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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 4, 1868)
THE WEEKLY OONSHTUNTIOALIST LOCAi DEPARTMENT, See advertisement of Austin Corbin <t Co., n another column. NOTICE- Mr. R. L. Gentry i$ authorized to receive subscriptions and advertisements for the Con stitutionalism' and to receipt for the same. ■ Tb.e Constitutionalist GEORGIA and SOUTH CAROLINA ALMANAC, ■•■«»»* «.««»« CALCULATIONS SAME AS GRIER’S, Printed on pood paper and neatly covered, •will be ready for delivery the early part of November. A few more advertisements will be received at reasonable rates, by applying at the Counting Room of tins Office. — Democratic Meeting.—A large and en thusiastic audience greeted Judge Carlton, of Indiana, last night at the City Hall. Our people were anxious to hear what Northern men thought of the contest, and to listen to the reasons which might be given for the recent elections at the North, and right well did the eloquent speaker perform this duty. Heshowed to the colored people how bitterly opposed to them the Radicals in his own Northern State were and had ever been, that there they were treated, not only with contempt, bnt in very many instances with injustice. He advised them to remain among us here, Assured them that we were their truest and best friends, those to whom in the end they would be compelled to look - for support and assistance. He assert ed that Indiana eave much hope for the triumph of constitutional principles in Novem ber, that there were still gigantic efforts being made to redeem her from even the small ma jority, procured as it was by fraud and mis- , representation, which she gave to the Radicals. | That the Democratic party had achieved won i ders within the past few years, reducing as they I hive, the former immense majorities. He spoke of the fact that the secession of the' South was originally caused to a great degree, at least, by the assertions of the Radical organs ■ that the Constitution gave us the right to sc-; cede, and that we should never be interfered with in the exercise of that right; and yet to day the Tribune, Chicago Post, and in truth all the representatives of Radicalism at the North, violate in their every assertion the prin ciples they enunciated then. He expressed his great pleasure at meeting a Georgia audience ; the cordial and hearty wel come he had received —that nd should return home with the pleasantest recollections of his 1 visit. He concluded a very able speech with a most | beautiful and touching peroration, and in do- . ing so, expressed the hope of hearing one whom he hoped was in the audience. Hon. B. H. Hill, after repeated cheers, and in compliance with the request, came forward, . statins that be contemplated leaving on the 10 j o'clock train, and would make but a few re-j marks. He expressed his gratification at the ' eloquent and truthful remarks of his friend from Indiana ; that what he said to the colored people would be believed, whereas they dis trusted us and doubted the truth of what we told them. In referring to iris late visit North, he stated that bis object was to ascertain why the people there intended to vote for General Grant, that in all matters the reasons which influence human action are of far more import ance than the actions themselves, and that he found, that though it was almost universally ac knowledged that reconstruction was dead, yet ' Grant was the only one who could give peace I to the country, and he told the people that one, ! if not the strongest, argument among the mod- , erate men at the North, in favor of Grant, is the ; publicly expressed assertion that Gen. Grant will not be bound by the Chicago platform, but will be a better Democrat in six months than Horatio Seymour—that is, be could and would do far more for the South, He said that the Southern people had en gaged too muob in Federal politics ; that we should now turn to the affiirs of home and do what we had a right to do, and were even now slowly accomplishing—organizing and perfect ing our State governments, only restrained and controlled by the principles of the American Constitution. He closed his few elequent and telling re marks by the expression of hope in the coming election, and urged the people to stand firm in their efforts to restore the Government of our fathers. At the conclusion of Mr. Hill’s remarks, re peated and continued calls were made for Gen. Wright, who finally appeared and made a very encouraging speech. We regret that want of time prevents a more detailed account of this very interesting and entertaining meeting of both whites and blacks. We draw from it much hope and encourage . ment for the future. The skies are brightening, the sun is once more shining upon our people, roused for one last, grand, glorious struggle for what they believe to be right. The tide which, but skshort time since we believed to be flow ing against us has begun to change, and increas ing in volume, power and majesty, will roll on in its strength and truth until it washes from the face of our land the last stain of Radical rule, or it will bear in its ebbing the glory of a noble and gloriotfs effort to preserve and main tain the beautiful and much loved principles which our fathers gave us to inherit. s- Progress.—Columbue sailed to the Amerl- in can coast in a four hundred ton ship, and first landed upon the island of St. Domingo. Last" ie week a vessel from St. Domingo unloaded in ps New York over four hundred tons of St. Croix Rum for P. H. Drake & Co., of that city. This X- js but a few weeks’ supply of this article, which as these gentlemen use in the manufacture of the celebrated Plantation Bitters. We are in is formed by an exchange that Messrs. Drake & x't Co. have not advertised a dollar for a year, but at . that the sales of this article continue at the a former enormous figure. In 1864, the receipts of the Plantation Bitters were equal to ■° those of the New York and New Haven Rail road. Magnolia Water—Superior to the best im ne ported German Cologne, and sold at half the ith price. oct27 nd ■ ■ » ier . A man in New York uses an old hearse as a scare crow to keep children from stealing grapes. ' ■ H fe[From the Chi<*r> Times. GENERAL BLAIR. AT MATtOON. The Democracy of Central Illinois con vened in very great numbers at Mattoon, on the afternoon of Tuesday, October 30th, to listen to an address by Francis I’. Blair, the Democratic candidate for the Vice- Presidency. The meeting was acknowl edged by all who were present to be one of the grandest and most enthusiastic ga h erings of the campaign, and was estimated by members of both political parties to number from 15,000 t 020,000 people, among whom were many ladies. GENERAL BLAIR S SPEECH. General Blair, who was loudly cheered on coming forward, said: Fellow-Citizens: Many years ago, in the State in which I live, a great man who had been for many years the Senator from Missouri, had been driven from his seat after thirty-eight years’ service in that body. The people in the Congressional District in which he lived took him up and elected him to tiie House of Representa tives, and to the multitude of his rejoicing friends who flocked around hitu and con gratulated him, he uttered, in my opinion, the noblest sentiment that ever fell from the lips of an American statesman, lie ex claimed, “Exultation, my friends, is na tural, but moderation is the ornament of victory.” In that phrase, it seems to me, there was more of political wisdom than is to be found in the same number of words that ever fell from the lips of statesman or orator. It represents the free genius of our Constitution—that Constitution which blazes all over with the sentiment of tole ration to all. It is the sentiment that I recommend to all my fellow-countrymen, because it dedicates the triumph of the people to the public good, and not the ma lignity of a few. * * * There was, on one occasion, a revolt of a city, or coun try, which had been dependent on the great Roman republic, and the prowess of the Roman soldiery crushed the revo t. The question come up for consideration in the Roman Senate : What disposition .should tie made of those who revolted ? There were in that assembly men who are now represented in our own Senate by the Sum ners and Wilsons, and men of that cla-s. They said, “ Let us exterminate them ; they have revolted against the glorious Roman republic, and deserve notu live: let us put them to death.” But there was one Senator, an aged man, known for his patriotism and moderation. He rose in the midst of the Senate, and exclaimed Con- i script fathers, let us make them Roman ! citizens, and thus extend the power and the glory of the republic.”; The Roman Senate in those days looked to the splendor and the glory of the republic. They took his advice ; and the power of Rome grew until it overshadowed the world. Its glory sur- I vives to-day, to animate the nations and nerve the arm of patriotism against that military despotism under which at last it fell. Now, my friends, it was the tolera tion, the moderation, and the magnanimity that could overlook the past, and looked only to the future glory of Rome, that gave 1 her such transcendent power, and that con- I ferred upon her such immortal glory. How lis it to-day with us ? In this great republic of America, we, too, have passed through a I strife with some of our brethren lately in ■ revolt. They have borne themselves nobly I in this combat, and by their endurance, by I their courage, and by their devotion to that which they believed to be the good I cause, they have excited the admiration of the civilized world. But they have fallen beneath the power of this great republic. Tney have laid down their arms, and, with a magnanimity unequalled, except by their own deeds of courage upon the.battle field, they say : “We acknowledge that your power has overcome us, and we ask only to be permitted to renew our allegiance to the Government.” What is the response ? Is there a Senator now equal to that old Roman, to rise and say r “Let us make them American citizens, and thus extend the power and glory of the republic.” [“ Nary one.”] Do not we all know—do not we all feel In our hearts—that that is the way to extend the power and the glory of the republic ? Do we not know that this is the way to bind to ns forever, by an indissolu- I ble bond, those men whom "we lately met lon the battle field ? Do we not know, by ' the manner in which they have borne them selves before the world, that their word, pledged to the support of the Government, would be held as sacred—as more sacred— than their lives. Yet there is no American Senator who, if he could give this advice, could prevail upon the Senate to take it.— They have taken far different councils. Proscription, persecution, humiliations, degradation and extermination are the ! I creed of the Sumners and - the Wilsons —i [Cries of “ Butler,” “Spoons,” and laugh-j ter.] We are to make friends of this brave and powerful race of people by heaping | degradation upon their heads. They have j committed such crimes, in the opinion of j these people, that they ought to be humilia-, ted beneath the feet of that semi-barbarous j ■ black people who were their former slaves. ; ' My fellow-citizens, this not the first time in ! i the history of the world that the policy of I proscription and persecution has been pur- j i sued. Nations for centuries have sometimes j . pursued it. But with what result ? Look jat Ireland. That fair country, lying in the ocean, conquered by the arms of the British Government, has been subjugated, and her people harrassed, persecuted, imprisoned and slaughtered, now for more than three centuries. Thousands and tens of thou sands of her bravest and her best have ' been exiled to all quarters of the world. — i Has it brqught peace to Ireland ? Has it ! brought prosperity to that country ? Has it added to the glory and the power of the j British Government? [“Not at all.”] No, my fellow-citizens, there has never been a period in the history of those two coun tries, from the time this proscriptive and persecuting policy was adopted, when the , heart of Ireland was not ready to turn and : rend the oppressor. My fellow-citizens, I have been assailed far and wide through out the whole country, 'by all orators, great and small, that belong to the Re publican party, and I have been denounced to the whole people of the country as a man disposed to renew the rebellion, and I have been declaimed against as a great rev olutionists, ready to imperil the peace of , my country, to destroy Its prosperity, and to renew those dreadful scenes of calamity which took place during the war, and why ? What is the foundation of all this denunci ation ? Simp'.y because, in my public ut terances, and in a deliberate letter which I wrote some months since, I took the ground that Congress having violated the Consti tution, and that the President having sworn j to maintain the Constitution, should keep , his oath inviolate. |“ Bully.”] In the usur ' pation of this rump Congress—[laughter]— it is undeniable that they have violated the Constitution. They do not themselves pre tend to defend the acts that they have done. Their ablest leaders and their ablest advo cates boast that they have acted outside of the Constitution. Where can they point to a provision of the Constitution that al lows them to supercede the’civil govern ment in one- third of the States oi the Union, and establish in their place a military des po'isrn? Where is the clause of the Con- I stitution that authorizes it ? [“ Nowhere.”] The Constitution says, in so many words, that these military authorities shall be al ways subordinate to the civil authorities. That is the language Os the Constitution. How can Congress find power under the Constitution to set aside all the State gov ernments at the South, and in their places erect five military districts, authorizing the commander of each district to put their men out of office and put other men in their places, to try all cases by military commis sions and court-martial, to suspend the habeas corpus act against the provisions oi the Constitution which provide that every man In this country shall be brought to trial by jury according to judicial forms? Yet nobody denies that they have done all of these things. They do not point to a single provision of the Constitution; they do not make the slightest argument to prove that they have not, in all these re spects, violated the Constitution. Again, the Constitution prohibits any attempt on the part ot Congress or the State Legislatures to pass bills of attainder or ex post facto laws. It forbids them to try and convict a man, or punish him by legislative enact ments (which is a bili of attainder), and re quires them to give the charges preferred against any individual, to try him upon the charges preferred under presentment before a grand jury, according to the laws that existed at the time the offense charged was committed, and to acquit or condemn him by the verdict of a jury. Now, this Con gress, in defiance utterly of this constitu tional provision, have tried, condemned and punished 300,000 white men at the South by depriving them pt their right to the fran chise, and by taking away from them the inestimable character of the American citi zen, and this, too, in violation, not only of that provision of the Constitution, but of the decision of the Supreme Court, declar ing that such legislation amounted to a bill of attainder, and was unconstitutional un der the Constitution of the United States. Not only did they do that, but, in place of these 300.000 white men thus attainted, thus tried and punished by legislative enactment, they substituted negroes—the uneducated negroes of the South—-as electors. They do not deny it. They say, in their Chicago platform, that the States, other than the Southern States, have „ the constitutional, right to choose their electors. How can those other States be deprived of it ? These violations of the Constitution do not end the whole chapter. In order to carry out and enforce these repeated violations of the Constitution, it has been found necessary to strip the Executive of all the power and authority conferred on him by the Consti tution. He is no longer the Commander-in- Chief of our army apd navy, although by the express language of the Constitution he is made Commander-in-Chief. He has been deposed by act of Congress from that high prerogative, and it has’ been conferred upon the general of the army, their desig nated candidate for the Presidency, who stands at this moment with his bayonets at the throats of the entire white people of the South, pinning them to the earth, and com pelling them to submit to the dominancy of this lace of blacks. [Cheers.] Noris this all. They have takeu from the Presi dent of the United States the authority to grant pardons, given him by the express language of the Constitution. They have usurped that authority to themselves, and declare now that riobody in the South shall be pardoned except by a two-thirds vote of this rump, fragmentary party, known as a Congress. You know what sort of people they extend pardons to. | A voice—“ Joe Brown.”] I knew that these words would spring to the mouth of every Democrat. The original builder ami creator of Ander sonville prison pardoned because he is readv to vote the Radical ticket. If Jeff Davis himself was mean enough to vote the Radi cal ticket he would be pardoned by a two thirds vote of both branches of this Con gress. [Laughter.] Now, my fellow-citjzens, I point you to these palpable violations of the Constitu tion, which they do not pretend to defend themselves, and which they cannot defend. A voice—“ Go it, Frank Blair, you are my old commander, and I mean to vote for you.” AT CHICAGO. The speech of General Blair last evening was substantially, so far as the questions at issue in the present canvass are con cerned, the same as that delivered at Mat toon on Tuesday afternoon. The new topics introduced, including his defense against the Radical attempt to place him in the light of a revolutionist, are contained in the subjoined report. GENERAL BLAIR’S SPEECH. Gen. Blair began by referring to the inon str .us claim set up by the Radical party that they are the party of great moral ideas and of progress, and proposed to re view their acts in the administration of the Government by the light of this arrogant claim. He had been denounced for some of the views that he had taken in reference to these measures, and especially for de claring them unconstitutional, and null and void. For these views he had been de nounced as a revolutionist. [“ That’s so.”J As one of the, Democratic candidates he desired to repel that allegation. It was the duty of the President to trample these laws in the dust, because they were unconstitutional, and had been declared so by the Supreme . Court. But he did not mean to say that any armed force would be necessary for this pur pose. lhe Constitution was supreme, and no law that infringed it could stand. The Su preme Court was established to try the validity of all acts of Congress, and, it having declared the measure unconstitu tional, it was the President’s duty to pre vent the execution of them. One instance of unconstitut’onality on the part of the Government was the’case of Milligan and Bowles, in the neighboring State of Indi ana, the proceedings in which were set aside by the Supreme, Court. These recon struction acts were precisely similar to that case in form and essence. At Vicksburg, an editor who had written disrespectfully of a military commander was fined by a military commander; and when the case was appealed to the Supreme Court, Con gress passed an act taking away the power of the court to review such cases. * * * All the acts of the Radicals pointed towards a despotic power. In a speech he (General Blair) lately made in the city in which he lived, he said he believed that General Grant would use the Presidential office as a step-’ ping stone to permanent despotic power, and that he would never leave the White House while he lived. Some man had re ported him as saying that General Grant would be assassinated. The meaning of what is actually said was, that General Grant would assassinate the liberties of the country. [Cheers.] {Four years more would I not roll over our heads, if Grant was elect ed, before military rule would be established , all over the country. (“ We won’t let him ido it. ) He had seen military despotism j established all over these States. Even the last Presidential election was carried by the I bayonet in the doubtful States. Newspa i pers were seized and destroyed, and the j rights of the citizens invaded. These men i had familiarized themselves with the idea of governing by the bayonet. If, with these examples before them, a majority of the people could be found to vote for Grant as President, the day had passed when any resistance could be made to that system of government. If the Democratic party fail- ed in this election, the republic would fail with them. We were now in the last strug gle to defend and maintain the free Consti tution established by our ancestors.— [ Cheers.] , Three cheers were given for General Blair at the Close of his speech. CONSTITUTION AND LAWS OF GEOR GIA GOVERNING THE ELECTION, Constitutional Provisions. —— ARTICLE IL FRANCHISE AND ELECTIONS. Section 1. In nil elections by the people, the electors shall vote by ballot. Sec. 2. Every male person born in the United States, end every male person who has been naturalized, or who has legally declared his in tention to become a citizen of the United States, twenty-one years old or upward, who shall have resided in this State six months next preceding the election, and shall have resided thirty, days in the county in which he offers to vote, and shall have paid all taxes which may have been required of him, and which he may have had an opportunity of paying agreeably to law, for the year next preceding the election (except ns hereinafter provided), shall be deem ed an elector, and every male citizen oi the United States of the age aforesaid (except as hereinafter provided), who may be a resident of the State at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be deemed an elector, and shall have all the rights of an elector as afore said. Provided, That nq soldier, sailor, or marine, in the military or naval services ot the United States shall acquire the rights of an elector by reason of being stationed on duty in this State, and no person shall vote who, if challenged, shall refuse to take the following oath: “Ido -swear that I have not given or received, nor do I expect to give or receive, any money, treat, or other thing of value, by which my vote, or any vote is affected or expected to be affected at this election ; nor have 1 given or promised any reward, or made auy threat, by which to prevent any person from voting at this elec tion.” Sec. 3. No person convicted of felony or lar ceny before any court in this State, or of, or in the United States, shall be eligible to any office or appointment of honor or trust within this State, unless he shall have been pardoned. SpO. 4. No person who is the holder of any public,moneys shall be eligible to any office in this State until the same is accounted for, and paid into the Treasury. Sec. 5. No person who, after the adoption.of this constitution, being a resident ot this State, shall, engage in a dupl in Ibis State, or else where, or shall send or accept a challenge, or be aider or abettor to such duel, shall vote or hold office in this State, and every, such person shall also be subj ct to such punishment as the law may prescribe. Sec. 6. The General Assembly may provide, from time to time, for tbe registration of all electors, but the following classes of persons shall not be permitted to register, vote, or hold office: First—Those who shall have been con victed ot treason, embezzlement of public funds, malfeasance in office, crime punishable bylaw with imprisonment in the penitentiary, or bri bery. Second—ldiots or insane persons. Sec. 7. Electors shall, in all eases, except treason, felony, or breach of the peace, be priv ileged from arrest for five days before an elec tion, during tbe election, and two days subse quent thereto. Sec. 8. The sale of intoxicating liquors on days of election is prohibited. Sec. 9. Returns of election for all civil offi cers elected by the people, who are to be com missioned by the Governor, and also for the members of the General Assembly, shall be made to the Secretary of State, unless otherwise pro vided by law. Sec. 10. The General Assembly shall enact laws giving adequate protection to electors be fore, during, and subsequent to elections. Sec. 11. The election for Governor, members of Congress and of the 'General Assembly, after the year 1868, shall commence on tbe Tuesday after the first Monda/'in November, unless otherwise provided ty law.— Statutory Pro visions from Irwin's Code. CHAPTER I. qualification of voters. § 1303. The qualification of voters for mem bers of the General Assembly is contained in the following oath, which must be taken when the managers of an election require it: [“ 1 swear that 1 have attained the age of twenty-one years; that I am a citizen ot the United States, and:have resided for the last two years in tbis State, and for the last six months in tbis county, and have considered and claim ed it as my home, and have paid all legal taxes which have been required of me, and which 1 have had an opportunity of paying, agreeable to law, for the year preceding this election.— So help me God.”J § 1304. Persons qualified to vote for mem bers of the General Assembly, and none others, are qualified to vote for any other officers, civil or military, unless said privilege be enlarged or restricted by the constitution, or some special enactment. § 1305. Any qualified voter for members -of the General Assembly may vote for any candi date, or upon any question which is submitted to all the voters of the State, in any county of the State, and for any candidate or question which is submitted to ill the voters of any dis trict or circuit, in any county of the circuit or district, in which is embraced the county of the voter’s residence. §1306. [A voter coming under the preced ing section shall take the following oath when required by the managers of an election: “I swear that I have,attained to the age of twenty one years; that I am a citizen of the United States, and have resided for the last two years in this State, and for tbe last six months in this District or Circuit (as the case may be), and have considered and claimed it as my home, and have paid all legal taxes which have, been required oi me, and which 1 have had an opportunity of paying, agreeable to law, for the year preceding this election. So help me God.”J § 1307. The Superintendents may, in their discretion, or if demanded by a qualified voter, compel a person offering to vote to also take tbis oath : “ [ swear that I have not this day voted at any place in this State, for any of the candidates, nor for any other person, for any of the offices to be filled. So help me God.” § 1308. When any county, or portion of a county, is changed from one county, or one dis trict, or one circuit, to another, the persons who would have been qualified to vote for members of the General Assembly in the coun ty, district, or circuit from which taken, at the time of any election, shall vote in the county, district, or circuit to which they are removed, and if required to swear, the oath may be so qualified as to contain this fact. This provision, when applicable, appertains also to military elections. CHAPTER 11. ELECTION for members of the general as sembly. § 1309. The persons qualified to hold such elections are Justices of the Inferior Court, Justices of the Peace, and freeholders. There must be three superintendents, and one must either be a Justice of the Inferior Court or a Justice of the Peace, except in a certain con tingency hereinafter to be set forth. § 1310. Before proceeding with the election, each superintendent must take and subscribe the following oath : “ All, and each of us do swear, that we will faithfully superintend this day’s election ; that we are Justices of the Inferior Court, Justices of the Peace, or Freeholders (as the case may be) of this county ; that we will make a Jutl and true return thereof, and not knowingly permit any one to vote unless we believe he is enti tled to do so according to the laws of this State, nor knowingly prohibit any one from voting who is so entitled by law, and will not divulge for whom any vote was cast, unless called on under the law to do so. So help me God.” Said affidavit shall be signed by the su perintendents in the capacity, each acts in full, both as to name and station, and not by abbre viation. § 1311. Said oath shall be taken before some officer qualified to administer an oath, if pre sent, and if none such are on the spot, and act- ing at the time required, then said Buperiutend n-^r?r y SW ° ar » acll other ’ Bnd the oath shall fled offlc< B r n,ne ° Ct aS “ Uken befOre a qua,i --1312. Such election shall be held at the court house of the respective counties, and if no court house, at some place within the limits of the county site, and at the several election f.7 n C | J her « ° f , (,f any) established, or to be established. Said precincts must not exceed lt,a < ? BtricL Buch precincts are established, changed or abolished by the Jus tices ot the Inferior Court at a regular term ot the court; descriptions of which' must be en tered on their minutes at the time. § 1313. The day of holding the same is the first Wednesday in October, 1861. and biennallv thereafter, and the time ot day for keeping open the elections is from 7 o’clock, a. m., to £> o’clock, p. m., at the criurt house, and from 8 o’clock, a. in., to 5 o’clock, p. in., at the pre cincts. § 1314. If by 10 o’clock, a. m., on the day of the election, there is no proper officer present to bold the election, or there is one, nrrd he re fuses, three freeholders may superintend the election, shall .administer the oath required to each other, which shall be of the samceffect as if taken by a qualified officer. § 1315. All superintendents shall have such elections conducted in the following manner: 1. The vote shall be given by ballot. 2. There shall be kept by superintendents, or by three clerks under their appointment, three lists of the names of voters, which shall be numbered in the order of their voting, and also three tally sheets. 3. As each ballot is received, the number of the voter on the list shall be marked on his ballot before being deposited in the box. 4. When any voter is challenged and sworn, it shall be so written opposite his name on the list, and also on his ballot. 5. The superintendents may begin to count the votes at any time in their discretion, but they shall not do so until the polls are closed if a candidate in person or by written authority objects. 6. When the votes are all counted ont, there must be a certificate signed by all oi the super intendents, stating the number of votes each person voted for received, and each list of voters, and tally sheets, must have plated thereon the signature of the superintendents. 7. The superintendents of the precincts must send their certificates, and all the other papers of the election, including the ballots, under the seal, to the county site for consolidation, in charge, of one of their number, which < must be delivered tjiere by . twelve o’clock, m., of the next day. Such person is allowed two dollars, to be paid out of the county,, treasury for such servicq. . 8. The superintendents to consolidate th vote of the county must consist of all those who officiated at the county site, or a majority of them, at feast one from each precinct. They shall make and subscribe two certificates, stat ing the whole number of votes each person re ceived in the county p one of them, togetuer 'with one list of voters arid one tally sheet from each place of holding the election, sh ill be seal ed up, and without delay mailed to the Govern or ; the other with like accompaniments, shall be directed to the Clerk of- the Superior Court of the county, and by him deposited in his office. Each of said returns must contain copies of the original oaths taken by the su perintendents at the court house and precincts. 9. The ballots shall not be examined by the superintendents or the bystanders, but shall be carefully sealed in a strong envelope (the su perintendents writing their names across the seal), and delivered to tbe Clerk of the Supe rior Court, by whom they shall be kept un opened and unaltered for sixty d lys, if the next Superior Court sits in that time; if not, until alter said term; after which time, if there is not a contest begun about said elec tion, the said ballots shall be destroyed with out opening or examing tbe same, or permit ting others to do so. And if the Clerk shall violate, or permit others to violate this section, he and the person violatirg shall be subject to be indicted, and fined not lees than one hun dred, nor more than five hundred dollars.— Such Clerks shall deliver said list of voters to their respective grand juries on the first day of the next term of the Superior Court, and on failure to do so are liable to a fine of not less than one hundred dollars on being indicted and convicted thereof. § 1316. If said superintendents do not deliv er said lists and accompaniments to said clerks within three days from the day of the election, they are liab e to indictment, and on conviction shall be fined not less than fifty, nor more than five hundred dollars. Ans''sti perintendent of an election, failing to discharge any duty required of him by-law, is liable to a like proceeding and penalty. § 1317. The grand juries shall examine said lists, and if any voter is found thereon who was not entitled to vote, they shall present said illegal voter. If any person is suspected of voting for members of the General Assembly who was not entitled, but was entitled to vote for some other candidate at tbe same election, the foreman of the grand jury may examine the ballot, and that one alone, and lay it before the grand jury and return it. If the superintend ents fail to return as required, the lists and the ballots, they must be presented. § 1318. The Governor shall furnish the seve ral clerks of the Inferior Court all blank forms necessary for said election, which they shall furnish the justices of the peace of their coun ties at least ten days before election dav, and on failure to do so, shall be liable to a fine by their courts not exceeding one hundred dollars. § 1319. If tbe superintendents of officers of such election shall make a fraudulent return thereof, or they, or either of them, while so of ficiating, shall influence, or attempt to influence or persuade any voter not to vote as he design ed, or shall take any undue means to obtain a vote, they shall forfeit for the offense one hun dred dollars, to be recovered by information, and if the person be a justice he forfeits his office on proceedings for removal. § 1320. No civil officer shill execute any writ or civil process upon the body of any person qualified to vote at such elections while going to, or returning from, or during his stay there, on tbe day, under the penalty of five hundred dollars, to be recovered by action. A reasona ble and full time shall be allowed for the jour ney to and from tbe polls. § 1321. Elections to fill vacancies for mem bers of the General Assembly take place under the authority of a writ of election, issued oy the Governor to the Justices of the Inferior Court of the county where the vacancy occurs, who must order and publish a day for holding the ■® a, . ne ; by giving at feast twenty days’ notice. § 1322. All the provisions of this chapter ap ply equally to elections to fill such vacancies and any other special electian. ARTICLE IV. ELECTORS FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESI DENT. § 1323. On the Tuesday after the first Mon day in November, 1868, and every fourth year thereafter, until altered by act of Congress, there shall be an election for Electors of Presi dent and Vice-President of the United States. v § 1324. On the twentieth day after said elec tion shall have taken place, it is the duty of the Governor to consolidate the several returns and immediately notify those persons of their election who have received a vote amounting to a majority, and to require their attendance at the capitol on the first Monday in December thereafter, to cast the vote of the State on the Wednesday following at 12 o’clock, m. § 1325. In the event all, or a majority of said Electors may not have received a majority, the Governor shall communicate the fact to the General Assembly, if in session, and if not, he shall issue his proclamation convening them in time to secure the vote of the State in the Elec toral College. The General Assembly shall, by joint ballot,.elect as many Electors as have not received said majority. If a majority of Electors have been chosen by the people, they may fill the remaining vacancies themselves by ballot, which election shall be communicated to the Governor. If, when the Electors elected by the people, or by the General Assembly, or some by each, convene at the capitol, any of their number shall not be present at the time specified for counting the vote, a majority of the elected may fill all vacancies, which shall be duly'communicated to the Governor. § 1826. If a majority fail to attend by said Wednesday at noon, from providential cause, i those who do attend may adjourn from day to | day for ten days, and if a majority is not pre- I sent at the expiration of that time, the Govern or shall convene the General Assembly on ten T ; ' days’ notice, who shall fill the vacancies by election. § 1327. The electors, when assembled to cast the vote, shall choose a President ot their body from their number, and a Secretary not of their number ; said Secretary shall make a record of their proceedings in a book from the Executive Department kept for that purpose. $ 1328. Such electors shall elect, by a ma jority vote, a messenger to convey the vote of Georgia, and shall, in regard to that and all other ma.ters, proceed, according to the acts of Congress in such cases made and provided. $ 1329. The pay of electors shall be eight dollars per day tor every day required in re maining at the-capitol on their mission, and eight dollars for every twentv miles in going to and returning therefrom, sjrid mileage to be computed as that of members of the General Assembty. The pay of the Secretary shall be one hundred dollars, all of which is to be paid either out of the contingent fund, or ont of any money in the treasury, not otherwise appropri ated, in the discretion of the Governor. The Vote for President in 1864. St: ‘t e s- Rep. Dem. .. . Lincoln. McClellan. Alabama Arkansas ’ ’’ Ca1if0rnia...,62,134 43 841 Connecticut 44,691 42285 Delaware 8,155 8767 Florida Georgia 111in0i5189,496 158,730 Indiana 150,422 130,233 Kansas 16,441 3 691 Kentucky 27,786 64,301 Louisiana .... Maine 68,iii 46,992 Maryland... 40,153 42,739 Massachusetts 126,742 Michigan 91,521 74,601 Minnesota 25,060 17,375 Mississippi .... Missouri 72,750 31 678 Nevada 9,826 6,594 New Hampshire.... .... 36,400 32,871 New Jersey 60,723 68,024 New York 368,735 361,986 North Carolina Ohio 265.154 W 205,568 Oregon 9,888 8,457 Pennsylvania 296,391 276,316 Rhode Island 14,349 8,718 South Carolina .... Tennessee.... .r,.. .... Texas' .... Vermont 42,419 13,321 Virginia .... West Virginia, .. 23,152 10,438 Wisconsin 83,458 65,884 T0ta1.... 2,223,035 1,811,754 In 1864—Lincoln over McClellan...... 411,281 Total- v0te.4,034,789 Interesting to Liquor Dealers—lmport ant Decision —In answer tp certain inqui ries of Collector of Internal Revenue Clephane, Commissioner Rollins sends him the follow ing: Treasury Department, Office Internal Revenue. > Washington, October 23, 1868. S Sir : Your letter of the 21st instant, in rela tion to the accounts and signs of wholesale liquor dealers, has been received. In reply I have to say that the books pre scribed in Sec. 45 of Act of July 20, 1868, must be kept by all liquor dealers who come within the definition of avholesale liquor dealers.— They will not, however, be required to enter in detail any sale, of spirits of less quantity than is required by section 57 of said act to be stamp ed —that is to say, “packages of more than five gallons.” Sales of smaller quantities and amounts may be entered each day in the ag gregate. To your question referring to wholesale liquor dealers’ signs, required by section 18 of said act, I can only say that the requirement seems to be plain and positive, and there ap pears to be no way of escape for any liquor dealer who has placed himself within the cate gory of wholesale liquor dealers, except by paying the penalty. The law makes no dis tinction between tiie classes of such dealers, and no power has been conferred ou me to make any, or to relieve any person from the plain requirements of the law. Very respectfully, E. A. Rollins, Commissioner. Lewis Clephane, Esq., Collector, Washing ton, D. C. The latter paragraph is in answer to the question whether hotels, whose sales at their bars made them wholesale liquor dealers, should have the sign.— Charleston Courier. ’■ I —I I Cotton Seed.—The Opelika Recorder says : “In a brief conversation with a most intelli gent farmer residing in Chambers county, Alabama, we learn that it takes about three hundred of the last opened cotton bolls to turn out one pound of lint. It was also stated that from twenty-three to twenty-five hundred pounds of this late picked cotton were required to turn out enough of the ginned staple to pack a five hundred pound bale. The reason assign ed is the unusual largeness of the seed during this disastrous season. The gentleman above referred to intends only to plant his next erop in the seed from his first picking, and we com mend bis example to others, as assuredly the caterpillar and rains have so diseased the weed as to materially injure, or make unsafe, the seed from the last gathered bolls.” We call the atteution of our planters to the above as it may prove of benefit to their interests. ■■ ■ A Hundred Years in Prison.—A certain house-breaker was condemned, in the latter part of the last century, in France, and under peculiar circumstances, to a hundred years in < the galleys, and strange to relate, this man re cently made his appearance in his own native province, at the advanced age of 120 years, he being about twenty years of age when the .sen tence which condemned him to such a dread- ■ ful punishment was passed. It is difficult to conceive what the feeling must have been with which he returned, as soon as emancipated from the shackles which had enthralled him for a century, to breathe once more the cher ished air of the scene of bis infancy. Bourg, in the department of Ain, was his native home, but time had so changed the aspect of the whole, that he. recognized it only by the Church of Bron, which was the only thing which had undergone no alteration. He had triumphed over laws, bondage, man, time, everything.— Not a relation had he left. Not a single being could he hail in acquaintance ; yet he was not without experiencing the homage and the re spect the French pay old age. For himself, he had forgotten everything connected with his early youth ; even all recollection of the crime for which he had suffered was lost, or, if at all remembered, it was a dreary vision, confounded with a thousand other dreary visions of days long gone by. His family and connections, for several generations, all dead, himself a living proof of the clemency of Heaven and the se verity of man, regretting, perhaps, the very irons which had been familiar to him, and half wishing himself again among the wretched and suffering beings with whom his fate had been so long associated. Well might he be called the patriarch of burglars.— Exchange. The propriety of changing tbe site of Yale College is being seriously discussed by tbe members of its faculty and board of trustees. Two places are suggested in opposite parts of New Haven—the elevated ground at tbe head of Hillhouse avenue, and the site of General Halleck’s home, in the southwestern end of the city, toward what is known as “ Oyster Point.” How systematically the plan of blotting out Poland is pursued may be judged ftom the cu rious action taken lately with regard to the museum of Wilna. Every object which might remind people oi the Polish dominion is to be immediately removed from the museum, and ’ to be transported forthwith to Moscow, there to be incorporated in the Rumjanzow MmWiim.
