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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (July 29, 1868)
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 2,9 1863 ©tab *«>* Weekly Constitution alist. That every one may be enabled to sub scribe, and receive the benefits of a live jour nal, we offer the following liberal terms to Clubs ; >Copy per year - JJ’ 3 Copies per year - - JJ on 5 Copies per year - - ™ 10 Copies per year - - ~ u 1 We trust that every subscriber to the paper will aid us in adding to our list. —» CROPS AND CURRENT NEWS. Our subscribers and friends in the coun try will confer a favor on us and our nu merous readers by sending us items as to crop prospects and general news in their different sections. We trust that each subscriber will consider himself a special correspondent tor the Constitu tionalist, and thereby add to the interest of the paper. THE PRESIDENTIAL CANVASS: THE CONSTITUTIONALIST FOR THE CAMPAIGN. The Constitutionalist will be mailed do clubs of live or more, from the first day of July to the fifteenth of November next, at the following low rates: Daily $2 50 per copy. Tri-Weekly 175 “ “ Weekly * 75 “ “ The canvass will undoubtedly be the fiercest and the results the most important of any that have taken place in this coun try, for the real issue is a Constitutional Form of Government or a Despotism, and every man should keep fully conversant with the great struggle. Now is the time to form Chibs, as our rates are put down so low that no pecuniary profit can be realized. Those who want a sound and reliable Democratic journal for the campaign would do well to subscribe immediately to the Constitutionalist. WILL THERE BE CIVIL WAR ? The Radical key note of the campaign has been sounded—‘£Let us have Peace!” They profess to be greatly troubled at the prospect of another conflict and blow with a loud blast their fear that if Seymour and Blair are elected, we shall have civil war. “Let us have Peace I” What hypocrites. Who prevented them from having peace ? Not the South, for she used every effort to prevent bloodshed when she desired to withdraw’ from their domination, and, since the war, her people have quietly submitted to every exaction of the rump Congress. Not an arm has been raised, nor a gun fired, in hostility to the United States; even the Great Butcher —he who now’ cries, “Let us have Peace ” —officially reported, in 1865, that law aud order prevailed in the Southern States. The Radicals know that profound peace has existed for three years throughout the entire country, so far as a, meek submission to the demands of force aud fraud can be called peace. But submission alone to the usurped i power of the Radical conclave, for thel sake of that peace they so hypocritically j cry for, will not satisfy them ; their subjects ' must kiss the rod that smites them and i foreswear an attempt to remove the chains that bind them, and hence the bold declara tion of Francis P. Blair, Jr., the Demo cratic candidate for Vice-President, that if duly elected, he would have his rights, and the rights of those electing him, by iorce of arms, if necessary, alarms them. They do not relish such bold declarations. They tell of freemen who know’ their rights, and knowing will dare maintain them. . The Democratic party have also pro claimed the reconstruction acts uncon stitutional, null aud void, and if their candidates are elected, the legal .govern ments of the Southern States shall be re instated, though the sword had to be in voked. Still all this is no just ground to fear a civil war. Why then do the Radical usurpers cry for Peace, when war docs not exist, and confess to a fear that a civil con flict will ensue if Seymour and Blair are elected. There is but one solution of the problem: Having usurped the whole power of our Government and abolished the Con stitution, they intend to maintain that power against the duly expressed voice of the people, and, therefore, they believe the success of the Democratic party will lead to a conflict of arms. Will there be civil war? The Radical leaders alone can answer. If war comes they alone will be responsible for it. The Democratic party is the party of peace. Seymour, the standard bearer, is a civilian, a statesman, and Christian. The Demo cratic hosts of this country do not cry “ Let us have Peace,” but declare that peace now prevails throughout the length and breadth of the United States; and when their candidate is placed in the Executive chair the Constitution of the country will be his guide, and the prosperity of the people of all the States his highest ambi tion. _____ Gov. Seymour is an adro't and able man, a Democrat whose fidelity was never ques tioned, a thorough-going hater of New’ England and of New England ideas, and a candidate who can control the full vote of his party in his own State. [jßoston Advertiser, {Republican.) This is the highest compliment w’c have yet seen paid Gov. Seymour. “A thorough hater of New England, and of New Eng land ideas ” is a man who loves the whole country.— Journal & Messenger. SAD NEWS! How true is it that we know not what a day may bring forth? Man lays his plans for the future, too often forgetful that there is “ many a slip ’twixt the cup and the lip.” It is sad, very sad, to record the failure or misfortunes of a young man, but still more sad it is to revert to the clouds and impending calamities which gather about and above the head of one who lias toiled for years and years,st riving manfully* against disaster and defeat, always true to principle ami to honor. hilst this is true of individuals, it is equally true of associa tions and parties, and, at this time, peculiar ly and painfully true of the Democratic party. Just rising once more into power ; shak ing ofi', with the might of a moral Hercules, all minor and non-essential points of doc trine, this great party is beginning to loom up and assume proportions which shall at tract to it all the true lovers of country de termined to know nothing but the " Con stitution and the Union.” We have been glorying in the hope that the night was far spent and that daylight was just ahead; when, 10, and behold, a cloud arises, and gloomy forebodings begin to find lodgment in our breasts. Read ! In the debate in Congress on the “ fund ing bill,” we find the following : During the discussion Mr. Stevens, who.ad vocated 4 per cent, as the lowest rate of inter est, said he had understood the gentleman from Illinois (Ross) to say that the bonds should be paid according to the New York platform. What was that platfbrm ? Mr. Ross said it was to pay the 5 20s in law ful money. Mr. Stevens—What do you call lawful money ? Mr. Ross—Greenbacks. That is your doc trine and mine, you know. [Laughter.] Mr. Stevens—l hold to the Chicago platform as I understand it on that point, and to the New York platform, that these bonds shall be paid just according to the original contract. A member—The law. Mr. Stevens—According to the law. Mr. Pile—The spirit and letter of the con- Mr. Stevens —What was that law—that the interest should be paid up to a certain time at 6 per cent, in coin ; after the bonds fell due they were to be payable in money, just as the gen tleman from Illinois understood it; just as he (Mr. Stevens) understood it; just as we all un derstood it when the law was enacted ; just as it was explained on the floor a dozen times by the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. If he knew that any party in the coun try would go for paying in coin that which was payable in money, thus enhancing the debt one half—if he knew that there was such a platform and such a determination on the part of his own party, he would go for Frank Blair and for the other party. He would vote for no such swindle ou the tax-payers of the country. He would vote for no such speculation in favor of the large bondholdersand millionaires. He repeat ed, though it was hard to say it, if Frank Blair stood on the platform of paying according to the contract, and if the Republican candidate stood on the platform of paying bloated specu lators twice the amount agreed to be paid them and taxing his constituents to death, 7re would vote for Frank Blair, even if a worse man than Seymour were on the ticket. Isn’t that awful ? But troubles never come singly. We learn that earnest efforts are being made to kick Ben Butler out of the Radical party, in the hope that he will seek refuge with the Democrats. The Buffalo Commercial, a Radical sheet, is down on the Baest, aud says “his recent action in Congress has been fraught with mischief to the Republican party and to Gen. Grant, and remarks that he is still a Democrat in his convictions and sympathies.” Now this is horrible! Ben’s convictions would be many and various if the courts of justi e would take him in hand, but as for his “sympathies,” heaven deliver us I Sym pathy! Great heaven! what an amount of it we will need if we are ever afflicted with two such calamities as Thad Stevens and Ben Butler. We trust the Democratic party will continue national, remain honest, and thus offer no attraction for two such reprobates. Let us watch, aud if need be, pray that no such visitation come upon us. A Few’ Facts for Democrats.—At the Presidential election of 1864 Mr. Lincoln, by suppressing the soldiers’ vote cast for General McClellan and by throwing into the Western States several thousand New’ England soldiers who voted for him (most of them voting five or six times), managed to obtain a majority on the popular vote of 411,281. At the last general elections in the same States the Republican majority was only 46,910, including Illinois and Indiana, which have not held a general election since the Fall of 1866, and crediting Ohio with a Re publican majority of 2,983, which was ob tained by the Republican candidate for Governor, though at the same election the Democrats defeated negro suffrage by over 50,000 majority and elected a majority of the members of the Legislature. In 1864 the change of 205,641 votes would have elected General McClellan over Mr. Lincoln ; in 1868 it requires the change of but 23,456 votes to give to Horatio Seymour the electoral votes of the States which were carried by Mr. Lincoln. In the face of these figures is not the election of Seymour and Blair as certain as iis to morrow’s sun to rise ! Democrats will ■ please bear these figures in mind. [Aeto ForZ; World. Cost of Radical Rule. —Since the sur render of Lee’s army the Radical Govern ment at Washington have borrowed about eight hundred millions of dollars, and have collected in addition thereto, from the peo ple during the same period, byway of taxes and custom duties, fourteen hundred millions, which make two thousand two hundred millions that they have expended since the close of the rebellion. This is one half of the entire debt of Great Britain, and more than the entire amount expended by the National Government from the time that Gcbrge Washington was first inau gurated President up to the close of Bu chanan’s administration, during which time the country went through two suc cessful foreign wars, and any number of wars W’ith the Indians, and also acquired all the territory of the United States west of the Mississippi river. These facts speak l for themselves.— World. “Be Wise To-Day." We transfer to our columns the following able article from the AWzonrt? Intelligencer, with the above heading: Do the people of the United States know that the second Wednesday of February next is fixed as the time, and the Capitol as the place, for their final subjugation to a usurping junto? Have they heard that if on the 7th of November they shall elect one citizen to be President of the United States, and reject another; then if the lat ter be the Radical candidate, he is to be ac credited as the elect, and him whom they shall have chosen is to be rejected? We do not say now that it is to be so. But we will demonstrate that it is to be so. We hope to leave no doubt- about it. The fol lowing joint resolution is now before the President: Resolved, That none of the States whose inhabitants were lately in rebellion shall entitled to representation in the electo ral college for the choice of President and Vice-Pres’dent of the United States; nor shall any electoral votes be received or counted from any of such States unless, at the time prescribed by law for the choice of electors, the people of such States, pur suant to the acts of Congress in that be half, shall have since the 4th day of March, 1867, adopted a constitution of State gov ernment under which a State government shall have been organized, and shall be in operation; nor unless such election of elec tors shall have been held under the authori ty of such constitution and government, and such State shall have also become en titled to representation in Congress pur suant to the acts of Congress in that be half: Provided, That nothing herein con tained shall be construed to apply to any State that was represented in Congress on the 4th of March, 1867. What is the object of this legislation ? Is it necessary to fix in advance a rule which shall govern the suffrage of Presi dential electors ? In the first place, that rule was fixed by the Constitution, and no power but the sovereign people, in the man ner therein prescribed by themselves, can change that rule. The legislation, then, however salutary, is unconstitutional. But where is the rule which it prescribes? Read it again. It leaves, or rather makes, the matter much more obscure than it was be fore. What two minds would extract from it the same rule, construing it is a statute ? The right of Ohio or Massachusetts to vote for President is brought to the vague tenu ity of a saving clause in a joint resolution of Congress! Without the proviso that nothing contained in it shall apply to States that were represented in Congress on the sth of March, 1867, it would seem to apply to all the States of the Union. Under such a rule the votes of electors of the State of Pennsylvania would be excluded next February by the Acting Vice President in the count, should he choose to regard the armed combinations of 1863 and 1864 in that State against the draft as acts of rebellion, unless since 4th March, 1867, that State shall have organized a new government, which shall have been approv ed by Congress. But Pennsylvania and the other States of the North are saved by a proviso*. Congress having graciously admitted them to representation on the 4th March, 1867, by virtue thereof they mat vote for President and Vice-President! But other States not granted that Con gressional boon must procure it on pre scribed terms, or else not participate in choosing their rulers. But it is worse still than that. The terms are not intelligibly prescribed. For example: In order for a State, “ whose inhabitants were lately in rebellion,” to have her votes counted, she must have adopted a new con stitution, “pursuant to the acts of Con gress in that behalf.” What acts are “in that behalf?” It may be one, two, or a dozen. But supposing the so-called recon struction acts to be so certainly meant that (contrary to all practice in drafting laws,) it was not necessary, even for a purpose so transcendantly delicate, to name them, some power is to judge whether the new constitution is or is not in “ pursuance ” of them. If this were clear, however, yet it would not be sufficient. “Under” such constitution a State government shall, in addition, have been organized. Does this mean by virtue exclusively of such consti tution, or does it import only that the gov ernment so to be organized shall be subse quent in point of time to the new constitu tion ? Or is it that the new’ government shall be consistent with the new constitu tion ? But, if all this were clear, still they may not vote. It is requisite that the clec tiod by the people, at which the electors for President and Vice-President were chosen, “ shall have been held under the authority of such constitution and government.” It would be for somebody to judge whether the authority and the election agreed. But all these doubts (and a thousand more, which a little forecast will suggest,) might be so fully resolved as to make a people feel, in the confiding simplici y of old-fash ioned reverence for legislative good faith, that they had, if not as a right under the Constitution of their country, yet as a grant from Congress, of the privilege of participating in Government, and still they would not have advanced one step towards it. For, in addition to all this, it is pro vided that “such States shall have also be come entitled to representation in Congress, pursuant to the acts of Congress in that be half.” But it would be idle to thread out in prolix detail the palpable result, that if a certain power, other than the State itself, or than the Uni'ed States, shall judge that the rotes ought to he counted, then they shall he counted; hut if that power judges not, then not. To fortify this monstrous ordinance the better, the first part of the resolution, even at the expense of coherency with its own context, clears the way of all future expos tulation by the bold ’ verbal repeal of the Constitution aud of the Union itself, in these words: None of the States whose inhabitants were lately in rebellion shall be entitled to representation in the electoral college for the choice of President and Vice-President of the United States. This is wholly unqualified. No right or title whatever is to exist. If any such State be counted, the privilege is to be granted. It is not even thereby bestowed, but is to be bestowed. By whom ? By that same power, other than the State or the United States, and independently of the Constitution, which may judge without ap peal, the compliance by the State with the obscure and equivocal terms and conditions of this resolution. Whatever that power is, then, it is to be the solo source of the right which any such State may exercise in the premises, and the sole judge of the ex pediency of imparting it; and that power need not act until the last moment. What is this new and overwhelming power ? It is not the Supreme Court. It is not the Executive. It is not Congress. It is not the House of Representatives; and it is not the Senate; for it is not any of these that counts the votes for President and Vice-President; and as all provisions in the resolution terminate in the practical question whether an electoral vote is a valid vote or not, it follows that the au thority that counts the votes must deter mine that tremendous question. That power is Benjamin F. Wade ! The Constitution provides: The electors shall meet in their respec tive States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make dis tinct lists of all persons voted for as Presi dent, and of all persons voted for as Vice- President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and cer tify, and transmit sealed to the seat of Gov ernment of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Sen ate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no per son have such majority, then from the per sons having the highest numbers, not ex ceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately by ballot the President. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the rep resentative from each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall con sist of a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. Beyond any in the prolonged and egre gious list of Congressional usurpations, this daring project should excite instant and universal alarm. If acquiesced in, it lodges in the will of one man the power to make and destroy sovereign States, to dis able the sovereign might, and disallow the free choice of the people, to dispense a national election and substitute a personal nomination, and to set over the Republic a President whom the majestic people had re fused to elect; and that man, Mr. Wade! Here we stop for the present. We need not demonstrate that the principle of the bill is that of a total and unqualified adop tion of the will of a ruling party for the time being as a substitute for a Union, a Constitution, and laws of the land. But it is not on grounds of making a bad prece dent that we happen to make our present appeal. The measure transcends the do main of all precedent, either to follow or be followed. It is a measure of sheer vio lence, for a future occasion, and now—not then—is the time to meet it. Let it be dis tinctly and unanimously denounced and ab jured as an abuse which only a traitor would suffer to be called law in his presence. “Be wise to-day,” people of the Republic, and forbid, by every manifestation of your indignation and your authority, the infa mous plot to betray you into subjection to Ben. Wade, of Ohio, and those who control him. A measure is proposed simply and boldly to authorize the Radical politicians to count the votes of States if they are cast for Grant, and to suppress them if cast for Seymour. Look to it. The Model Republic. Blackwood's Magazine is one of the quick est in the Old World to detect any vagary or defect in the working of the machinery’ of the Model Republic. But, says the Rich mond Whig, that sharp-eyed periodical only found out in its last, or June number, what we in this quarter of the world have known for years, that the Constitution is a dead letter. We can only’ account for its tardy perception of the truth by’ supposing it was deluded by’ the balderdash of the Radical press, which has been making the welkin ring with its glorifications of universal liberty’ and universal equality. It now sees the matter in its true light. It say’s : At t’ne very first strain to which it was subjected, the beautiful, the symmetrical, the perfect Constitution broke helplessly down; and is at this moment of no more binding. force upon the American people than any’ of the numberless equally beauti ful and unrevokable constitutions bestow ed upon themselves by the French, between 1789 and 1848. * * . * A dominant revolutionary faction, having a majority’ in both houses of Congress, laugh its shreds and remnants to scorn and make their own decrees do duty in its stead. In another portion of its article, it says : The Constitution provided no punishment for an act of secession, and the Northern people, determining there should be no se cession and no disruption of the Union, if force could prevent it, resorted to force, in defiance of the spirit, if not of the letter, of the written document. Great efforts have been made to pervert the facts and to represent the South as ini tiating force, but Blackwood utters the truth, and what will be the verdict of truthful history. In sixty days after the Republi can party obtained possession of the Gov ernment, they erased its peculiar and dis tinctive feature, consent, aud substituted force— thereby revolutionizing the whole character of our institutions. Miss Smellers says Hip only water she is partial to is Cologne water. What a queer girl. [From the New Yerk World. Grant and ths Jews. The Western Israelites are holding seri ous meetings on the subject of the insult offered to their own faith, and to the prin ciples of religious freedom, by the nomina tion for the Presidency of a candidate who, like General Grant, proved himself during the war to be utterly contemptuous of both. This revived indignation of the Hebrews of the United States is the natural result of a weak and disingenuous attempt recently made by General Grant, through one of his subaltern officers, to excuse his inexcusable order expelling all of their blood and belief beyond the. Union lines in the West, The facts simply arc, that finding himself annoyed in certain military operations on one part of his lines by sundry traders, who ■were represented to him to be Jews, Grant issued a curt and brutal order, driv ing from their homes and their business hundreds of inoffensive Jewish citizens who were peacefully attending to their own af fairs miles on miles away from the actual scene of conflict. Under this atrocious order, for example, as was shown in the Senate of the United States after its author had been compelled to revoke it, no fewer than thirty respectable Jewish residents of Paducah, in Kentucky, a place then far from the “ war’s alarms," were driven from their occupations and their homes at four and-twenty hours’ notice. Women and children, old and infirm persons were not spared; and Ihe infamous spectacle was given to the world of soldiers wearing the Ameri can uniform engaged in re-enacting the bru talities of mediaeval bigotry in France and Spain. Two at least of the people thus abused had served in the army of the Union, and none of them had been engaged in trade within the active lines of Grant. The order expelling them ejected them beyond the limits of the department, and forbade them from receiving a pass to approach him foi the purpose of explanation or remonstrance. It was levelled not at individuals guilty of illegal traffic; had it been so, Callicott and hundreds of others, Gentiles and Christians, readers of the Infcwnt? and “ friends” of the Fentons, the Yateses, the Mortons, the Cur tins, and other “ trooly loil ” Governors might have been interfered with in their profitable enterprises. It was aimed at a particular religious body by name, just as distinctly as if it had commanded the sol diers of Grant to drive out the “ Presbyte rians,” or the “ Episcopalians,’ or the “ Catholics.” And in this fact precisely is to be found not only the justification of the indignation which this disgraceful act has excited among those who were its im mediate victims, but also the witness which it bears to the unfitness of the man who is sued it to be trusted with power over the rights and the liberties of his fellow-coun trymen. President Lincoln did himself credit at the time by promptly command ing the order to be revoked. The American people will do themselves justice in Novem ber next by countermanding the nomina tion to the Presidency of the man who is sued it, A Suggestion for the Times. The only reason, says the Norfolk Jour nal, why there are any advocates in the North of the reconstruction acts, which the North never authorized, is, that the North ern people are totally in the dark as to the constitutions of the Southern States passed in pursuance of those acts. The Democratic papers of that section have not been able to seize upon the tenth part of the vileness of these instruments of tyranny. Their interminable length has hindered editors from reading them, and the infernal craftiness with which their most detestable provisions are inserted, has prevented those at a distance from obtain ing even a distant conception of the tyran ny’ which they authorize. Moreover, the specious paragraphs here and there appearing in those constitutions cunningly pjjt in to give a delusive appear ance of fairness, have been made use of by’ the Radical press to blind the eyes of the Northern people to the inhuman cruelty’ of these charters authorizing the despotism of the negro. The great Democratic party should en lighten the Northern people in regard to the tyranny of these constitutions, and j show the ruin that they will inflict upon the Southern States politically, materially’ and socially. If the plain, unvarnished facts are presented to the Northern people, there will arise a universal yell of execra tion that will sweep the Radical party to destruction, and render useless any attempt at controlling the whole country by the military’, which is the now almost undis guised aim of the Jacobins. What we propose to say is this: To send some of our best Southern speakers through out the North to address the people. We have any’ number of men who could be sent upon this duty. Let those be chosen of moderate views before the war, so that no objection can be raised to their testimony’. Let them go before the Northern people and explain to them the whole condition of the South, the way we have been already outraged by’ the Radicals, and the still greater outrages in store for us if their rule can be consolidated. It is only Southern men who can pro perly explain to the North the degradation that the Radicals are preparing for the peo ple ; for it is only Southern men who have a just conception of the tyranny of these constitutions and of the horrors of negro domination. „ ; Crops, &c.— A gentleman of large expe rlencc in planting, who recently removed from Black Swamp, Beaufort District, 8. C., to Mis- , souri, writes back to a friend, under date of the ( 29th instant, and speaks of the crops as appears t in the following extract: ' £ “ From Augusta, Ga, to the Mississippi river the crops are very backward. A drought of n six weeks is prevailing. Some of the crops look promising notwithstanding, but a great deal very poor. Have seen no cofton to equal 11 yours and Mr. B.’s since I left.” g Charges Against the Radicals.—lst. That the Radicals have violated the Con stitution which they have sworn to protect; 2d. They have endeavored to eradicate from the m'nds and hearts of the people those fundamental principles of govern ment that constitute the glory of our race in both hemispheres, and form the chief bul warks of liberty. They have constantly fostered malice and hatred, when it was their duty to encourage and cherish the spirit of fraternity, equality and liberty in all the sections of the country. While they have professed to administer the Govern ment with economy and purity, they have -riven a license to the most unlimited cor ruption and the most unheard of extrava gance until the people are placed in the dust by onerous taxes, in order to maintain the vast machinery which they have evoked in order to tyrannize over the South. While they profess to introduce into the country a purer era, they have introduced into Con gress the ferocity of the dog kennel and the manners of the prize ring. [New York Express. Spurious “ Military Glory.”—Perhaps the most absurd of all the absurd claims Radical orators and Radical editors are just now setting up, is the allegation that the “ soldiers ” arc going to vote for Gen. Grant. That bubble has often times been collapsed by the soldiers themselves—but the point was well taken by Governor Perry, of South Carolina, in his 14th street speech, when he said: “ Fellow-Citizens : I do not believe in the military glory which is said to belong to the chief of the Radical party. Ido not believe that their leader, who sacrificed a hundred thousand men in Virginia in marching to a point to which General McClellan marched without the loss of a man ; I say I do not believe in such a man. [Cheers and applause.] General Grant threw his men against the veterans of General Lee, it would seem, merely to have them slaughtered ; and, gentlemen, I can not believe that the brothers and fathers and kindred of this man can feel any en thusiasm towards the party which chose such a general. And, gentlemen, further, when your soldiers were captured by the Confederates, and when the Confederates were so poor that they could not fur nish their own or your soldiers with food such as they ought to have, they applied to General Grant and to the United States Government to ex change prisoners; and what was the re sponse of all these solicitations on the part of the Confederate Government? ‘We can’t exchange. Because if we exchange the prisoners we will be returning Confederate soldiers to fight us again. And although our own soldiers are left to perish in Southern prisons, there they must perish and die for their country’s sake.’ Now, gentlemen, I do not believe that the friends and kindred of these soldiers who perished in the South can have a very great induce ment in elevating General Grant to the Presidency.” The Governor is right. The Soldiers’ Convention, recently sitting at the Cooper Institute, representing army and navy, are pledged to vote, net for Grant, but Horatio Seymour; not for Schuyler Colfax, of Indi ana, but General Frank P. Blair, of Mis souri.—New York Express. Oongr ss Arming the Southern Negroes — “ Let us Have Peace.” What General Grant meant when he said i “let us have peace,” has been explained : by the action of his friends in Congress. ■ He meant that all the powers aud re ; sources of the country are to be employed I to sustain military usurpations, and to en force submission to negro supremacy. We i take the following from the Congressional i Globe of July 4; f Mr. Paiue, from the Committee on Re -5 construction, by unanimous consent, re ’ ported a bill to provide for the issue of 1 arms for the use of the militia, which was r read a first and second time. 3 The bill, which was read, authorises and requires the Secretary’ of War to deliver to the Governor of each State and Territory represented in the Congress of the United States, at the seat of government of such a State or Territory for the use of the militia .. thereof, as many’ serviceable Springfield ’ rifle muskets, of calibre fifty-eight, with ac " coutrements and equipments, and service r able field pieces with carriages, caissons, 3 equipments, and implements, as the Gover f nor of such State or Territory shall require for the use of the loyal militia therein, not ? exceeding two thousand rifled muskets, with equipments aud accoutrements, aud . two field pieces, with carriages, caisons, equipments and implements, for each Con- 3 gressional district and Territory so repre l seuted, upon the certificate of the Gover i nor showing to the satisfaction of the r General of the army that the regiments and . companies for which such ordnance and ordnance stores are required are duly or- > ganized of loyal citizens of such State or - Territory under the laws thereof; and the > ordnance and ordnance stores shall remain the property’ of the United States, subject " to the control of Congress. - Mr. Paine—l demand the previous ques- • tion. The previous question was seconded and the main question ordered. The bill was ordered to be engrossed and ■ read a third time, and, being engrossed, ■ it was accordingly read a third time and passed. Mr. Paine then moved to reconsider the vote by which the bill was passed, and also moved that the motion to reconsider be I laid on the table. The latter motion was agreed to. Hundreds of colored voters were in the Seymour and Blair procession, in Macon, last Wednesday night, and thousands more cheered it on with right good will. The talk about “ a conflict of races ” is all sturt- The Democrats in this canvass are going to illustrate not a conflict, but a co-operation of races. We mean that somewhere be twee.i four-fifths and nine-ten^ 13 the Georgia negroes shall vote with u s, and by our side, in this election ; ' ve mean In this to do not the slightest violence to the negro’s inclination. ?fc shall vote as he chooses, ami he shall vote for his own best interests and li.ipP {uess - We notify al,car P et '* )a S» crs a “d adven Hirers at home and abroad that we intend to trv conclusions with them on this point, and help themselves if they can. The vote of Georgia this Fall shall be Higher a unit than it ever was before. The Radicals shall get enough of “ manhood suffrage ” in Georgia to satisfy’ them for four years at least.— Macon Telegraph. A sporting man being solicited to insure his life, replied : “ He’d be d—d if he’d play any game where he had to die to win.”
