purpose of. taking up Ihe report
from the Committee on Relief, and of making it
a special order for to-morrow.
11. M. Turner (negro) read a resolution to the
effect that no business should lie transacted by
the convention until the constitution was
framed.
A motion to suspend the rules was objected
to and the resolution laid over.
After some further discussion, the conven
tion adjourned.
Wednesday, January 15,1868.
Tho convention opened with prayer—Mr.
Parrott in the chair—the Journal was read.
RELIEF.
G. W. Asbburn moved during the reading
ol' the Journal that the reading of the names of
the members who voted on the preceding day
be dispensed with. Carried.
A. T. Akerman moved a reconsideration of
the action of the convention on the preceding
day in reference to the report of the Finance
Committee. He read the resolution as it ap
peared in the morning pamu\ He character
ized it as a carefully worded one, but it appear
ed to him that it simply contained a promise
on their part that they would abstain from the
matter altogether and not touch it at all. He
thought that if they touched it at all, they
ought to do so with a determination to up
hold the credit of the State. When he moved
an amendment to the resolution on the pro
ceeding day, murmurs of “No, no” ran
through the hall. If there were any persons in
the convention who designed to repudiate the
debt of the Slate, they ought, in His opinion,
to come forward and declare their intentions,
in order that it might be known what was to
be done on so important a question. They
were not asked to recognize any bonds which
were not legally issued, and be thought it was
due to the honor of the State that they should
take immediate and decisive action on so im
portant a question. He therefor© called for
the yeas ami nays on a reconsideration of the
question.
B. Conley begged that the gentleman would
not press the taking of the yeas and nays.
H. 11. Whitely spoke against the motion, and
J. L. Dunning favoring it.
REPORT FROM THE COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION.
J. 11. Caldwell presented a report from the
Committee on Education.
On motion the rules were suspended for the
purpose of taking up the report.
The report referred to the right of Mr. An
derson, ot Houston, to a seat. It is stated that
he was not eligible, from the fact that he was
one of the registrars from the 23d district; that
lie bad served as a manager and made out the
returns which had been sent up.
The question was taken up, and, on motion,
it was ordered that 500 copies be printed for
the use of the convention.
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) stood up with a
paper in liis hand, in which he said lie found
an appeal from Governor Jenkins to the con
vention, on which he was about to offer some
remarks, when he was interrupted by a mem
ber, who had perhaps read it, and told that the
name of the writer was not “Governor” but
“ Guss.”
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) stood corrected
and sat down astonished at his blunder, and
followed by a slight twitter, which was perhaps
intended for a laugh.
TIIB RELIEF QUHSTION RESUMED.
F. B. Bedford counseled care in the matter,
and hoped there was no member of the con
vention who would not be willing to see the
credit of the State of Georgia preserved.
On motion of J. L. Duuning, the question of
reconsideration was laid on the table, there be
ing only 13 nays.
PAYMENT OP MEMBERS.
Philip Martin moved the suspesion of the
rales for the purpose of takiug up a resolution
which he offered. Carried.
The resolution called on the convention to
request General Meade to order the Treasurer
of the State of Georgia to deposit in the hands
of N. L. Anfjier, the disbursing agent, subject
to tbe order of the convention, funds sufficient
to pay all the expenses of the convention, and
that the Secretary furnish General Meade at
once with a copy of the resolution.
W. F. Edwards moved that tbe sum of ?100,-
000 be inserted in the resolution, which caused
some laughter.
Janies D. Waddall offered a substitute to the
resolution, which he withdrew upon a motion
by J. E. Bryant to table.
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) stood up with a
resolution in his hand, and, looking quite dig
nified, said: I would like to offer a resolution,
and ask for the suspension of the rales. In
consequence of a great deal of suffering now
going on, and particularly among the colored
people of this State, and in violation of the
order of the commanding officer of the United
States, No. 83, Gsnsral Pope had so much of
that order printed at applies to the soldiers and
officers, bnt more than one-half of what refers
to the suffering of the people, and particularly
the eolored people, he has left unnoticed, and
left us to be punished in a most inhuman man-
Commonwealth, and, there
fore, I would ask that this be read.
Chairman—The proper way is to move to
suspend the roles.
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro)—l want to have
it read.
Chairman—lt will not he in order unless you
move a suspension of the rules.
A. Alpcoria Bradley (negro) Ido that. Yes,
that is what I want, and I would like to have
the order of General Grant read.
Chairman —That is not id older.
A Alpcoria Bradley (negro)—But that is part
of my argument.
Chairman—The Secretary cannot read your
argument.
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro)—l would say
there is nothing more common than for a gen
tleman to send up his paper to be read in the
House of Congress. {Laughter.] There are
three soldiers in jail in the State of »-outh Ca
rolina. They are detained there on a charge of
murder. The officer is in this city now who
gave hem the arms and told them to shoot the
parties if they troubled them, and they were
not arrested until after the military went away,
and when there was no civil law neither in
South Carolina and Georgia. There is a woman
there who the jailor gave three hundred lashes
to, as she says, because she made too much
noise, and because she did not do every thing
they wanted her to do. The jailor got out o
that scrape by coming here and telling General
Pope: by stating she was insane, and it wason
that account they were set free and the worn n
detained in jail on a simple cbaige of assault
and battery and in my judgment she is as sane
as any person in this house. There are four
that I want released. There is a man named
James Wallace who has been put in jail and de
nied hail by hie honor the Mayor. He is not
allowed to Vivo bail or bonds eontr, r j ,„ the
laws of the United States and of the State of
Georgia, and this order from General Giant is
that relief shall be given in such cases I have
laid this matter bed ore General Saxon, and he
told me to go to the commanding general with
out delay. , .
He (A Alpeoria Bradley, negro,) went on in
a very animated manner to revert to a case
which came nearer to himself. It occurred in
Savannah, and was the case with which the
public are already familiar, as the one in which
he threatened to shoot the editor of the Savan
nah Republican. He depicted the affair with
yreat vehemence— almost became poetic on the
subject of his grievances on the occasion. He
had been threatened by the editor of the R pub
lican. whereupon he put his hand in his bosom
and said, “ shoot away.” This was all he had
done. He never attempted to shoot. Oh, no !
It was the other party who was to blame, and
yet, lo and behold, for merely uttering these
words he was put into prison. What mon
strously absurd people they are in Savannah,
and what a terrible man is that Mayor who
would not even allow him out on bail, although
the sum of $20,000 was offered for “ my bonds
for one night.” These words were uttered with
a terrihle'air, which assumed somewhat of the
demoniac as he proceeded. He then said in a
milder hut not less disgusting tone, 11 I wish
ihe commanding general to take notice of
these things : he is bound to protect person and
property.” For this assault he (meaning the
Mayor of Savannah) refused to take bond from
him (Alpeoria) in short, save Alpeoria, he
(meaning the Mayor again) paid no more atten
tion to my appeals than he would it I had been
a dog barking before him. Alpeoria looked
around with a sad countenance as if imploring
sympathy, but the brethren did not shed one
compassionate tear. He however ventured to
the charge with an evident degree of delight,
and said : “ 1 am much more competent to take
care of myself than thousands of colored per
sons, and if 1 am treated so how is it to be with
those who are not, by those monsters in human
form.” (While uttering this last sentence his
whole countenance assumed a frightful expres
sion, partaking more of the supernatural than
anything we have seen for many years, and led
us to suppose, in a moment of forgetfulness,
that we had before us a certain individual from
a certain clime.)
The motion to suspend the rules was then
put to the vote and carried, and the resolution
taken up and adopted, which was sympathy
enough for A. Alpeoria Bradley, (negro.)
The following is a literal copy of the resolu
tion as written by Alpeoria, and is given to the
public in order that they may understand whit
kind of legislation is to come from such a
source:
Resolve, That the Delegates of The People
of Georgia, in Convention assembled do re
quest The Major General in Command to have
examined all the Jail and other prisons, and
have released There from all persons, unlawful
ly deprived of Their liberties: And all persons
tried ex party; in violation of the Constitu
tion and laws of the United States, and The
State of Georgia.
L. N. Trammell presented a report from the
Committee on Privileges and Elections.
On motion the reading of the report was dis
pensed with.
BILL OF RIGHTS.
The constitution and preamble of the Bill of
Rights was next taken up, and on motion it
was agreed to revise the preamble separately
and it was taken up for consideration.
It was also agreed to act on the report section
by section, when the House went into a com
mittee of the whole.
Several amendments and substitutes were of
fered to the said preamble, and a great amount
of discussion ensued, in which religion and the
love of God were the ] revailing features. Sev
eral members thought it wrong to have a con
stitution framed, the preamble to which did
not say oue word about God or bis goodness.
This was more than such high Christian feel
ings could brook, aud they accordingly burst
out in lengthened streams of indignation. —
Others were of opinion that introducing re
ligion would give it somewhat of a sectional
character, and that the convention would, of
course, disdain anything that smacked of sec
tionalism, because, as the whole world knows,
they are not prone to sectionalism. The fol
lowing is the preamble referred to :
PREAMBLE.
We, the representatives of the people of the
State, of Georgia, in convention assembled, to
secure to all eitizeus thereof the enjoyment of
life, liberty and property, and of pursuing hap
piness, do ordain and establish this constitution
for its government.
J. D. Waddell, among the many substitutes
and amendments, offered the preamble of the
constitution of 1865.
Mr. Bell proposed an amendment to insert
after the word “ happiness ” the words “ in
voking the favor and guidance of Almighty
God,” which was lost with the other substi
tutes and amendments, aud that ol J. D. Wad
dell, after long discussion, adopted.
W. L. Clift moved that the report be amend
ed by the adoption ot the caption in such a
way that the word “preamble ” might precede
tbe preamble adopted, and so that the words
“ Constitution of the State ot Georgia” might
follow the preamble, which was, after some dis
cussion, adopted.
The committee of the whole, into which the
house hud gone, upon taking up the bill of
rights, now proceeded to revise the declarations
of rights therein contained.
R. H. Whiteley and E. J. Higbee offered sub
stitutes tor the first and second sections.
A long diseussiou ensued, in which the usual
amount of declamation was indulged in, and
the result was that both substitutes were tabled.
A. T. Akerman moved that the report be
amended by adopting instead of sections 1 aud
2 the following (which he read), and accom
panied with some telling and argumentative re
marks :
Sec. 1. Protection to person and property is
the paramount duty of government and shall
be impartial and complete.
This, after considerable discussion, was
agreed to.
J. E. Bryant read a substitute to section 2, to
the effect: “ That all persons in this State, born
in the United States, or naturalized, or who
shall legally have declared their intention to
become citizens of the United States, are here
by declared citizens of Georgia, possessing
equal civil and political rights and public privi
leges.”
The substitute was ordered to be laid on the
table and printed.
The third section, which runs thus: “No
person shall be deprived of lif«, liberty or pro
perty except by due prcceee of law,” wae adopt
ed without any change.
B. Conley moved an amendment to the fourth
section, so as that it should read: M There shall
be no imprisonment for debt,” and striking
out the words, “ except for fraud, or when the
debtor resideefbeyond the limits of the State,
or is about to remove therefrom.”
C. D. Davis aud A. T. Akerman, in somewhat
lengthy remarks, opposed the amendment.—
They expatiated upon the laws of the State and
the evil results which might follow such a law,
inasmuch as evil disposed men but too often
take advantage of such loose legislation to de
fraud honest creditors.
j e Blount favored the amendment because
he considered it would protect the poor and
honest debtor from the intiigues of lawyers,
and the snares which technicalities were sure
to throw around him. He knew enough of the
chicanery of the law to know that many a time
bad a poor honest man been thrown into pri
son and kept there until election time, when
the candidate would perhaps, m order to get
his vote, go and pay the bill He wanted some
protection for the poor and hones man, but
he was not there to defend fraud on the part of
Crane spoke at some length in favor of
the original section. He did not know that
there was a single technicality in jail, and never
knew of one to be there. [Laughter.] He was
for prot cting the honest creditor against the
deceptions which were but too often practiced
U \y l Clift moved an amendment by striking
out the words “ except for fraud or so that
the section might read, “There shall be no im
prisonment for debt where the debtor resides
beyond the limits of the State or is about to
remove therefrom.” . . ,
J. E. Bryant spoke m favor of the original
amendment. ,
W. L. Crane addressed the house again on
the subject, with some force, and expressed
himself in favor of the origiual section.
J. D. Waddell moved that the committee ot
the " whole rise and report, which was unani
mously agreed to, and the committee reported
accordingly.
T. G. Campbell (negro), when the conven
tion was about to adjourn, moved that the rules
be suspended, which was agreed to. He then
offered a resolution to the effect that a copy of
A. Alpeoria Bradley’s (negro) resolution in
reference to the prisons and those detained in
them be Iran smittedjmmediately to the com
manding general. Carried.
The convention then adjourned to 10, a. m.,
next day.
* Thursday, Jannaiy 16tb, 1868.
The convention opened this morning in the
usual way.
The Journal was read.
A. T. Akerman asked for leave of absence
on account of necessary and unavoidable busi
ness. Granted.
Leave of absence was also granted for two
sick members.
E. L. Higbee presented a report from the
Committee on Enrollment.
H. V. M. Miller handed in a report from the
Committee on Militia, which included all male
citizens of the State of Georgia between the
ages of eighteeu and forty-five years, and as
such, subject to military law, which specified
that they should be equipped according to
law, subject to the authority of Congress. It
also specified that no person conscientiously
opposed to bearing arms should be compelled
to do so, but they should pay an equivalent for
exemption, the amount to be prescribed by
law and appropriated to the common school
fund.
J. L. Dunning moved that a committee of
five be appointed on miscellaneous matters,
and on suggestion of a member the words “per
taining to the Constitution” were added.
BILL OF RIGHTS.
The discussion of the 4th section of the Bill
of Rights was taken up, pursuant to adjourn
ment, and W. T. Crane resumed his argument
He proceeded to say that he was in favor of
a just code of laws being framed which would
do justice to all parties, and to all the citizens
of the State of Georgia. It appeared to him
that the discussion on this subject was drifting
altogether in one direction, and that was that it
was proposed to protect, altogether,the debtor,
while all sight wasi lost of the honest creditor
It was said that it was a very bard matter to
imprison an lioaest man lor debt, but such was
not the object of the section. That section
would have no terrors for the honest man who
was willing to pay what he honestly owed. It
would never interfere with him ; but its great
object was to reach the dishonest man and the
swindler, and to protect the honest creditor
from imposition. He was not there to uphold
any bill that would tend to thwart the ends of
justice, but was of opinion that if' any portion
of the section was stricken it would result in
injury to the honest and well meaning creditor.
It was proposed to strike out all of the section
after the words “ except for debt,” but he be
lieved the bill was not intended to deprive the
honest poor man of any of his rights any more
than it did the rich man ; it only proposed to
give the creditor the right to defend himself
against the thieves and the swindlers.
GEMS OF ELOQUENCE—AFRICA SPEAKS A PIECE.
M. H. Bentley (negro) was on his feet and
the Chair said the “gentleman had the floor,”
and he proceeded to speak.
He commenced by hoping the reporter would
not take it down wrong, as he did yesterday,
and so the reporter is very careful now, and
must necessarily be in the future, after this re
buke.
“ Now, gcntlemeiL I want to know from you,
where is all tbe honest men of Georgia gone
to ? that’s what 1 want to know now. I want
to know from you what became of them ; that’s
the question. I think this is the best thing you
can do for the honest man. Why, gentlemen,
in tbe place where I live the Jews sell poor col
ored men clothes for fifteen dollars that is not
worth five. Yes, that’s what he does. It is
found out and the Jew goes to the judge and
gives him a couple o’ dollars and he gives the
bailiff about a dollar and a half and that’s all
that’s ever said about it.”
It would be impossible to do this individual
justice by attempting to report verbatim what
neither himself nor any body else understood ;
besides, the reporter could uot catch enough of
his language audibly to know what he was
driving at. It will suffice, perhaps, to say, that
if he reported him wrong yesterday, when he
did not at all, he is doing here an act of
clemency now, by concealing his uufortunate
ignorance and assurance from the world.
A RICH SCENE.
R. Cromley (negro) the Cattalineof the most
potent, grave, and reverend ceniors, was the
next orator, and such an individual, and such
an oratory ! it is vain to attempt to describe
the oratorical powers of this sable geniu*. He
was one moment in the pulpit, anotherjn the
prison, (where rumor whispered he ought to
be iu reality,) and another moment legislating
for a nation. Shades of Webster, of Clay, of
Madison, of Calhoun, and others, whither have
ye fled? Will ye never more revisit the land
ye loved so well, and inspire your degenerate
successors with that pure and undying patrio
tism that once pervaded the breasts of Ameri
cans ?
Let the public take a specimen of what our
legislators can do.
“ I want,” said the negro, “ the gentlemen of
the convention to understand here, this morn
ing, that the whole inhabitants of the State of
Georgia are my people.” Aye, that is the ex
pression. “My people,” (irrespective of race
or color,) “ and I think I know something
about human nature, and I am satisfied that
every sensible man in the convention knows
what human nature is.” (Laughter.]
Here the distinguished orator was interrupt
ed by the preceding brother, who took occasion
to ask him : “ Were you never a driver on a
plantation ?” Whereupon said Cromley, rais
ing himself up in his dignity, replied : “ Thank
you, sir, I have always beeu above driver on a
plantation.” That passed off very well, for the
indignant preacher (for such he is) whose pride
in the moment of victory was but, alas, too
soon to be humbled by a brother of the white
species. He, Cromley, was in the act of saying
that every man who did not pay his honest
debts ought to be sent to jail. Now this would
indicate a good sound principle on hi 6 part,
but he evidently bad forgotten that those who
“ live in glasshouses should not throw stones,”
for C. C. Richardson atood up on the moment
and put unto him the pertinent question :
“At the time you were coming here wes
there not e bail warrant taken out against you
because they thought you were about to leave
the State ?”
Foor Cromley reeled but a moment beneath
the weight of this last assault, but he did net
flinch for a moment. On tbe contrary, he eeme
up to his work with renewed energy, for this
was not a time to quail, and eaid:
“ Well, 1 will reply to that. It is very trne,
your honor, I was owing a little money, aud
the man had a right to collect it, and if I did
not pay it he had a right to send me to jail.”
“ There is,” said he, “ a great channel opened
up by this amendment for thieves and scoun
drels", both black and white, and I tell you in
this convention to-day, that the whole State of
Georgia is corrupt. [Laughter.] The white
man takes every advantage he can of the poor
negro, and I tell you another thing, and 1 want
you all to understand me, too, that there is not
a colored man in the house who has done more
for this convention than I.”
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) in a low tone.
“ He lies.”
Croraley continued —“ It is as creditable to
pay a Dutchman as an Englishman, and I am
satisfied the man that would not pay a Dutch
man would not pay me.” [Laughter.]
While he was thus discoursing, another col
ored brother, named Joiner, stood up and said:
“ If every man that does not pay his debts
should be sent to jail, you ought to be sent
there too.” [Loud laughter.J
Cromley again proceeded. “ Well, I will tell
you I have heard a good deal of speaking here
to-day. I want you to give me seme water here
little boy.” [Laughter.] On he went again.
“ Well, God Almighty help this convention, if
there is to be no imprisonment for debt.”
[Continued laughter, and cries of “ silence and
order ” from the Chair.]
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) came up at last.
He could stand it no longer, and as he is usually
finding fault with everything done by the Presi
dent, or whoever occupies the Chair, he thought
it high time that he should rise to a point of
order.
The Chairman said he was out of order,
whereupon he sat down, saying: “He can go
on now, we have no rules.”
Cromley again speaks. “ I want these gentle
men to understand that while I am on the floor
I know what I am talking about. [Laughter.]
And I say to you that if you accept this amend
ment you will be confirming the words of Ben.
Hill, and all them persons that speak about this
convention and sav it is composed of thieves
and blackguards. [Prolonged laughter and some
confusion, with cries of “ order, order,” from
the Chair. J
Bradley (negro) arose once more and said,
with a most offensive insinuation towards the
Chair:
“I want to ask the gentleman (the speaker),
as wc have no rules, will the Cretans probably
succeed against the Turks?” [Laughter.]
Chairman —That is not in order.
Bradley (negro), “By what rule do you call
me out (if order ?”
Chairman—“ By such rules as we have them
here.”
Some confusion here ensued, in which Brad
ley (negro) took a leading part, and was told
by the Chair that Cromley (negro) find the
floor.
Here and there colored delegates asked a
question w T hieh we could not understand.
He was yielded the floor by Cromley, who
was about'to resume, when Bradly (negro) arose
to a point of order, saying the speaker had
yielded the floor, and he wanted to know if he
(the speaker) could address them again.
Chairman—The gentleman has the floor.
‘ Cromley (negro) proceeded in the most vehe
ment and excited manner. “And I’ll tell you
what’s more, gentlemen, whenever you hear of
me going to jail it will be because 1 have a right
to go there.”
Bradley, (negro) hear! hear ! [Laughter.]
At this stage of the proceedings several mem
bers tried to"put a stop to brother Cromley’s
effusions, but in vain. Some moved to ad
journ ; some cried out question ; but they were
met by the cool reply from Cromley—“ I tell
you I wont yield any more until I get through.”
Soon after, however, finding that the excite-,
ment and confusion were on the increase, he
said, “well, I will stop,” and sat down.
No sooner had Cromley sank “from our
gaze,” than A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) made
bis appearance. His countenance actually glis
tened with rage and disappointment. He look
ed to where the negro who had last spoken sat,
and scowled with such a fiendish expression of
features (if they might be so called) as left but
little hope for the feelings of the unfortunate
wretch. If it would not be profane to apply
poetry to such an impersonation of ignorance
and audacity, well might the words of Byron
be introduced :
“ And where his frown of hatred darkly fell,
Hope, with’rifig, fled, and mercy sighed farewell.”
All eyes were turned at once on the object of
his vindictiveness, aucl while ail were prepared
to hear something rich, he commenced by say
ing that “he would first proceed with his re
marks on the subject under discussion, and for
fear his feelings might overcome him too soon,
and then come to his friend at the close. He
spoke of the law ot the different States and of
the United States, and he went on to show the
absurdity of imprisoning poor men for debt,
and when he had reasoned with that great lo
gic so peculiar to himselt upon the matters
touching the question at issue, and satisfied
himself, if nobody else, that he was what is
commonly called now-a-days a “great common
er,” he faced his man. Then occurred a scene
which it would be difficult to portray. He
smiled and sneered, and it would be difficult to
say which was the more unearthly of the two.
He lashed Cromley with a vengeance. He
spoke about some person who had stolen some
chickens from a man’s premises. When spo
ken to on the subject, said he would not do so
again, and the next night was at the same work
as fresh as ever. Wko'this was intended to ap
ply to there could be but little doubt, and his
language, though low and scurrilous, had one
redeeming feature, which was, that it left no
mystery in the minds of his hearers.
It is to be regretted that we cannot follow
him, word tor word, so as that the world might
be able to judge for itself ot the state to which
the people of the South are reduced. He was
very mad, very mad indeed, about the manner
iu which he was treated by the newspapers, and
he could not help feeling very indignant at be
ing called a “ Massachusetts imported nigger,”
when the tact was, he was a native of South
Carolina. The newspapers took great delight
iu misrepresenting him. They made him say
dls, dat, and t’other, and yet he could not see
why they should so ill use him. Poor, outrag
ed A. Alpeoria Bradley! (negro.)
Members Bhermau, Richardson, Bedford, and
Whitely favored the amendment, and spoke at
some length on the outrages which were sure
to result to the poor man from its rejection.—
They denounced the orignal section as placing
the debtor altogether at the mercy of rich cre
ditors, and trusted the amendment would be
accepted by the convention. The cause of
humanity demanded it, and all other States that
had rejected arrest for debts had flourished
very well.
J. E. Bryant also favored the amendment in a
brief address.
L. N. Trammell moved that the entire section
be stricken, as he had grown tired of the dis
cussion. The motion was lost.
Mr. Akerman then addreesed the committee,
aud showed the statements of preceding
speakers to the effect that the constitutions of
the loyal States forbid imprisonment for debt
were incorrect. He read from the constitu
tions of six or seven Northern States provisions
similar to that in the old Constitution of Geor
gia, which allowed a fraudulent or absconding
debtor to be imprisoned. He exposed Brad
ley’s misrepresentations of the law of Georgia,
and said that if there was oppression in Savan
nah, the fault was not in the law, but in the
administration of it.
Referring to the arrest of Georgians for debt
in New York, he asked why should not Georgia
creditors have the same remedy against New
York debtors when found here? Bradley,
(negro) interrupted with the answer, “Because
the New Yorkers put down the rebellion in
Georgia.” To which Mr. A. responded by
quoting the Constitution of the United States
on the subject of the equal rights of the citizens
of the several States. He pressed this argument
with so much effect that even the noisy Bradley
was silenced for the time.
He replied to Mr. Whiteley’s argument that
Texas had abolished imprisonment for debt in
her constitution, reminding his hearers that
when Texas mad* her constitution she was the
asylum of *ll th* outlaws of the continent, and
that such a rule was very naturally adopted by
such a peopl*.
The old rul* worked well in the country por
tion of th* State, and thi* embraced nine-tenths
of h*r population. A good rule ought not to
be sat aside for occasional abuses.
Tha quwrtion of th* proposition to strike out
next cam* in order, and th* votes counted
standing. Thaj atood ayae, 70; nays, 43.
Th* fourth saction aa amandad was then read
as follows:
“ There shall be no imprisonment for debt.”
Adopted.
The discussion of this question created con
siderable anxiety among the parties on either
side, and its close seemed to give relief even to
those who were defeated.
The Committee of the Whole, into which the
house had resolved itself in the morning, now
rose and reported progress.
Th£ convention then adjourned to 10, a. m.,
next day.
Friday, January 17.
The convention opened with prayer—Mr.
Parrott in the chair.
The Journal was read.
H. V. M. Miller moved that the rules be sus
pended in order that the report ot the Commit
tee ou Militia be taken for action and the usual
number printed.
The rules were suspended and the motion to
print adopted.
GENERAL MEADE.
M. A. Potts handed in a resolution, which
was read, as follows :
Resolved , That this convention do unani
mously tender their thanks to Gen. Meade,
military commander of the district, for the
course he is pursuing in regard to reconstruc
tion.
John Harris thought the motion was rather
in advance. He agreed in part with it, but he
did not believe that he should remove persons
from civil State offices and fill those offices
with military men in every case. He moved
that the motion lay on the table for the pres
ent.
A. T. Akerman moved that the words “ has
pursued ” instead of “ is pursuing ” be substi
tuted.
The substitute was accepted and the rules
suspended.
The resolution w r as then put to the house aud
carried—the following-, with a few others, voting
“no” in every case: Foster, of Paulding,
Fields, Martin, of Carroll, Gore, Waddell, Har
rison, of Carroll, Burnett, Harris, of Newton,
Griffin, Hooks, Christian, Holcombe, Martin,
of Calhoun, and Hudson.
THE BILL OF RIGHTS.
B. Conley moved that the house resolve itsell
into committee of the wfiiole, for the purpose of
taking up the bill of rights.
I. Seeley offered a resolution to the efleet that
no member addressing the committee should
occupy a longer time than ten minutes ou any
one question, unless by a vote of the majority
ot the committee. It was sometimes the course
when the House of Representatives of the
United States resolved itself into a committee
of the whole to limit speakers to five minutes,
and he thought that this body ought to be sat
isfied with ten.
A. T. Akerman was opposed to the resolution.
He was opposed to the right of discussion be
ing stifled.
J. E. Blount was also opposed to the gagging
of members when questions of so grave a char
acter were up for discussion, and thought such
an idea was an outrage.
The motion was withdrawn.
J. R. Parrott moved that as they had no rules
to govern Them, they adopt the rules by which
the House of Representatives of the United
States were governed in committee of the whole,
except that limiting debate.
I. Seeley moved to strike out the word “ ex
cept.”
The question limiting debate was put and
lost.
A division was called for, but the call was
suppressed immediately upon A. Alpeoria
Bradley (negro) standing up and, in a half
sneering manner, saying, “ Not at all —it is uot
seriously necessary.”
The motion was then put and carried, and the
rules of Congress adopted.
FIFTH SECTION OF THE CONSTITUTION.
The consideration of this section was taken
up.
R. H. Whitely moved that the fifth section be
struck out as he thought that the matter pro
perly belonged to a legislative body.
G. W. Asbburn moved that the section be
adopted. The section read ns follows: “Tbe
punishment of all frauds shall be provided bv
law.”
J. L. Dunning moved that it lie amended by
inserting after the word “ provided ” the word
“ for,” which he withdrew after some discuss
ion.
The question was then put to the house and
adopted, aud the
SIXTH SECTION
Was taken up, which reads as follows:
“ The writ of habes corpus shall not be sus
pended unless in case of rebellion the public
safety may require it.” t
G. W. Asbburn moved the adoption of this
section.
Madison Bell moved an amendment by in
serting after the word “ rebellion” the words
“ or invasion.”
G. W. Ashburn accepted the amendment.
Tbe amendment was put and carried.
The yeas and nays were then taken on tbe
section ns amended, and it was carried.
SEVENTH SECTION.
G. W. Ashburn moved the adoption of the
seventh section.
E. L. Higbee moved an addition to the sec
tion, making it read as follows :
“ But the General Assembly may. pass laws to
prevent persons from carring coucealed weap
ons.”
Madison Bell moved an amendment by in
serting at ihe end the words “But the sticret
carrying of deadly weapons shall be prohibited
by law.”
Several members spoke on the question.
D. C. Cotting moved the following amend
ment :
“ But this provision shall not be construed
as permitting the practice of earning concealed
deadly weapons.” Lost.
Madison Bell proposed an amendment as fol
lows: “To insert at the ends the words ‘the
secret carrying of deadly weapons are prohibit
ed by law.’ ”
The amendment was favored by L. L. Stan
ford and J. S. Bigbee in cogent and forcible
terms. Lost.
L. L. Stanford offered the following amend
ment : “ Carrying deadly concealed weapons
shall be prohibited by law.”
J. E. Blount spoke at some length on the
subject and in favor of the last amendment. —
He could see no other way of striking at the
root of the evil or prevent the carrying of con
cealed deadly weapons. He gave some strik
ing evidences of crime which had come under
his observation, and referred to the fact of the
blacks carrying arms, and said he had always
forbidden them to do so. He had never car
ried a deadly weapon in his life, and he would
never do so. He thought it was the surest
evidence that a man wanted to hurt somebody
when he carried concealed weapons, and the
man who had right and justice on his side, and
meant to keep the peace, had no need for them.
It was only the coward and the ruffian that car
ried arms, and such should be held amenable
to the law.
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) up again, said :
“ Will the gentleman allow me to ask a ques
tion ?”
J. E. Blount (coldly, and somewhat aggrava
ted at the untiring thirst for interruption ex
hibited by Bradley,) replied : “ Yes, go on.”—
Alpeoria smiled—as much as to say, “ well,
don’t get mad, because I don’t care one fig for
you.” J. E. Blount—“ Go on with the ques
tion quick—l’m in a hurry.”
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro)—“ What would
you think if a judge was to give a man permis
sion to carry arms when he knew it was in
self-defense ?”
“jPut him in jail,” said the speaker; “put
him out of office.” And now, said he, very
excitedly, and pulling up his sleeves, let me
alone; I want to unravel this whole matter ; I
want to turn it inside out and unwind it. He
then proceeded, at great length and with great
vehemence, to dilate upon the benefit* that
were likely to flow, from the adoption of the
amendment, to the country and to eociety; and
he concluded by expressing a hope that the
convention would adopt it.
A. W. Holeombe said he thought it was a
most extraordinary proceeding tor men who
had come here to restore order and harmonize
all classes in the State, to make it necessary
that every eitiaen in the State of Georgia should
arm himself to defend his life and protect him
self from every man he met on the road. In
stead of giving a license to wicked and evil
disposed persons, they should do everything iu
their power to restrain the passions and calm
down the prejudices of men. This was a posi
tion to which none could object, and if, instead
of doing this, they made laws which fostered
crime and riot in the land, posterity would
have reason to look back to them with censure,
aud the manifold outrages to which, in our
own times, they gave rise, would bring dis
grace and dissension in their midst. It ap
peared to him as if most of the gentlemen
thought of nothing but the arming of the ne
groes, and were forgetful of the evil passions
which such a course might lead to; but, for
himself, he could only say to them, do as be
comes men who are assembled to make import
ant laws to restrain crime. Take out of the
hands of every one the weapon by which
crimes may be committed, aud, by doing t is,
they would bring down upon them the bles.
iugs and the respect of mankind in general.
A. ALPEORIA BRADLEY.
Up again, spoke of the efforts of some per
sons to give the white men the privilege of go
ing up to every poor colored man they met ou
the road, taking a hold of him, and searching
him for arms. He wanted colored man to
have the right to carry about with him a moans
of defense.
T. G. Campbell, another negro, made a speech
on the question, and we do not hesitate to say
that it there was nothing iu the speech there
was at least iu his actions and bearing a visible
respect for those around him.
The rules were suspended for the purpose of
taking up the amendment of A. T. Akerman,
and alter counting the votes on the amendment
it was found they stood —ayes, 59; nays, 59.
The Chairman having the deciding vote he
decided in the affirmative, and the amendment
was declared carried.
The vote was next taken on the section as
amended.- A division was called for when the
votes stood—yeas, 76 ; nays, 57, aud the section
was declared carried.
The following is the amended section :
A well regulated militia being necessary to
the security of a free people, the right of the
people to keep and bear arms shall not be in
fringed, but the General Assembly shall have
power to prescribe by law the manner in w'hich
arms shall be borne by private persons.
J. E. Bryant moved that the committee of the
whole rise, report progress, and ask leave to sit
agaiu. Carried.
C. H. Prince moved that when the conven
tion adjourned u would do so to meet again ou
Monday, at 10 o’clock. Lost.
A report from the Committe on Printing was
handed in and the rules suspended.
The report stated that the committee had en
gaged the services of three phonographic re
porters, who would probably be prepared to
enter on their duties on Monday next. The
committee recommended that reports of the
proceedings of the convention be furnished
daily to the Opinion and New Era newspapers,
but said not one word about the Intelligencer.
This is really poor gratitude for all our atten
tions to them.
On motion of J. Bryant, the rules were sn
pended lor the purpose of taking up the fol
lowing resolution, offered some days ago, by
Mr. Bell, of Banks :
Resolved , That there be incorporated in the
constitution a clause requiring the General As
sembly to foster important works of internal
improvements, particularly the Air Line Rail
road, by aid from the Treasury or the credit of
ihe State.
On motion of J. E. Bryant ,the resolution was
referred to the Committee on Corporations.
The convention then adjourned to 10, tv m.,
next day.
[From the Charleston Mercury
A Carolina “Loyalist.”
F. J. Moses, Jr., a young lawyer, a na
tive of Sumter, and son of Judge Moses.
Delegate No. 4 was private secretary to
Governor Pickens, and was in accord with
the secession furore of the Pickens admin
istration; retains, as a momento of the
times, the desk on which he wrote the or
der to fire on the Star of the West; survey
ed in delight, from the Governor’s head
quarters, the bombardment and reduction
of Fort Sumter by Beauregard, and after
the fight was over, and the fort evacuated
by the brave Major Anderson and his com
mand, on Monday, F. J. Moses, Jr., claim
ed the honor, as Governor’s aid, of raising
the Palmetto flag over tiic ramparts, which
was duly chronicled in the gazettes of the
day. He subsequently was enrolling officer
for Williamsburg District, and then for
Edgefield District, and aided the “ rebel
lion” in every way except in the light.—
Since the war ended lie lias discovered that
he was always opposed to it, and while ed
iting for some months the Sumter News , he
changed base so suddenly in favor of the
Radicals that the patrons of that paper
withdrew in disgust, and lie was dismissed.
Iu his valedictory he declared: “I am not
now, and never have been, a Radical, in the
common acceptation of that term,” and
was at that time a member of the negro
Union League at Sumter, and in accord
with Wliittemore, Bowen, Wright & Co.—
His speeches in the convention will no
doubt be rendered doubly brilliant by the
vivid recollections of the past, which the
“ City by the Sea ” and the crumbled walls
of old Sumter must inevitably revive; and
it ought to afford him peculiar satisfaction
to unite with his present noble associates
in voting to disfranchise Governor Pickens
and the other utibought and untainted
white men of the State.
[official. |
Headq’rs, Third Military District, p
{Dept. Georgia , Florida and Alabama,) >
Atlanta, Ga., January 17,1868. )
General Orders, )
No. 11. 5
I. —John T. Burns, Comptroller of the State
of Georgia, having declined to respect the in
tructicns of, and failed to co-operate with the
Major General Commanding the Third Military
District, is hereby removed from office.
11. Captain Charles Wheaton, 33d Infantry
IT. S. Army, i3 hereby detailed for duty in the
District of Georgia as Comptroller of the State
of Georgia. He will repair without delay to
Milledgeville, Georgia and enter upon the dis
charge ol the duties devolving upon him, sub
ject to instructions from these Headquarters.
By order of Major General Meade.
R. C. Drum, A. A. G.
Sumter Superior Court. —Adjourned term
of the Superior Court, for this county, is now
being held in Americus. Among other busi
ness of importance is the re-trial of the negroes
concerned in the killing of Judge Horne, last
cummer. On appeal ol the case to the Su
preme Court, that tribunal granted anew trial,
on the ground, we believe, that the accused had
the right, each, to a separate trial.
On yesterday a jury was empanelled and the
case of Edmund was entered upon and wit
nesses examined. Judge Lyon and Judge
Scarborough, being assigned to the defense,
and Hawkins and McCay and the Solicitor Gen
eral for the prosecution. Late in the evening
the case was submitted to the jury and the ver
dict of murder in the first degree was return
ed. — Citizen.
Certainties.—He who cannot find time to
consult his Bible, will find one day that he has
time to be sick ; he who has no time to pray,
must find time to die ; he who can not find time
to reflect, is most likely to find time to sin ; he
who cannot find time for repentance, will find
an eternity in which repentance will be of no
avail.
Fire in Friendship.—We understand that
a destructive fire occurred in the village of
Friendship on Sunday afternoon last, by which
Messrs. Wadsworth and Btatham, merchants,
lost some seven thousand dollars, in money
and goods. During the absence of these gen
tlemen, the store was set on fire by some vile
incendiary, probably to cover up a previous
roobery.— Sumter Citizen.
