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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 29, 1868)
ehc Wcddn BY STOCKTON -& CO. OUR TERMS. . .. !■ ■'. ' The following are the rates of Subscription: Daily, one year $lO 00 Wkkkly, one year. $3 00 [Freni the Metropolitan Record. The Lightning Steed. Our friend and contributin'from Oeoigl i, whom we are happy >o introduce to the Portfolio circle, brings, as a p ussport, the following spirited p Bill. As.our readers will perceive at ot.ee, “ S.” 's but the medium of tran-miiting it to the AVeord, for Jt is autobio gra ihic, and comes direct from the Electric Tele graph ei«i Augusta. Let no captious clitic find fault witu it because seif-la d .toiy, when it is true to the letter, n >r cavil with the w nt of generosity evinced in its sti:ring ref-ren et > “Old Steam.” Old Steam before now has snor-.i d forth contemptuous ailusio: s to race horses and Arab stee is, and never paused i lest he might bu t the tee.ings of some too sensi tive Hounyhym. Wry, then, should he be treated | will more*consideration i “We pause lor a reply" . The lover who modestly petitioned the gods “to an- ‘ nihiiate both time and space' or his especial benefit, would be forced to acknowledge that in the Electric- Telegraph his prayer was ail but granted, and Puck, | were he living now, weald find hi- occupation gone. — What marvel that the wondrous fluid should sound I its own praises, or that its emantaensis should ex claim : “ Hurrah 1 hurrah! for the Lightning Steed.” THS KLECTBIC TELEGRAPH. I'm the Lightning Steed—l go like a flash 1 On my tiny path ot wire, My wiu.l is good and my pace is fleet, And my legs do never tire. I need no postilli. n t > guide me right, Or to urg me la ter along. For I a ways go at the top of my speed, And I never was known to go wrong. No weather can stop my traveling, Neither r in n >r trost nor sn -w; Only keep my road in . rder good, . And I’m always ready to go. I never refuse wh u order--.1 t o start, And I never s op’> y the w ay ; In the darkest night i hurry along As fast as I go in the day. No shoes, no harne-s, no bridle r rein, No Farrier’s ski l e.- . I, Some copu r and a-i I for tood and drink, Do all my wants supply. Old Steam is a str-mg and useful horse To haul a heavy load. Tugging along at a snail like pace, Ou htscumuruous iron road. He trudges on where the earth is firm, But must stop when he comes to the strand, 'While my pace is as free through the depths of the ! sea As it is on the solid land. I am the Lightning Courier, Who can far outstrip the wind, Can leave the lagging carrier dove, And the hurricane .ar behind. I’m fleeter than aught that’s known on eaith, By mountain, valley or -tream. Than even the boastful fairy, “ Puck,” In Shakspeare’s summer's night dream. Throughout the boundless universe Os fathomless, limitless space, Thought and light c n on y match My’ ethereal, spirit-like pace. Age cannot check my wild career, I bid defiance to time; When the earth shall be ten thousand years old, I still will be in my prime. The L rd has many blessings showered On His creatures here below ; But few, to man so conducive to good, As I have the power to bestow. I’m sent to hasten the happy time, That’s promised sure to be, When knowledge sb-ill cover all the earth, As the waters cover the sea. When the sword shall be turned to the plow-share good, And the pruning-hook made of the spear, And the lion and lamb in peace shall live Through each succeeding year. When the blast of war shall be heaid no more, And Peace shall descend ‘ike a dove; And ail the nations o earth be bound With a chain of eternal love. I mind to mind together join, And heart do bind to heart; And I neighbors make ol those who live A thousand miles apart. Then, hurrah I hurrah! for the Lightning Steed 1 To whom Time brings no decay, Whose speed, when a million of years have passed Will be great as it is to day 1 Augusta, Ga , Nov. 1,18G7. S. Fire- BY TUB AUTHOR O? “ BEAUTIFUL SXOW.” Haik! ’Tis dark. A hum Doth come Like bees. The breeze Blows round The sound. Throw up the sash ! A distant crash Comes on the wind ; Leaving b h’nd The same dull hum Like muffled drum 1 It grows more loud, Hastening the crowd. And now, through all the street, v » There is the sound of feet, And breaking through the air A strange, unearthly blare. While horn the distance swells The to 1 of monster bells, Whose voice, as ’hunder loud, Guides the fast hurrying crowd. Now from its hovels and its holes The city pours its thousand sou’s ; Each eager in the race t > gaze Upon the fast devouring blaze 1 Each lapping up, with hungry eyes, The flames ‘hat sweep the midnight skies ; Each fiercely striving for the van, To feast upon a ruined man ! At last, through filth and rime, the spot is found, And gaping tnousan.'s til’ each inch of ground. Each rock'C-ss rufl! in dashes through the throng, Keeking l>y foice to thrust his way along. While at your feel trie playful, bursting hose, Soaks through your boots and wets your nether clothes; And overhead some wrongly angled stream Falls like a flood and washes out your dream. The fierce flames mount, like climbing fiends, to Heaven’s high dome, And every licking tongue destroys a human home. The hearthstone, where their fathers sat, the dream of ye - rs; The spot often hallowed by their smiles and tears ; Where the. were born, and wed, end where they fio- ■ d to die, They sec in flaw s and cinders on the angry sky They stand, i.r,sheltered, in tie-street, tolo e their all, And see a hooting, jibing crowd enjoy the fall. Huzza 1 the fiercest flames rre done, the sturdy walls are down; No longer glare they on the sky, to frighten all the town. The clang of engines, one by one, falls off upon the ear, And puffing steamers cease to blow their whistles shrill and clear. The firemen rest upon their work, or gossip round in gro ips; Some seated on their loved machines, and some on neighboring stoops. They wait for orders from their chief, “ Take up, and homeward go; Once more we’ve conquered in the strife our old per sistent foe.” Dr. Johnson compared plaintiff and defend ant, in an action of law, to two men ducking their heads in a bucket, and daring each other to remain the longest under water. Proceedings of the Georgia Unconstitutiona Convention. REPORTED FOR TIIE ATLANTA DAILY INTELLI GENCER. Saturday, January IS. The couventiou opened with prayer—Mr. Parrott in the chair. The Journal was read; after which P. B. Bedford moved the roil be called Io as- : certain if there was, a quorum, as be did not i think there was. R. Richardson moved a reconsideration of 1 the action of the committee of the whole on 1 previous day in regard to the seventh section ! of the Bill of Kights. He was under the im- - pression that there were just reasons why be I should do so, inasmuch as he knew that they I (bis faction) bad power to vote down any such amendment,, and he thought it likely, though | lie did not want to attribute any mistake to the Secretary, as the vote was taken standing, there might havx been an unavoidable error in the counting. Several members arose to a point of order, but the Chair decided that, the gentleman had a right to move a reconsideration of the action I oi the committee of the whole. After short discussion on the legality’ of the ; motion, it was withdrawn by consent of the j house. J. E. Blount moved that the report of the Committee on Elections be taken up, and the case of the contested seat ot Richardson and Griffin be settled immediately, that the conven tion may be done with it. H. Bryant moved, as an amendment, that the - rules be suspended for the purpose of biking up reports of standing committees. The votes j were taken , when they stood—yeas, 67; nays, 41. . PAYMENT OF MEMBERS. I Headq’rs Third Military District, ■) (Georgia, Alabama, and Florida.) > Atlanta, Ga., January 17th, 1867. S , Honorable J. R Parrott, President of the Con- ■ stilutional Convention of the State of Georgia : | Dear Sih : 1 have the honor to acknowledge I the receipt of a copy of a resolution adopted the 15th lust, by the convention of which yon a e President, requesting me to order the Treasurer of the Slate of Georgia to deposit in 1 the hands of Hon. N. L. Angier, the disbursing ' agent of the convention, subject to its order. , funds sufficient to pay all the expenses of the I convention. I have this day received information from the Treasurer that there are no funds in the Trea- | sury, at Milledgeville. I have also been recently I informed that some of the public institution- 1 of the State have been suffering on account ol j the non-payment of the appropriations for their support. Whether this failure of payment has been on account of the want of means in the State Treasury or for other reasons, I am not advised. I shall use my best efforts to secure without ! delay, the means of paying the incidental ex penses of the convention and at least a portion of the per diem and mileage of the members. If I find on investigation that any funds which should be in the State Treasury have been plac ed beyond my reach, I may deem it necessary i to suspend the temporary payment of a portion ' of the current salaries of all officers who receive their pay either from the Treasury or the State | Road. You will perceive from the facts above stated i that it i-’> out oi my power at present to comply ’ with the request ol the convention, much as I ! desire to do so. In lieu of granting this authori ty, I respectfully request that the requisitions of your disbursing agent may be sent to me for my approval, that I may see that such fund, of the Slate as may become available be properly distributed according to the public necessities, i I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient ! servant, ” Geo. G. Meade, Major Genera: Commanding’. J. D. Waddeli offered the following: Resolved, That the Federal authorities be requested to authorize such advance of money as may be necessary to defray the said expenses to be made to the disbursing officer of this convention, for the purpose above indicated. A motion was made to suspend the rules for the purpose of taking up the above. J. E. Bryant did not see any object in sus pending the rules, as there was no money in the Treasury. J. D. Dunning was opposed to taking any action in the matter at that time, because he was satisfied it would accomplish nothing. He believed there was money in the Treasury, and that if the legislature was in session it would be readily appropriated for their use. It was merely a trick to delay the progress of recon struction. The money was in the Treasury, and he for one was determined that it should come out ol the same hole it went into. R. H. Whiteley thought self-respect required that they should abandon the matter for the present, and they ought not to be wasting valu able time in talking about their expense. The motion to suspend the rules for the pur pose of taking up the resolution, was Jost. W. M. Whitebead handed preamble and resolutions requesting that a committee be ap pointed to proceed to Milledgeville and inves tigate the State accounts, and report on the same. R. H. Whitely thought the resolution un called for, and that they were not assembled for the purpose of acting in civil matters. J. E. Bryant was of opinion that the people of the State ought to know what had ■ become of the money of the State. Grave suspicions bad been expressed, and the charge had gone I abroad that the Treasurer bad done away with the money, and he thought it was due to him (the Treasurer) to investigate the matter. The charge had also gone forth that the Governor of the Stale had appropriated <40,000 for the purpose of defeating reconstruction. He did not know whether such was the case or not, but if it was, it was done contrary to law, and lie, for one, would like to know whether it was true or not. He did not think that General Meade would have anything’to do with the finances of the State, as it was likely he would consider tint that belonged to the people ot the State, and he (Bryant) thought the motion a good one. J. E. Blount—l object to the passage of this resolution. What do you propose to go into an investigation of the finances of Georgia for? For iiow long a time do you intend to investi gate them ? Since the 19th day of January, 1861, up to the present time? Is (hat the pro position ? 1 apprehend that that is the jiroposi- - tion. I take it Cor granted that I understand ■ the object of that resolution. Suppose we vote - to carryout this resolution in its intent and in ! all its bearings; suppose we take upon oilr | selves the investigation of this matter and dis i cover that the finances of the Slate of Georgia I have been wrongly disposed of, and contrary to law ? I will assume that this is the ease. 1 j will suppose that the Governor of the State I appropriated the money for (he purjiose of op posing reconstruction; that be has paid it out of the Treasury of the State of Georgia, and ' that it has gone into the hands of lawyers as a j payment to them to fight against the cause we | wish to dafend. If, gentlemen, the money has I been paid out of the Treasury, and suppose a ! great many other things have been done | wrong, how does the matter stand now? The I military authorities have the question in their bands. The great and powerful United States Government is a responsible government—the most responsible government in (be world— ! and that government has taken possession ol the Treasury of the State of Georgia, and they are now responsible for the money and the money’s worth, and for all the effects of the State. The letter of the Commanding Gener al satisfies me that he has taken a correct view AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 29, 1868. of the question, ftnd shows that he understood fully the responsibilities resting upon him, and I can well see the object.of that letter. It is this : “ Gentlemen, keep your hands out of my way. Don’t you put your hand on the Treasury of this State. I will attend to your wants in the proper way. The right vested in me by ths laws of the nation will enable me to do it, and I am determined that it shall lie done.” Gentlemen, I understand the language. It is very clear to me, and I tell you that is what 1 understand him to say. How does the matter stand now ? It stands between the Govern ment oftlie United States and the officials of the State of Georgia. The issue rests with them, and I tell you these same officials will be held to a strict accountability. ■ The Gener al who presides over the district is a min of integrity, and ho will see that justice Is done the people. And I want to know from you if the Government of the United States cannot do this thing, can the convention do it? I think | not; and my opinion is, that if we pass these resolutions, there is not a man in this conven tion who will not regret it before a week passes by. Now suppose you do this thing, and sup pose you get witnesses and papers, and sup pose you spend your time over it, who is going to pay the expenses ? You have not money to do it, and I trust that you will reject the re^>-, lutiou. C. C. Richardson said it was not proposed that the committee should lay ruthless hands on the money of the Treasury. He thought it was due to the people of Georgia that they” should know where that §40,000 was gone and what had been done with it, and also that they should know whether they had been betrayed or not. How deepjy interested this new friend . is in the welfare of the people of Georgia. He, is welcome from Maine, and a matner looking physiognomy lie could not well have imported with him. We need such friends just now.— Oh ! if he was only on that committee that got hold of the finances for invesdaatlon. N. L. Angier thought it was in exceeding bad taste for the convention to proceed in the mat- I ter. He had good authority for saying that, th? authorities were after the parties with a hot stick, and that General Meade was doing all in his power to get money for them. Soothing words these for craving appetites. C. H. Prince was of the same opinion. A BAR ROOM SCENE —THE RULES SUSPENDED. Just, at this stage of the proceedings, the rules were suspended, without any mol ion, in a brief way, which our legislators sometimes adopt when they are in a hurry. P. B. Bedford exclaimed in a. loud and excited manner: “I won’t allow you to tell me I lie, Dr. Blount,” or words to that effect, most of which were lost in the confusion which immediately fol lowed. In vain did the Chairman’s hammer fall heavily on the desk ; in vain did his cries of order ring out. A general rush was made to the spot whither Bedford had pursued Blount. Friends came around them thick and fast, and fortunate to relate, they succeeded in wresting a chair from out the hand of each as sailant. Sooth to say, something of the kind was needed to enliven the dull monotony of the scene. They had been plunged head, neck and heels in devising a good, sound plan by which the “needful” might be raised, and the appear ance of the entire mass was one of doubt and uncertainty. Besides, they scarcely ever have a laugh there, unless when A. Alpeoria Brad ley (negro) performs one of his hideous grimaces, which arc always sure to create either disgust or laughter, but more frequently the latter. The affair terminated, however, with out the shedding of any blood. G. W. Ashburn proposed that they be led be fore the President by the Sergeant-at-Arms and renrimanded. R. II Whiteley thought they were bound to apologise to the convention. The latter course was accepted by all parties. They stood forward like men willing to forgive and forget, and make atonement for the im propriety, expressed sorrow and were excused, and the affair died away in laughter and smiles. All persons were anxious to ascertain thecause of the affray, but as the parties were not allow ed to relate the circumstance the curious were left to satisfy their curiosity’ as best they could. On motion of C. H. Prince, the resolution was laid on the table. REPORT ON THE COMMITTEE ON PRINTING. The report of the Committee on Printing was read and J. E. Bryant moved the. Nit be laid on the table till Monday. A. Alpeoria Bradley, (negro) raised his voice as usual to one of his own points of order ; a thing which he does so often and so insolently, that even one of the white members felt con strained to rise to a point of order, and the point ot order was, that Alpeoria was out of order, inasmuch, said T. J. Spear, as he (Alpeoria) did not stand up and always put his points without pointing himself in the proper manner. Alpeoria was indignant, his flue feel ing of dignity having been offended, and he rrew crimson with rage and consoled himself by turning around in his seat and shouted to the members “vote it down.” A. W. Holcome thought they ought to have some information as to what compensation the reporters required for their services. J. E. Bryant asked leave to withdraw his mo tion. He, however, renewed it, and a vote was taken, when it was carried by a majority of two —yeas, 48 ; nays, 46. The house then went into a committee of the whole, and the Bill of Rights was taken up, when the Sth and 9th sections were adopted without discussion. The 10th section was taken up for considera tion, but as no action was taken, and the ques tion will probably come up on Monday, we stay a report. The committee of the whole, on motion, rose, reported, and the convention adjourned to 10, a. m., Monday. Monday, January 20, 1868. The convention opened with prayer—The roll was called for the purpose of ascertaining if there was a quorum—The Journal was read. General order No. 13, which appeared in the papers ot Saturday, was read to the conven tion. section 10th. The consideration of the following section was resumed this day: In all prosecutions of indictment for libels .the truth may be given in evidence and the juries shall have the right to determine the law and the facts. A long discussion took place on Saturday in regard to this section, ami speeches were made by many members, and several amendments and substitutes offered, which were renewed to some extent to-day. One of the amendments was by R. H. White ley. It was as follows: Provided, That the right of appeal to the courts herein declared shall not-be construed to invalidate the denial ol jurisdiction in the constitution to tiie courts of this State, or any ministerial officer thereof, of ali indebtedness contracted or incurred by any citizen oi this State previous to the Ist of June, 1865. 11. it. McCay offered the tollowing amend ment to ihe amendment of Whiteley: “ The right of the people to petition the Gov ernment, and peaceably assemble for the con sideration of any matter of public interest shall not be amended.” H. V. M. Miller thought that (.be original sec tion would, with a slight alteration, answer all the purposes. When the question first came up he had not any intention of offering any observations on it, but since it had assumed such a position and had been dealt with so elaborately by speeches and amendments, he could not adhere to his determination any longer. At that time lie had had some objection to it in its original state, but he might have voted for it as it was ; yet the speeches he had listened to had made him change his mind. He- believed it was erro neous, because the law of libel stood in a differ ent connection to-day iu its relative position with other laws. In regard to the liberty of th'.' press, he. thought that if a publisher of a paper published facts which were true, and he was indict: d for their publication, h : ought to be allowed to give the truth to the jury iu self defense. Cases of libel were very few iu the State of Georgia. Lie did not remember one such case in its whole record. There might have been such cases, but they were exceeding ly Bare, and this provision was not to protect against individuals, but it was intended to pro tect the defendant in eases where the Govern ment was the plaintiff. He referred to the suite of the law in England, and said tifit it was only the facts of the cusp that were al lowed to go to the jury, but that they were not allowed to be the judges.of the law.— There was a publisher indicted for libel in England, some time ago, and though tiie defendant could have proved the facts of the publication, still he was not allow ed to do so. The case was held as ma licious ; the jury was only allowed to pass on the fact of the publication, and tiie defendant was found guilty. It made no dif ference whether the facts stated in the case were true or false, the defendant was convicted and accordingly. Judges in these CAS.es went so far in their encroachments on (the rights of the subjects that the mere charge, oil libel was tantamount to a conviction. His torians could tell how a man was once punished in England for writing a book on plays and sundry amusements, which were in the habit of taking place ou Sundays. He was prosecu ted tor libel, and the ground taken by the pris eeutiug lawyer was that the King and Queen attended those amusements, and eonsequeqtlj- he was guiity of libeling their majesties. He did not know how far he was guilty of the charge, but he knew the unforlu naie man was found guilty of it without being allowed to prove the truth of the statements be made, lie was sentenced to pay a fine of £16,000, to have his ears cut of, to have his nose split, and to be imprisoned during the remainder of his life. This shows the effects w ich have followed, and are likely to follow, fr in vesting’ the entire authority in judges.— T’’ eir power ought lo be limited by letting tiie ja y decide on the facts of the case, and this wiiuld restrain the judges, who were more or less influenced by the Government in cases of this nature. This continued to be the rule until the year 1688, when the dignity ofthe subject was vindicated and the matter brought prominently bpjtore the public. This wrong w's shown to the ivorld in the case of the seven Bishops who were tried in England then. The celebrated Lord Summers, who was one of the. brightest intellects that ever adorned any court, was concerned in it, and the jury arose above the tyranny of the Crown and pronounced them mnoeent. He said that Mr. Fox, in 1792, first placed the law of libel on sound principles. He then referred to the celebrated Dwelaratory Act of Mr. Fox in regard to the law of libel, which was the first bulwark of defense raised up for the benefit of the accused, and the first protec tion ever given to him in eases of this nature. He then came to the law as it stood, and still stands, in this country, and he thought that the jury should in all cases of libel be allowed to judge on the fact of the case as well as on the fvjt °f publication, and thereby the judge would .ro restrained and the accused have a hope <jf justiefe being done him. This was especially necessary at the present time, when it was likely that the country was to be ruled by a military power, and if it was not done, there would be no safeguard for parties who may be accused from time to time. The speaker concluded in a very able and ar gumentative address, which was, in some in stances, really eloquent, and which had a visible effect on the minds of his hearers, by moving to strike out the section as it stood amended, and substitute the original one as it then stood. L. L. Sanford withdrew, by permission, an amendment which he had offered ou Saturday. THE LION OF THE FOLD OF HAM. A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) here rose and in terrupted the Chairman, who was in the act ot stating the question to the convention. He snarled, interrupted and insulted him, and many looked with astonishment at the Chairman, and no doubt thought that it Was time patience had ceased to be a virtue with him. Mr. Conley occupied the chair, and we must say that there are very few men living in our age of “ liberal new ideas ” who would bear to be insulted ten or fifteen times a day by a snarling creature who has nothing to recommend him to the position he occupies in the vanguard of the nation’s legislators but low ribaldry and a revolting face. He contradicts the Chairman and finds fault with his decisions ; he turns bis back upon him or remains sitting when he says anything ; be blusters and sneers, and being’ the lion of the fold is a fit model of what negro legislators can ever aspire to. He, however, is not “alone in his glory.” C. C. Richardsoi seems to be con testing the palm with him. And there is anoth er, named Bryant, who, it would appear, is after them mighty’ sharp for the honor of chief inter rupter, &c., to the convention. If we dared we would suggest a remedy in these cases and leave the decent portion of the members to act on it without any fear of the result. Bradley made an attempt at a speech. lie is after that Mayor of Savannah with a sharp stick, and if he, does not have his head cut off, either politi cally or any other way, it will not be his fault. Ah, Mayor of Savannah, you should not dare to treat A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) with indig nity. You knew very well he was a member of the convention, and that the all-governing pow er of that body was sufficient to bring down vengeance upon you, even though you did act with prudence, justice, and according to law’.— Be careful, we implore thee, friend, next time, and know thy place. After some further discussion the section was adopted. ELEVENTH SECTION. The eleventh section being next in the order of business, it was taken up for consideration. It is as follows: The right of people to appeal to the courts, to petition Government on ali matters of legitimate cognizance, and peaceably to assemble for the consideration of any matter of public interest, shall never be impaired. After some discussion, the words “ ot public interest” were stricken out, on motion of P. B. Bedford, who was of o; inion that the people should be allowed to meet at any time they saw fit, without having to ask any person or num ber of persons what was of public interest and what was not. The Committee of the Whole now rose, on motion, reported, and asked leave to sit again. G. W. Ashburn moved that the rules be sus pended for the purpose of introducing apream bleymd resolutions, setting forth that cert.’.in .sheriffs in the State of Georgia had so far disre garded the action of the convention in regard to the temporary relief ordinance as to make sales of property in January last, and request ing Gen. Meade to issue an order lor the arrest of all officials who had been guilty of violating the. laws enacted by the convention, and also an order for their removal from office. H. V. M. Miller was opposed to the motion to suspend the rules. He was aware that cer tain officials had refuser! to recognize the action of the convention, and he was very sorry that such was the case, but he did think the resolu tions premature, inasmuch as the parties refer red to had not received proper notice ol said action. He was of opinion that there was enough of civil law left in Georgia to punish any officials who were guilty of a violation of the law. The parties should lie tried by civil, law, and he was satisfied that they would be punished. 1 C. C. Richardson said he wanted to know if the civil courts would recoguize any action of the convention. Mr. Miller stated, in reply, that “he had not heard of any of them refusing to do so.” G. W. Ashburn asked if he believed that the judges would recognize the acts of the conven tion. Mr. Miller could only say, with regard to that, that some ol the judges of the Superior Court told him they would. Asburu—They are loyal men that told you so. Mr. Miller—l hope they are all Joyal men. — If they are not, they are under a commander who would very soon turn them out of office. I am opposed to the suspension of the rules lor the purpose of taking up any ordinance of this kind. The questiou was then put and the votes taken standing, wheu they stood—aves, 65; nays, 47. The Chairman said that as there was not a two-third vote, the motion for suspending the rule was lost. NUMBER ONE. C. H. Hopkins the suspension of the rules for the purpose of taking up a resolution in regard to tiie pay of the members of the con vention. He stated that in ten days from the day on which he telegraphed to Savannah, it he received the permission of the convention, he could‘have §40,000 sent here for the pur pose of paying the members oftlie convention, and it would be raised in New York. J. L. Dunuing wits opposed to the asking of money from outside parties. The money was in the Treasury of the State, and sb long as it was, he would not consent to its being pro cured from >ny other source. He did not think they gained anything by such a process, lie preferred that they would m t have any money at all rather than they should get it from any other quarter than the State Treasury, so long as it was there. He did not know how it was to be paid, or where it was to come from, and be was Opposed to the resolution A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) thought that it was very well lor Mr. Dunmng t.o talk in that strain, because he was near home, but he should bear in mind that there were members ofthe, convention who came a long distance, and were uot so well provided for as he was. Well said, Alpeoria, look out for number one I N. L. Angier thought that it would be all rig t without having recourse to any such means. He bad a conversation with General Meade, who told him that he expected to have some money soon. He (Meade) said he did not think that it would be more than five or tenifcShousand dollars, but he (Angier) had it from another source that it would be fifteen. On motion, the rules were suspended and the resolution taken up and adopted. '— J. E. Bryant moved to suspend the rules for' the purpose of taking up a preamble aud res olution of the member from Muscogee, which were lying on the table. Carried. J. R. Parrott, President, addressed the con vention. He opposed the resolution in a very effective and emphatic address, but as ihe house adjourned before its conclusion, we shall only promise to give fuller particulars in our next. The hour of adjournment having arrived, J. E. Blount, who occupied the chair, declared the house adjourned to 10, a. m., next day. Tuesday, January 21,1868. The convention opened with prayer—Blount in the ehaii. The journal was read. ADJOURNED DEBATE. The following are the resolutions and substi tute which came up for discussion Monday eve ning : Resolution of Mr. Ashburn, asking that Con gress confer upon tiie convention the authority delegated the district commanders in the 2<i section ofthe supplemental reconstruction act, passed July 19, 1867, aud for other purposes therein named : '■'■Resolved, That we, the representatives of the people ol Georgia, in convention assem bled, respectfully represent to the Congress of the United States, that it is essential to the suc cessful execution of the reconstruction laws that the provisional government of this State should be executed by such persons only as are made eligible by the following clause of the 6th section of the ‘act to provide for the more effi cient government of the rebel States,’ viz : ‘And no person shall be eligible to any office unner any such provisional government who would be disqualified from holding office under the provisions of the sth article of said constitu tional amendment.’ Said section 3d of said amendment being, ‘No person shall be eligible who, having previously taken an oath as a mem ber of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of an}’ State Legislature, or as an Executive or Judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or re bellion against the same, or given aid or com fort to the enemies thereof.’ And we therefore respect fully recommend that this convention be clothed wit.i an operative authority the same as delegated to the district commander, in section 2d ofthe supplemental reconstruction act, pass ed July 19, 1867.” “ Resolved That the Secretary be and he is hereby instructed to transmit, at once, a copy of this resolution to the Speaker of the House ot Representatives and to the President of the Senate.” Resolution of Mr. Trammell, proposed as a substitute for the resolution of Mr. Ashburn: “ Resolved, That our confidence in the firm ness, ability, and fidelity of Major General Geo. G. Meade is full and complete. That we hereby express our opinion that he comesamong us to execute the laws of the United States, and that his powers are complete and sufficient, aud that he has the will to effect the restoration of the State to its full relations as a State of the Union.” Proposed amendment of Mr. Akerman, to the resolution of Mr. Ashburn ; “In such an act of Congress, we desire that it shall be provided that no member of this convention shall hold office iu the Provisional State Government.” Substitute of Mr. Whiteley—Preamble and resolutions in reference to the 're-organization ol the State Government, the removal ot dis abilities, and the modification of the test oath : Whereas, The reconstruction acts recognize the existence of a government within the limits of Georgia, subject to the military commander of the district, and the paramount authority of Congress, under which certain officials hold office ; and, whereas, the terms for which said officials were elected as set forth in the laws al lowed to operate within said limits, have ex pired, and said officials hoid only by reason of n faiiui e to provide their successors ; and, whereas, a great many of said officials are hos tile to, and are insidiously using their influence against the restoration of Georgia to the Union, and by so doing arc not only seriously retard ing the work of reconstruction, but also matc terially affecting the prosperity of the State; therefore Resolved, That this convention do hereby re quest the legislative department ofthe Govern ment to authorize this body to declare vacant the Chief Executive office of the State and to fill the same, as well as to provide for the removal, through the Chief Executive, officers of the State thus selected of all per sons who are hostile to reconstruction, and the filling of such vacancies by said Executive. Resolved, That the convention, injustice to the friends of reconstruction under the recon struction acts, do hereby request the Depart ment aforesaid to relieve all such of existing disabilities, that they may be eligible to fill the vacancies thus created. Resolved, That the convention do further re quest the modification of the test oath, so as to VOL. 27. NO. 5 admit of all persons who have aided or abetted the late war against the United States holding office therein, provided such persons heartily regret the past, and are earnestly attached to, and determined to labor for, the reunion ot the States on the basis of the reconstruction act. Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing'pre amble and resolutions be forwarded by the President of the convention to the President of the United States, the President of the Sen ate, and the Speaker of the House of Reprcsep tatives. J. R. Parrott resumed his discussion of resolutions of G. W. Ashburn this morning. He went on to say that he thought the action of the convention in passing such resolutions would be detrimental to the reconstruction movement, and to the interests of the Republican party.— He knew what they were sent to the conven tion lor. He knew that the constituents of the delegates sent them there to frame a great con stitution, which should go down to posterity with the blessings of generations updn it and and upon its framers. He trusted he was act ing aud speaking in all sincerity on the ques tion before the house, and he implored the del egates to the convention to weigh well before they took such a step rtS that proposed to be taken. He did not want to have it said that the convention wanted to monopolize the offices of the State to themselves altogether. He thought that General Meade was invested with suffi cient authority to remove any official which may have acted illegally. It was not the prop er course to say turn out all the officials be cause they were opposed to reconstruction. — The way w ich wisdom and justice would sug gest, was to name the man or number of men, to present them to the Commanding General and have proper action taken. He knew there was law enough still left in the State of Geor gia to see that justice was done. He hoped there was, for he intended to live amongst his people--the people of his native State—and he loved those people and the State of Georgia.— He loved her past history, beloved her glory and the patriotism of her children, and was un willing that, any class or body should seek to invest themselves with an arbitrary power.— Such an act was not on the record of the State. It was never known that anybody, such as the present, had ever sought such powers or made such fl-request, aud he appealed to the patriotic ineu o the convention and the State to see that this did not do so either. What would they be able to tell their sons and their daughters, when they returned to their homes, when they would ask them what they had done while sit ting so long in convention? Would they be able to tell them that they had acted as honest and patriotic men, who had the interest of yieir State and of reconstruction aljheart, or did they act only ’©ith any eye to self? Would they be obliged to tell them that they had acted in such a manneß»as would cause them to blush for shame at their conduct? They would go home, and when their sons asked them what had they done at the convention—how had they benefit ed the State and the country, would it be tbeir lot to say that they had tried to elect a or, and nothing more ? Would they go home to their constituents without having accom plished anything farther ? They hud been nearly thirty days in session. What had they done ? They had done very little else than keep up long discussions, all of Uhich amount ed to nothing. They were at an expense ol from two to three thousand dollars a day to the Slate, and lie hoped they wouV show t-i the _ people that they knew huw to act with wisdom and with statesmanship. They had been sent there for the purpose of framing a constitution that would be substantial in its benefits, bring credit upon them, and he trusted they would do this and set aside every other consideration but that one ■ The speaker here went into a statistical eluci dation ofthe offices and office holders of the State. He said Jhat most of the office holders who were placed in office by the Republican party would be opposed to reconstruction, be cause it would not serve their interests to favor it- Republicans, he said, were as eager to get' offices as other people. They would ali of them wish to be in office, and he was sure that if lie had the power to appoint certain officials he would have numerous applicants for the positions. Each one would think that be had clone more than anybody else to elect him, and if he could not put, them all in offices they would uot be satisfied. He could only give au office to one, and there may be twelve applications, and he contended that the other eleven wi re so many enemies, or dissatisfied persons towards tne Republican party. They would say eaeh to liimseli, “ Well, I have worked harder than any body else to put him in office, and now I find he has not fulfilled his promises.” In this way the Republican party would be diminished throughout the country ; whereas, if they (the party) kept their hands clear of all offices and went solely to the work of reconstruction, there would be no danger of this evil, and they would accomplish their objects and place the constitution of the State and the interests of the party on a solid and substantial basis.— Persons looking for offices were like so many hounds in pursuit of an old stag; when they •caught her, all fell on the carcass with greed and quarreled about the-spoil. G. W. Ashburn wanted to know if the gentle man pretended to compare the great Republi can p irty of America to the dogs thus ou the ground ? Speaker—No. Ashburn —What do you compare it to ? Speaker—l don’t compare it to this conven tion. [Laughter ] I compare it to a great aud good party that proposes to reconstruct Geor gia. The great Republican party that was going to reconstruct the country -was the one to which he belonged aud if it fell he would fall with it. He trusted the resolutions would be voted down. He did not wish to impute any bad motives to the movers of the proposition, but be did not think it would be beneficial in its effects. He believed they were honest in their intentions, but their reasoning was bad, and it was on that ground he differed with them. It was his desire to believe that they wanted to do the best they could for the coun try, but they were not taking the proper course to do good. G. W. Ashburn—The object of the resolution is to advance the best interest of the people of Georgia. Ihe Speaker—l am very glad to hear it. By advancing the interests ofthe Republican party we advance the interest of the State of Geor gia. That was what the Republican party pro posed to do, and if it did not, he would not be long to it one hour. He wanted to get back once more into the Government of the United States, for that was the only sure road to hap piness and to peace. What did they want to turn the couventiou into an electioneering precinit for ? 'A hat did they want to elect a Governor for ? Had not Gen. Meade got the full power to control the State, and had he not already appointed one ? Why then should they not be satisfied ? He wished them to go to work.— He did not want to see them here day after day doing and undoing and doing again until they had accumulated a debt of millions of dollars. He implored them to uaifik of those things, and to ask themselves what they were going to do. Would they like to have Washington, and Hamilton, and Jackson, and Clay, listening to the addresses made on that floor, and watching the proceedings of that convention ? How un like it was to the convention in which Patrick Henry gave utterance to his burning eloquence and defied the tyrant. What if those glorious old patriots were watching the actions of that convention ; what, he asked, then, would be their feelings upon seeing the conduct of their degenerate sons ? Would not those glorious old patriots of the past blush for shame and grieve over the want of patriotism in their pos terity ?
