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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (April 15, 1868)
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST [COMMUNICATED.] 7’<> the Editors of the Constitutionalist : Gentlemen: Within the past few weeks 1 have been urged by a number of gentlemen of ; position and influence to become a candidate for Congress, independently of party organiza tions. It was believed that at this conjuncture ! of public affairs 1 could advance the interests of the country by that step. 1 expressed an I unwillingness to enter into any competition with the true friends of constitutional liberty for mere political distinctions. But I was ready to undertake the performance of any task to which 1 might be called by their voice. It was believed that I would encounter no op position from those who, in common with mv self, have labored to protect the rights and the honor of the South, and at the same time to rescue our people from the evils that they suf fer from their anomolous relation to the Gov ernment of the United States. So far no one his been brought into the field as a candidate for Congress by those who hold the opinions entertained by myself in regard to the rights of the Southern States, and who agree with me as to every esseutial political doctrine involved in the great contest now going on in this coun try. But it is proper that I should afford to those who are striving to accomplish what I so earnestly desire to see achieved : a full recogni tion of the rights of this great State as a free commonwealth, and of the other States lately at war with the United States the opportunity to bring forward in support of their views some one whom they may suppose to accord more fully with them as to the true policy to be adopted in reaching that end if they desire to do so. So far as political principles, and sentiments, and sympathies are concerned, there exists no difference between us. If there be any disagreement it is as to the best mode of restoring tranquility to this distracted country. A difference of judgment as to a measure of policy. The laws known as the Reconstruction Acts of Congress are, in my opinion, in flagrant vio lation of the Constitution of the United States. Hut they are laws, and must be respected as such, until repealed, or set aside by the proper tribunal. My opposition to them is well known to you, gentlemen, for 1 contributed to your col umns a series of articles reviewing them immedi ately aftertheir adoption by Congress. But when the Supplemental Bill passed, by which it was made plain that the Congressional programme would be carried into effect, under the large powers conferred on the several military com manders, I expressed the opinion that it was the true policy of the friends of the South to enter into the contest, and to strive, by all le gitimate means, to control the conventions, which were to be empowered to form a constitution for each of the Southern States. I have never favored a policy ot inaction at any time. I believed it to be within our power to elect a large proportion of delegates to the several conventions, and thus exert a controlling influence over their meas ures. Unhappily, as it seemed to me then, these views did not prevail; and I believe a very large number ot those who at that time urged the people to take no part in the contest, now admit that it would have been better to put forth the full strength of the friends of the South at that early period. By that course not a single right of the South would have been sacrificed ; and if the restoration of our privi leges had not speedily followed, the responsi bility for witholding them would have rested on Congress. It never occurred to me to de nounce any one whose judgment did not unite with mine in regard to that policy. Upon the close of the war, I took occasion in a public speech addressed to a large body of citizens assembled in the Masonic Hall, in this city, to express my views of the rights of the Southern States, and the duty of the Southern people under the new conditions of soci ety which had been imposed on us. The great struggle had ended. That illus trious leader, General Lee, at the head of his broken battalions had decided to con tinue the contest no longer. The Southern banners, borne aloft by as gallant men as ever fought under any standard from the beginning of the world’s historic strug gles for liberty had been furled. To re fuse to see the new order of things would have been as impossible as to ignore the deluge.— Once more the flag of the United States stream ed over alt the States, old and new. Northern and Southern ; and the peoples of the States so lately ranged against each other in deadly con flict were to live under a common government. It was clearly proper, then, to endeavor to re store friendly relations with a government that was in future to be our government. I have been animated by that spirit from that day to the present. I have not sought to inflame, but to pacify ; not to sever, but to restore. If any man supposes that 1 have, at any time, been ready to yield up the rights of the South or to sacrifice her honor, be has done me a grievous wrong. Born, reared, educated here, with every interest indissolubly linked with the for tunes of the South, I could never be disloyal to my people ; never in the day of their prosperi ty, and surely not at a time like this, when they are under the ban of a government that ought to protect and cherish t.iem. Never by vote or act of mine have I yielded anything essen tial to the rights or the honor of the South ern people. But my judgment has been clearly in favor of an effort to restore the Slates of the South, to their proper relations to the other States of the Union. Ido not say to restore them to the Union. They have never been other than States within the Union, since they became pat ties to the Federal Government. The seve ral ordinances of secession were so many d.durations of independence, to be made good if need be, on the field of battle. Failing to maintain their assertion of independence in tiie conflict of arms that followed ; the States were still within the Union. Individuals might have forfeited their rights, but the States were States still. A wise and just policy would have re cognized them as such at the close of the war, and would have accorded to those engaged in the great struggle a generous recognition as citizens of the Republic. No free government can be administered upon the theory ot resent ments. If the Southern States bad been recog nized at the close of the war as States with in the Union, and full rights accorded to their people, to-day we should enjoy unbroken tran quility throughout the whole extent of our widespread territory, and the Government of the United States would be the strongest gov ernment on the globe. To treat the Southern States as conquered provinces ; to assume con trol over their civil government; to usurp all authority within their limits ; to dictate their domestic policy ; to shape their legislation by imperial rule, is a stupendous blunder. Such a policy can never restore harmony. It will only alienate and ruin. It ignores the entire struc ture of the Government, and tramples the Constitution of the United States under the heel of arbitrary power. What our future is to be, no man can say. No one can read the horoscope of the country. But whoever engages in the task of conducting pub lic affairs, must recognise the fact that a new era li is dawned upon the country. lie must deal with the new order of things in the spirit of practical statesmanship. This great country of ours must neither be abandoned nor despair ed of; it must be rescued and saved. In the Southern States, we have a most diffi cult task to accomplish. A race recently in servitude has been suddenly emancipated. Those who accomplished this work claim to be the true friends of that people, anti seek to spread distrust throughout their ranks of their former owners. It complicates the difficulties of our position; but we must deal with these troubles in a just spirit and proper temper. Their rights should be fully accorded to them ; they should enjoy the amplest protection under wise laws, fairly administered ; and they ought to be encouraged in an effort to fit themselves for the new relations that they hold under the Government. They must be taught to look to the law for protection, and not to the bayonet. At the same time, I cannot for bear to say that, in my judgment, the attempt to carry on the government with the privilege of universal suffrage incorporated as one of its elements, is full of danger. The tendency of the age, in Europe and in this country, is in that direction. But while it is conceded that those who bear the burdens and contribute to the support of the government should be enti tled to its benefits with as little restriction as ■ possible, still some qualification of the right of suffrage, having reference to the fitness of the citizen to exercise it, may be adopted without injustice to any class. Such, gentlemen, are my views. They are expressed without a single aim beyond that of defining my relation to political questions. It is of far greater importance to me to be under stood than to be elected to a seat in Congress. That place I long tilled in the better days of the Republic, without the sacrifice of my self respect in obtaining it or in discharging its du ties. I have already said, that I counseled from the first an active and energetic struggle for our rights, even under the adverse legislation of Congress. In my judgment the friends of constitutional liberty should not suffer this Con gressional District to be carried without a con test. Neither personal aspirations, nor the desire of friends for uiy advancement, shall induce me to stand in the way of any one who may be brought forward by those who agree with me in political sentiment, to undertake the task of rallying the people to the support of those great principles which are essential to the protection of the rights and honor of the South, and to the prosperity of the whole Republic. I shall cheerfully yield any claims that I may be supposed to have, in his favor, and do what I can to contribute to his success. Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, Henry W. Hilliard. *' Mack ” on the Coming “ Man ” SPECIMENS OF THE ORIGINAL BENWADESE. On Friday last, “ Mack,” in a letter to the Cincinnati Commercial, turned loose the following tart and trenchant paragraph on “ Old Ben. Wade STURDY OLD BEN. “Lord, Lord, how this world is given to lying.” But whether the lying is done by sturdy old Ben. Wade is, with unparalleled unanimity by all who undertake to write about him, not a settled question yet. I had an interview with sturdyold Ben. last fall—l wrote about it to the Commercial, lengthily, and I’ll swear truthfully—but sturdy old Ben. said it was all a d d lie. He never said Grant talked horse; oh, no, not he ; and as for the profanity with which that letter of mine was flavored, why, bless your soul, that was pure malice on my part. “I’ll be d d to hell if I ever swore in my life,” said sturdy old Ben. in denying the contents of that letter, and made other high-toned remarks which I couldn’t insert in the Commercial without translating from the original Benwadese—the American court language of the near future, gentle reader. “ Misery loves company,” and I am hap py to know that I am not alone in the en joyment of sturdy old Ben.’s wrathful de nunciation. I had previously an associate in the person of one of the editors of the New York limes, to whom sturdy old Ben. gave the lie for the report of his agrarian speech in Kansas, and on the question of veracity thus growing up, Forney assured the country that sturdy old Ben.’s word was as good as his bond, which I take to be fair warning to sturdy old Ben.’s bond holders to sell out a sacrifice. To Mr. Sey mour, of the Times, and the infamous and unprincipled Mack, of the Commercial, is now added Mr. George Alfred Townsend, ■ who, it seems, has been grossly slandering sturdy old Ben. Forney decides the case against Townsend as circumstantial evi- ■ deuce, to-wit: the use of profane and un -1 grammatic language. He says it cannot be true that sturdy old Ben. spoke ill of Mr. Chase, because Townsend represents him to have clone it in language at once irrever ent and unsyntactic. That’s Forney all over; but to iny mind the representation of sturdy old Beu., without a swear to every other word, would be prima facie evidence of fiction. Fifteen minutes as a gentleman would ruin sturdy old Ben., by destroying his strong hold upon the American heart, which is called bluffness in him, but goes by the unsavory title of boorishness in others. But sturdy old Ben. says its a d—d lie, and the question of veracity comes up be tween him and Mr. Townsend, as to whether he did not abuse Mr. Chase and the Cleve land Leader. I have seen gentlemen who were present at the conversation, and they concur in vouching for the truth of Mr. Townsend’s statement, except that he omits much of sturdy old Ben.’s blasphemy. Mr. Townsend addressed him respectfully as an applicant for a pass to the reporter’s gal lery, as the correspondent of the Leader; whereupon sturdy old Ben. launched forth into a torrent of blasphemous invective against the Leader as a “ G—d d—d Chase paper,” and all that sort of thing. I am glad of it. I rejoice that Mr. Seymour, of the limes, and myself have found a partner in distress. The Leader pounced on me last fall, picked up sturdy old Ben.’s disclaimer and brandished it in my face. “ G—d d—d Chase paper,” eh! How does the Leader like it? When the scriptural ragamuffins made sport of a venerable who had no hair . on the top of hjs head in the place where I the wool ought to grow, grow, grow, the . bears got after them. The Leader's experi- I ence will be like mine, that every time you I refer to sturdy old Ben.’s record, you “ wake roecstacy the living lyre” under a slight j orthographical mollification. Won't soine i body else try their hand at the business?— [ The noble army of martyrs is increasing. I Three <l—d liars will do for a start—Sey mour, of the New York Times, the under signed and Mr. Townsend. All who want to join our brigade must first call on sturdy old Ben. and write something about him. Sturdy old Ben.! bluff old Ben.! dear old Ben.! sweet old Ben.! truthful old Ben.! Work or Child’s Play.—At a meeting in Illinois, a resolution was offered suggest ing Mr. Pendleton as the Democratic can didate for President. Mr. Springer, of Springfield, opposed the motion and said : Again, I am frank to say that I do not know whether Mr. Pendleton is the proper man to nominate or not. Aside from the question of his unavailability in some of the States, I have another question that I would propound to him before I should favor his nomination for the Presidency. I should want to know of Mr. Pendleton, whether, in the event of his constitutional’ election, counting out the negro votes of I the negro State governments of the South | he means to be President, even if he has to’ be sworn in at home, and fight his way to | Washington at the head of an organized , Democratic army ? I fear it is coining to , this. The Radicals mean to count the , negro votes of ten negro governments, , which have no more right to be counted than have an equal number of votes in Hayti or Liberia, in order to elect their man. If we are going to submit to this outrage, we may as well quiet now. For [ tell you we cannot carry enough States at the North to overcome the negro votes of the South. Hence I am for no man for President who is not willing to stake his property, his life, his all, for the cause; and if constitutionally elected, be willing to draw his sword, call the Democratic hosts to arms, and claim the Presidential office at all hazards! If Mr. Pendleton will do this, then I am for him ; if not, I am against him. If we mean “ business,” let us understand ourselves, and act accordingly. If child’s play, I want to be counted out. A Western editor says that in smoky Pitts burg men kiss each other’s wives, and are able to tell which is their own only by the taste. Sumner Photographed. Towanda, Pa., March 26, 1868. Editor Hartford Times : Dear Sir : I sent you a sketch of the moral and political character of Thaddeus Stevens, the leader of the Radical or dis union party in the House of Representa tives; and now I send you a like sketch of Charles Sumner, the leader of that party in the United States Senate. Charles Sumner was heir to an estate of a near relative in the South (Virginia, I believe it was). His deceased relative owned a large number of slaves ; and not withstanding Sumner’s professed hostility’ to slavery, he caused the poor negroes to be sold, and pocketed some $60,000 from the sale of them; and now, while he is making speeches on the barbarism of sla very, &c., he is living sumptuously on the money he received from his traffic in hu man flesh! Although I don’t blame him for his opposition to the odious institution of slavery, yet I would ask, is it not a question of moral honesty whether he should not refund the full value he received for the slaves to the purchasers of them, after being instrumental in depriving them of the property they purchased in good faith, and which, in common law, under a plea of a failure of consideration, an equiv alent in damages could be recovered from him and his co-heirs. He is also a literary thief, a vile slanderer, and a thorough coward. The learned and venerable Judge Butler of, South Carolina, took occasion to expose his plagiarisms, and while that gentleman was absent from the United States Senate, on account of the dangerous illness of a member of his family, Sumner made a speech in the Senate, full of slanders and personal abuse of the venerable Judge; for which Col. Brooks, of the House of Representatives, who was a relative of Judge Butler, caned him. While I disap prove of brute force as a remedy for private wrongs, I cannot but look with contempt upon the cowardice manifested by Sumner on that occasion. Physically, Sumner was a large, stout-built man, while Brooks was very slender and delicately built, and in weight but little over half of Sumner’s weight; and the cane used on the occasion was made of gutta percha, only five-eighths of an inch in diameter, with a quarter inch hole in the centre of it, —thus leaving of solid thickness only three-eighs of an inch in diameter. It was very brittle, for the first blow struck with it broke it into pieces. Brooks come up in front of him and gave him notice of his intention to chastise him for slandering his relative, Judge Butler, in his absence: and beneath the effeminate blows of his puny assailant, with that little brittle cane, Sumner crouched like a whip ped spaniel. Doctor Boyle, of Washington, who dress ed his wound, pronounced it only skin deep and very slight; but it was so terrible in Sumner’s that he sent to Boston for a political friend, who was a surgeon, who gave a very exaggerated account of it, and upon the exaggeration of this little wound, which I saw myself when Doctor Boyle was dressing it, he took a tour to Europe and was re-elected to the Senate. To the character of a statesman he lias no claims, being a mere clap-trap demagogue. Whenever any question came up before the Senate relative to slavery, in Sumner’s pre-arranged absence, Wilson, his toady colleague, would move its postpone ment till the next or some subsequent day, on account of the “ severe illness" of his col league (Sumner), who desired to speak on it. This trick became so common, and was so well understood by the Senators, tint it excited a smile of derision all over the Sen ate chamber. Yours, truly, W. Patton. How the South Can Help Itself Best. —Had our people turned a deaf ear to Mr. Johnson’s invocations to re-organize their States after the war, had they gone to rais ing bread and meat instead of cotton, wherewith to buy these things, had they es chewed any idea of “ re-organizing labor ” and let the negro severely alone, unless if, urged to act, they had insisted upon electing him to office, and especially upon sending him to Congress, they would have now been pe cuniarily independent, and far more so po litically than they can hope to be for some time to come. The best they can do now is to go to work to give internal wealtii to their home steads, making them rich in fruits and grasses, gathering on them the best of stock, not including the negro, and to vote down, if they can, any form of government dictated to them from abroad ; and, if they cannot, to vote for and elect engineers of their own to manage it, and to possess their souls in patience, satisfied that no possible system of government can be so injurious as a neglect of work and a calling on Her cules, without taking hold of the wheel. If the white people of the South were at this moment in the possession of all the food and clothing they need for this year, and were secure of raising it for the year to come, though no man had more than his homestead, which is exempt from forced sale, they would be beyond the reach of Federal oppression. They can become so this year, in spite of Congressional enactments and even the passing of their State governments into the hands of adventurers. i [New Orleans Picayune. English Importation of Wheat.—En glish importations of wheat for last year amounted to the heavy sum of $125,000,000. In 1866 the importations footed $65,000,000, and in 1865, m the neighborhood of $49,000,- 000. The three groat sources of supply in 1867 were Russia, Prussia and the United States, and the value of the wheat received from each will serve to show correctly the dependence of the United Kingdom upon this country for its supply of breadstuff's. Russia furnished $48,731,000 In that grain, Prussia $21,799,000 and the United States $16,271,000,- leaving a balance of some $38;000,000 from other sources. England also imported from all sources wheat,'meal and flour, in 1867, to the amount of $17,000,- 000, showing a small decline on the same of 1866. In the nine years ending 1866, in clusive, the average value of wheat import ed into England was a little over $67,800,- 000. Tiie amount, therefore, required last year was heavier than that of any other annual period during the preceding decade. Indeed, with tiie exception of 1862, when the imports nearly reached those of 1867, the average does not exceed a half of last year’s shipments in that direction. Sixteen million dollars, the reckoning of our por tion of the English imports in 1867, is a sum of considerable importance, and even the moiety of that amount, which seems to be the ordinary average, is not to be lightly considered; but it is hardly formidable enough to influence the markets of this vast agricultural country to the extent we some times witness. The payments made for foreign wheat in England last year were the heaviest on record. For Congress.—The following are Conser vative nominees for Congress: First District—Hon. H. 8. Fitch. Third District—Hon. P. W. Alexander Fourth District—Hon. O. A. Lochranc Sixth District—Hon. J. H. Christy. Seventh District—Gen. P. M. B. Youn«-. Lincoln Oounty Democratic Meeting- to c '? n 11 Portion cf the Demo cratic Club of Lincoln county met this dav at Lincolnton, to nominate candidates for ’ * ie e ?! s,^ ure ‘ U P. OU il ballot had, Wm. L». lutt, Esq., received a majority vote, 4ind was then nominated bv acclamation as a candidate for the House of Reprosen tatitcs. Mr. 1 utt was called upon to re spond. He accepted in an appropriate and stirring speech. 1 he incumbent county officers were all unanimously presented for re-election On motion of Mr. Tutt Resolved, I hat a committee of three be appointed, to meet similar committees from Wilkes and Columbia counties, at J. Belk nap Smith’s mill, on Saturday, 11th inst., at 12 o’clock, to nominate a candidate for Senate for the 29th Senatorial District. The committee appointed are- W F Strother, J. L. Wilkes and C. R. Strother. On motion of C. R. Strother: Resolved, That we approve the policy of the Democratic party of the State of Geor gia, and cordially pledge ourselves to the support of its priuciples and candidates for office. Resolved, That we approve the action of the Central Executive Committee of the Democracy of Georgia in accepting the Hon. Daniel Irwin as our candidate for Governor. To the manor born, he is known to us as a pure patriot, a wise statesman, an incorruptible judge, a Christian gentle man and a true Georgian. We willingly pledge him our support and would gladly commit to him the destinies of our once glorious old Commonwealth in this dark hour of her agony. The resolutions were supported by a spirited address from Dr. Wilkes and pass ed with great enthusiasm. M. Hawes, Chairman. 11. M. Sale, Secretary. April 4th, 1868. [From the Savannah Republican. Gen. Meade and Order No- 51- Our views in relation to the dastardly murder of George W. Ashburn, a notori ously unscrupulous incendiary, and dis turber of the public peace, at Columbus, a few days ago, have already been freely ex pressed, so that we pass over in silence and without one word of comment upon the first line of General Meade’s order, wherein he alludes to this painful occurrence. But with the astounding statement that “ other acts of violence and atrocity have been committed about the same time in various parts of this district,” we feel compelled to take exceptions. We simply ask the fair question, to whom does General Meade re fer when he charges the commission of “ other acts of violence and atrocity about the same time in various parts of this dis trict ?” We have been in the daily receipt of every journal published in the State of Georgia, with the exception of the vile incen diary and toady sheet, the Era, at Atlanta, and have failed to see any mention of these “ other acts of violence and atrocity.” It is true we have heard that a black fiend in human form, who ravished the person of a young white lady near Augusta, some three months ago, was captured and burn ed at the stake by the infuriated populace, comprising respectable white and black citizens. It is also true that a Federal offi cer, Capt. Timoney, while engaged in a personal controversy, shot one of the Radi cal delegates to the Atlanta convention, a few weeks ago. And the whole country is familiar with the atrocious assassination of Colonel Shepherd, an old and highly re spected citizen, by one Captain Schaaff, a Federal officer, who was tried before a mil itary commission, found guilty, and sen tenced to pay a fine of one hundred dollars and to be imprisoned a few months with loss of pay! It is true that a brutal out rage by a lustful negro was perpetrated upon the person of a white woman while on her way home to her residence on the outskirts of Atlanta, and that the villain escaped from his pursuers. It is true that an inoffensive colored wo man of ill-repute was brutally murdered in the streets of Savannah by one Robert R. Hopkins, a son of the notorious Radical perjurer, and that atrocious as it may seem he has never yet been brought to trial, sim ply because General Meade in his “ good ness” and “ honesty” of heart really believes that the Radical murderer could not have justice meted out to him, if tried before a jury of his fellow-citizens and those among whom he was born and raised. It is true— and we think we have a vivid recollection of the circumstances —that two of these valiant sons, armed to the teeth, bravely attempted to assassinate a law-abiding citizen, while in the exercise of his rights and the peaceful avocation of a public jour nalist, for tiie heinous crime of denouncing perjury. It is true that Hopkins, Bradley, Clift & Co., have been preaching the most in flammatory doctrine—have produced several disturbances and one or two bloody col lisions. Now, does General Meade intend to punish these marauders by this order ? We have no just or reasonable ground for supposing anything of the kind. Had he entertained any such honorable intentions, or felt the slightest desire to prevent the impending hostilities which now stare us in the face, and for which these midnight incendiaries are alone responsible, he could long ago have suppressed them. He has had ample power, and if he reads the daily journals must have been informed of tiie seeds of sedition and mischief which have been sown and scattered by the hands ot the very class of men whom he now seeks to protect. Certainly General Meade will not dare to publicly assert before an intelligent people that he has not been informed months ago of the existence of hundreds of these secret organizations throughout his district.— Where has Hopkins, Bradley, Clift & Co. received their strength? From the secret so-called Union Leagues. Does General Meade mean to advise tiie foolish colored men who have been inveigled into these oath-bound secret conclaves by designing politicians, to beware of “connecting them selves with such evil organizations?” We opine not, and his conduct in the whole matter warrants our conclusions. It is a fact, and no fiction, that a success ful Australian digger had a gold collar made for his dog; that he, like his master, might put aside his working-dress, and be magnificent for the rest ot his days. It is a fact, that another rode from Ballart with his horse shod with gold. To keep a car riage and pair of horses, was the great ambition of a digger’s wife. A woman in Colso lived in a common log hut, with noth ing but mud for a floor, and a couple of stools and a bench or two for furniture.— Outside the hut was the carriage, under a tarpaulin, and a pair of horses grazed near. For a year or more, she was constantly to be seen on the road to Geerlong. Her son drove, and she sat inside, in silks and satins gorgeously arrayed, a short pipe in her mouth and the gin bottle reposing on the cushion by her side. It is said that none of the personal surround ings of M. Du Chaillu so surprised the native Africans as the aspect of his booted feet. The appearance of a white man, with black feet and no toes, was a phenoninon which the inhabi tants, from far and near, crowded the streets to witness, and beheld with amazement. Headquarters Third Military District, ) Department Georgia, Ala. and Florida, > Atlanta, Ga., April 4, 1868. ) General Orders No 51. I. The recent assassination, at Columbus, Georgia, of the Hon. G. W. Ashburn, late a member of the Constitutional Convention of said State, and other acts of violence and atroci ty committed about the same time in various parts of this District, and the simultaneous publication of incendiary articles, and the re ceipt by many persons ol threatening letters, indicating a concert of action, by violence and intimidation, to alarm and overawe a laige part of the population and by this means affect the results ol pending elections in this District, all of which acts apparently emanate from a secret organization, for no good purpose, which seems to be i apidly spreading through these States, makes it necessary for the Commanding Gener al to warn all persons against the commission of such acts, the publication of such articles, the sending of such letters or connecting them selves with such evil organization, and to assure all the good people of this District that he will use all the powers he possesses to protect them in the peaceable enjoyment of their homes and property and In the exercise of their personal rights and political privileges. 11. He therefore directs all military and civil officers, in this District, to take the most prompt measures to arrest and bring to trial all persons who may hereafter print, publish or in any manner give circulation and publicity to such incendiary papers or threatening letters, and furthermore to arrest all persons who may be known to have participated in any such acts of violence as above referred to, resulting in breaches of the peace and injury to persons or property. HI The Commanding General furthermore forbids the conductors of all newspapers, job printing offices or other presses from printing or publishing any articles or papers tending to produce intimidation, riot or bloodshed; and any newspaper containing any such publications, or press publishing the same, will be stopped, and its proprietors, editors and other parties connected therewith, on being convicted be fore a military commission, will be subject to fine and imprisonment or such other penalties as may be deemed suitable to the offense com mitted. IV. All public writers and speakers are en joined to refrain from inflammatory appeals to the passions and prejudices of the people, and from publishing or saying anything calculated to produce breaches of the peace, or to intimi date any persons from the exercise of their political privileges. V. Military Commanders of Posts, sheriffs of counties, Mayors and other municipal officers, are hereby required to organize patrols and other means for the dectection of such persons as avail themselves of the secrecy of the night for executing their criminal purposes. Mili tary Commanders of Posts are required to see that this order is duly and faithfully executed by the civil authorities within their jurisdiction, and to promptly report any failure or unwil lingness on the part of said authorities, who will be held subject to the penalties attached to disobedience of the orders emanating from these headquarters. Military Commanders are au thorized and directed, when in their judgment the same may be necessary, to organize, from the reliable and law abiding citizens, posses to aid in the preservation of law and order in their respective districts, the expenses attending the pay and maintenance ot these posses to be charged to the several counties or municipali ties, as the case may be. VI. The Commanding General calls on all good citizens to aid in the preservation of peace, and to assist in the arrest and punishment of violators of this order and the criminal laws of the State, and he admonishes them that unless acts of intimidation and violence are checked and punished, bloody retaliation may be pro voked, the peace of society endangered or sub verted, and much innocent blood be shed. VII. The commanding officeis of all military posts In this District will, immediately on the receipt of this order, cause its contents to be generally made known, and deliver copies there of to all civil officers, editors of newspapers and presses and other parties to be specially’ affected thereby, within the limits of their commands. By order of Major General Meade. 8. F. Barstow, Acting Assistant Adjutant General. Headquarters, Third Military District, ) (Department of Georgia, Florida & Alabama,) y Atlanta, Georgia, April 6lh, 1868. ) General Orders, No. 52. I. Whereas, The Constitutional Convention of the State of Georgia, recently in session in this city, did, on the 10th day of March, 1868, adopt an Ordinance entitled “An Ordinance to provide for the election of civil officers,” which Ordinance, among other things, provides : “ That an election be held, beginning on the twentieth day of April, 1868, (at such places as may be designated by the Commanding Gen eral of the District) for voting on the ratification of the Constitution, for the election of Govern or, members of the General Assembly, Repre sentatives to the Congress of the United States, and all other officers to be elected as provided in this Constitution, and said election to be kept open from day to day, at the discretion of the General Commanding. “And at said election on the ratification of tiie Constitution, and for Governor, members of Congress, members of the General Assembly, and all other civil officers, the qualifications for voters shall be the same as prescribed by the Act of Congress known as the Sherman Bill, for voters at the election on the ratification of the Constitution, and at all elections under the provisional government. And Major General Meade is respectfully requested to give the ne cessary orders to carry into effect the foregoing provisions, and cause due returns to be made and certificates of election to issue by the prop er officers. But this ordinance shall not apply to Justices of the Peace, who shall be elected at such time as shall be provided for by the first General Assembly, until otherwise provided for by law.” 11. As by the provisions of said Ordinance the Commanding General is requested to cause certificates of election to be issued to those persons who may be elected to said offices, and that he may not be called upon to cause certi ficates of election to be issued to persons ineli gible to hold office, he calls the attention of all concerned to the provisions of Sec. 3 of the amendment to the Constitution of the United States, proposed by’ Congress and designated as the 14th Article, which section he deems, under the reconstruction acts, applicable to the election of officers provided for by said Ordi nance, and is as follows: “ Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of Presi dent and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Con stitution of the United States, shall have en gaged iu insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two thirds of each House, remove such disability’.” Attention is also called to the 6th Section of the Supplementary’ Reconstruction Act of Con gress, which passed July l!)th, 1867, in which it is declared that “ the words ‘ executive or judicial office iu any State ’ shall be construed to include all civil offices created by law for the administration of any general law of a State, or for the administration of justice.” 111. The following are the officers to be elect ed at the approaching election in the State of Georgia, under the provisions of the foregoing Ordinance and the Act of Congress authorizing the election, to wit: A Governor of the State, Senators and Rep resentatives in the General Assembly, and for each county in the State a Clerk of the Supe rior Court, Ordinary, Sheriff', Tax Collector, Tax Receiver, Treasurer, Coroner and Sur veyor. Also, seven members of the House of Repre sentatives of the United States Congress, be ing one member to be elected from, each of the Congressional Districts in the State, as estab lished by an ordinance of said Constitutional Convention, entitled “ An Ordinance to estab lish Congressional Districts,” adopted March 6th, 1868. 1 By order ot Major General Meade. S. F. Barstow, Acting Assistant Adjutant General. An Appeal from Lt. John 0. Brain, 0. S. N. Cell 24, King’s County Penitentiary, ) Brooklyn, N. Y., March 16, 1868. y Admiral Semmes : Dear Sir : I take the liberty of addressing you these tew lines to request you to publish an appeal to our people in by behalf. I have been a prisoner without trial since the 13th of September, 1866, now over eighteen months.— God only knows what I have suffered during that time, subject as I am to the rules of a convict prison. My health is suffering from long confinement, and my family are in the most extreme poverty from my incarceration. I think that there are some in your city who knew me as an officer of our navy, who will not refuse to assist me in my hour of need. I sadly need money for legal expenses and for my family. If I were released to-morrow I should be adrift without a cent, for my impris onment has ruined me both in health and pocket. I must beg leave to thank you for the kind presents which you were kind enough to send me through the hands ot Mr. C., for at that time I was in rags, but now, thank God, I am well supplied with clothing and the necessaries of life, through the kindness of Colonel A. W. Foute, of Mississippi, who has proved himself to be a real brother and countryman in my hour of need—he has done everything in his power; but we need money. lam also under many obligations to General Loring, of Ala bama, and others for their kindness. I think, sir, that il you will be kind enough to publish an appeal to our people, that they will be kind enough to hear the prayer of one who tried to do his duty to our lost cause. I pray God that they will, for I am tired I can tell you of wasting my life in a prison. I am ex tremely obliged to you for publishing my letter of June, 1867. Ido not think that any of my countrymen (Southern) will refuse to hear my (begging) prayer for assistance from my 8m 5 prison cell. lam not allowed the newspapers, so I will trouble you to clip whatever you see fit to publish and send it to me. Anything will safely reach me to my prison address. I remain most respectfully yours, Jno. C. Brain, Late Ist Lient. Com’d’g C. 8. N. F. B.—This is read by a third party. J. C. B. 1 I [From the Macon Telegraph, 7th. Tire in Macon- About one o’clock this morning a fire broke out on Bridge Row in an old unoccupied building, next to No. 76. From those living in the neighborhood, and the first on the spot, we learned that the flames were first discovered coming through the roof, as though the torch had been applied in the second story of the building. This property is said to belong to the Connelly children. The fire soon spread to old “ 76,” which was occupied by Mrs. Don Levy, and owned by Con. Connell. The fire then spread up Wharf street and up Bridge Row. The next place burnt was the small house of officer James McMurray, who being on duty at the time, saved but little from his house, which was entirely consumed with most of his effects. The next house burnt on the Row was that of Mr. Gavin, which was also entirely con sumed. The next, on the river side of the alley, was owned and occupied by Mr. Dillard, which shared the fate of the others. This house, we were told, w’as insured. The fire then crossed the alley, and attacked the two small houses at the corner and the next. We did not’learn the occupants’ names. These were owned by parties in Europe, for whom Mr. Jennings is agent here. These were in sured. After destroying “ No. 76,” the flames spread up Wharf, burning three dwellings, said to be tiie property of Dennis Shenau, and occupied by poor families, white and colored, most of whom, we were glad to see, saved their house hold effects. The next, fourth and last house burnt on Wharf street, was occupied by a Mrs. Coates, but by whom owned we did not ascertain. ’Twas here the fire was checked on Wharf street, and the Hodgkins’ house saved. In the meantime, by the pulling down of the small building above the corner of the alley, on Bridge Row, and a supply of water having been obtained, the conflagration was effectually checked ; and when we left, at 2:45, the ruins were being “ wet down.” Five houses on Bridge Row and four on Wharf street, with numerous outhouses, were consumed. What the loss was, we cannot es timate at this late hour. Many of our poor de serving friends have been rendered houseless, and have our heartfelt sympathy in their mis fortune. The Way “Rebel” Outrages are Com mitted. —A negro named John Kenser, who settled in Winchester since the war, is now in custody under the charge of trying to burn the negro church at that place. The evidence of his own race against him is conclusive, and John will go up for a term in the penitentiary, • Gov. Brownlow willing. He has “ preached” several limes to the blacks and colored people of Winchester, and was lifer last year for Brownlow’s militia. It is thought that he was provoked by some of his color who attended the chur?h, and by this means intended to re venge himself. But the more generally conceiv ed opinion is that it was intended to burn the church and lay the charge to the KuKlux’s in order to make political capital. It should not be forgotten, in this connection, that Mr. Kinley, who shot the two negroes near Mt. Pleasant a few days since, was a mem ber of the Loyal League.— Nashville Banner. Antediluvian Monster.—We learn that Capt. C. O. Boutelle, of the United Stales Coast Survey, whilst making explorations in the neighborhood of St. Helena Island, South Caro lina, recently, unearthed a huge mastodon, ly ing in a bed of marl. When discovered, the huge monster was fixed precisely in the posi tion it is believed to have been when it laid down to die before the flood. The skeleton was perfect, but a portion of the bones very soft, while other parts are petrified. The bones are of enormous size. Professor C. U. Bhepperd, -~ of the South Carolina Medical College, and his son, the Professor, who recently returned from Europe, will exhume the monster and bring it to this city. It is the first mastodon yet dis covered on the Atlantic coast, though it has heretofore been met with in the West. [Charleston Courier. Woman Run Over by the Cars.—Yesterday evening, about a quarter before 7 o’clock, a white woman named Mary O’Brien, who is said to be a simpleton, attempted to pass under a train of cars on the South Carolina Railroad, which was being backed across Wolfe street.— She was run over, both her legs broken, and one of her hands badly mashed. By direction of Lieutenant Campbell, one of the city police, who happened to be on the spot, she was placed on a spring cart and taken to the Tucker House Hospital. Dr. Aldrich, who was sent for by Lieutenant C. to take charge of the case, says that in all probability she will die. The unfortunate woman was living with her mother, her only relative, at the corner of Cooper and Reid streets. — Charleston Mercury, Ith. The Mystery Solved.—We learn that a ne gro in Columbus professes to be fully posted in the murder ol Ashburn, and clears away the mystery that surrounds the bloody transaction. It is said that he is willing to swear that on the night of the murder, and immediately after, he met the perpetrators, a large and strange look ing body, in the street, and followed them They passed through the town, entered the cemetery, and the whole party repaired to that portion of it assigned to the Confederate dead. Here they arranged themselves among the graves and stood in silence for a moment, when, ol a sudden, the tallest of them raised his arm and in a moment all had disappeared! No doubt the narrator believes the story. [Macon Telegraph. Whoa January.—The little horse, “Whoa January,” which all our little boys and girls vividly remember, was recently sold at auction in an obscure town in Texas. He brought $350, and had been levied on, together with the whole traps of the circus, for debt.
