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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (Nov. 4, 1868)
THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST WEDNESDAY MOfININO. NOV. 4, 1868 THE BETTER COURSE. We have always advised those of the colored people who sought our counsel to avoid politics altogether. We endeavored to convince them that any interference on their part, on either side of the controversy, was bound to eventuate in their discom fiture. We have demonstrated to them that they Were mere puppets in the hands of demagogues, and, one. Used, they always found themselves poorer and more bewil dered than ever. A thousand benefits have been promised them by caipet-baggeis, both white and black, but these benefits have invariably proved cheats and delu sions. We once imagined that negroes could not be fooled twice; but this is not so. A few years ago, they were badly sold on the forty acres and mule question, and this ought to have taught them caution. In seine cases it has; in other cases it has been vain in its admonition. We know that many of these poor creatures are even now expectant of S3O uniforms which cer tain agitators in South Carolina, and elsewhere, we presume, have promised to give them for the small sum of two dollars. The two dollars have been paid, but the uniforms are still in the voca tive. Many have a notion that, in the event of Grant’s election, they will imme diately enter into full possession of the lands of the white people, the houses there on, the implements and stock attached thereto. Tffe writer has cognizance of some very remarkable expectations of this sort, and it would take a surgical operation to drive the prevalent and deep-rooted belief of a negro jubilee out of the heads of thou sands who are dogged in their credulity. The colored people may as well under stand, first as last, that, even should Gen. Grant be elected none of these rose-colored anticipations will ever be realized. If elected, at all, Grant will have a power ful opposition ready to check any such insanity. Besides, Grant himself is no negro-worshipper and, no doubt, shares with his people a prejudice against the Ethiopian which’ he will not be at pains to conceal, should an opportunity be offered. Can any of the colored peop'e name any act of his exhibiting such over powering love for them as their fond hopes imply ? On the contrary, in his intercourse with certain negroes who have called upon him at Washington, he has been-most offish and reluctant. Do they dare dream of seizing upon the white man’s property, under the conceit that Grant will abet them ? Even if the power of the white resi dents was not ample to beat back any such invasion, the man who vaunts the inau guration of peace would interpose the bayonets of his army, and the negroes know what they have to expect when white boys in blue are ordered to disperse them. If any permanent good can come to the negro it must come, at last, through those whites who hold the lands of the South and intend to keep them. The abiding interest of the black population, then, is to keep on the most friendly terms with those by whom they were raised and with whom they are compelled, for the present, to stay. We give it as our solemn conviction that these desirable relations of friendship can never be perpetuated or made advantage >us to the black man so long as he clings to poli tics. • The State of Louisiana has furnished a palpable illustration of the wretched fail ure of this political amalgamation, and, as time progresses, it will become so very glaring and preposterous that the mercurial people of the East and West will sweep it away with a besom of destruction. Several years ago, we predicted, from a knowledge of the State, that Louisiana would first witness the culmination of the farce of re construction. We based this idea on the su perior culture of many of the old free mulat toesand quadroons, and the aspirations they had of making an experiment of African supremacy. Well, they have made it, or essayed to make it, and a more disgusting thing has never been witnessed, save and except that unutterably abominable matter of a few white men, for the sake of plunder, consenting to their crime. If these Louisi ana negroes were the first to try this game, they are, likewise, the first to abandon it in the right fashion. We learn from our Lou isiana exchanges, that in the parish of St. Landry, the negroes have withdrawn from the Leagues and left Radicalism almost without supporters. The Opelousas Journal and Oowrier contain cards, signed by fifty negroes, who have been hitherto conspicu ous in their political careers. These cards read as follows: “ We, the undersigned,feeling convinced, from, the many events that hive transpired in this parish, that the policy of the Radical party will give us no peace, but will lead only to riots and disorder, do hereby withdraw from said party, ana renounce all affiliation with it. Knowing, moreover, that from our limited knowledge of politics, we are unable to act wisely in using the elective franchise, we do therefore withdraw therefrom entirely and renounce all right to register or vote ; and igree to have nothing what ever to do with any party, or to meddle with poli tics in any way." With the most profound desire to say nothing but what Is just, we believe these negroes have adopted a wise course, and one which they will never regret, if it be faithfully adhered to. Superadded to the above testimony, we find the following in the Courier of the Teche, October 17th: We hear, on all aides, that the negro and free colored population are beginning to un derstand that they had chosen the wrong path, in meddling in politics and in arraying them selves in open hostility against the white race. The light of truth has at length struck the eyes of many among them. They begin to see that scalawags and carpet-baggers are not their real friends, and that their only objects have been to make use of the colored people as tools for their personal benefit and advancement.— The following document which we translate literally, explains itself: ‘ Parish of St. Martin, Oct. 11,1868. ‘We, the undersigned, do declare that, per ceiving that our participation lu the political affairs of the country—a right granted to us by the Congress of the United States against the consent of the people of Louisiana—may be come prejudicial to us, and injurious to our happiness and quiet, and being desirous of avoiding all sort of blame from persons be longing to the white race, to whom we aban don the control of all political affairs, we solemnly bind ourselves not to meddle in any manner whatsoever with political affairs, and to prevail upon our friendsand relatives to the same. ‘ We ask, furthermore, for us, the protection of persons belonging to the white race, and we promise, in exchange for their kindness towards ns to endeavor to be useful and agreeable to them on every occasion, now and always. ‘Valsin Jounree, , ‘Celistin Arnaud, ‘Henry Gordon. “The three subscribers to the above declara tion belong, the first two to the class of colored people who were free before the war, and the last one to the newly enfranchised race. All three have been very active members of the Radical organization and were affiliated with the Loyal League and the G. A. R. It is but justice to state that they made this declaration of their own accord without even a suggestion from any one, and without any undue influence exerted upon their minds in order to induce them to do it. The parties who received that declaration are men of high standing in our society, men of honor and worth, who have always treated the inferior race with kindness and justice.” What words of ours are necessary to en force these plain statements from colored men who have been through the fire and know that it is death to the true interests of their race ? It may be all thrown away upon the negroes of this section, but*some may take It as wisdom, and we would have those who read these lines believe that we have written with kindly sentiments and a desire that they may pursue what we deem the better course for all. . ... I MWI • THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. Our Atlanta correspondent intimates that Judge Cabaniss fell into a trap when he abruptly and rashly issued his late pronun clamento, which virtually thrusts the De mocratic party, so far as he has the right to do so, into a quasi affiliation with Radi calism. We took occasion, when this ex traordinary address first appeared, to give it a mild snub. We waited patiently to hear from other members of the Committee. A few days afterward. Judge Whitaker entered a manly protest against the assump tion of Chairman Cabaniss and we publish ed this protest in a conspicuous place so as to leave no room to doubt of our hearty en dorsement of it. Excepting Judge Whita ker, we know of no other member of the Central Committee who has raised his voice in opposition. Are we to understand from this silence that a majority of the mem bers endorse the late Address? If so, we are persuaded, that they do not re present the Democracy of Georgia and have taken a liberty most unwarrantable and reckless. Pending the election tor Presi dent, the Committee may as well hold their places; but so soon as the contest shall have terminated, a change in that organi zation will be imperative. Had a man like Herschel V. Johnson been at the head of our Central Committee many of the er rors of the present canvass would have been prevented, and such an unseemly ad dress as the last effort of Judge Cabaniss utterly impossible. With very few excep tions, our State exchanges condemn this miserable surrender of principle, and there not wanting those abroad whose re spect we may forfeit, if a continuance of the present blundering be permitted. The Louisville Journal puts the case exactly right. It says : “The State Democratic Committee of Geor gia, according to a dispatch from Augusta, lately issued a card or manifesto endorsing negro suffrage. The editor of the Atlanta In telligencer, a member of the committee who I was not in Atlanta at the time the manifesto was put forth, protests in his columns against the committal in favor of the suffrage of the blacks. In our view, he is right, and the com mittee exceedingly wrong. If we were a citi zen of Georgia and disfranchised by the Opera tion of Radical legislation, we would not favor or desire the establishment or continuance of black suffrage, even for the sake of the re moval of the disfranchisement of the whites. If the people of the South endorse and volun tarily accept black suffrage; if they commit themselves to uphold or countenance it for even a single day after they shall have the power to cast it off, they will thereby most un wisely and ingloriously have yielded one of the main grounds upon which they must fight the great battle of their section in order to fight it successfully. “ A portion of the Southern Democrats may believe, and correctly believe, that they have little chance to achieve present success unless they can win the support of a considerable por tion of the negro voters to their aid by holding out to them the pledge that the franchise so unrighteously and outrageously conferred upon them by the Radicals shall be continued to them after the Radicals themselves shall have been driven from power, as, sooner or later, they most assuredly will be; but, if present success cannot be compassed by other and less ignoble means, our Southern friends had better make up their minds, which once, at least, were proud and lofty minds, to dispense with pres ent success, and submit as best they may to the consequences, calmly and resolutely, if not pa tiently, awaiting the events and the opportuni ties of the future. There are many things not to be advocated or willingly accepted for the sake of temporary political advantages, how ever great these may seem to be, and universal negro suffrage is, in our estimation, one of them. “Let not our Southern friends, because their fanatical and revengeful enemies have fastened upon them a great and digusting evil for a time, have the fatuity and the madness to fasten it upon themselves forever.” These words have the ring of the true metal. If a majority of the white people of Georgia are prepared to deny their birth right and betray their principle for a falsie and temporary advantage, they are un worthy to be named with the heroic peo ples of the world, and, we submit that the, terms “ scalawag,” “ renegade ” and other choice epithets should be banished from the vocabulary of many who now employ them with such zealous unction and apparent self-righteousness. BEEOHER. Not long since, it was announced that Henry Ward Beecher was engaged upon a “ Life of Christ.” When finished, it was presumed that Bonner’s Ledger would pro duce it serially, and when Bonner had exhausted it, John Brougham would dramatize it for Wallck’s theatre. We write with no levity, but after the manner of our subject and according to the hints emitted from time to time by those who professed to be cognizant of the movements and intentions of Parson Beecher. About two weeks ago, Mr. Beecher con cluded to abandon h’s theological biogra phy and relinquish, for a moment, the Prince of Pe.ice in order to make a stump speech for the Man of Blood. He spoke, and spoke io the discredit of. his cloth and pretensions. So considerable was the effect produced by his harangue that his parti sans urge him for the United States Senate, and, up to date,’he has put in no d sclaimer. We reproduce a few extracts. Here is his opinion of the policy of the negro franchise as an offset to the foreign vote. “ It is quite in vain to quote to me about the voting of these poor Southern hordes. I have seen descriptions in letter writing, and don’t doubt that those descriptions are true. I have seen accounts of the way men voted in many of those Southern precints—quite ridiculous it was, and I could not, Republican as I am, help laughing. But laughing is free yet in this country, which ever side a man is on, and I bethought myself that these hordes of blank voters, that don't know how to read, that don't know the men, that don't know what the word ‘ suffrage ’ means, believe that it is, perhaps, an idol or something of that sort. This may be very ridiculous, but really I can point out a gang of emigrants in New York that will vote just as ridiculously as that. I don’t think that Southern planters have yet acted in such a manner ns we see occasionally in these New York wards. Ignorant voting! The planter votes. The liquor shop votes. One party says, “How would you like to have your blaek folks brought up on an equality and vote alongside of you?” I would answer that I have to bear the emigrants vote right up along side of us ; and it is not hard to bear the black man when we can bear that. We have not only learned to bear it, but when they complain they have been carried through a trying ordeal, we say, • Gentlemen, you are not suffering any more than we have suffered ; uot a bit more. This experiment of free voting in the South we have already tried in the North.’ ” He affects to prove that the “ triangular piece of steel called a bayonet,” is, after all, “ not a despot," as used in thejormation of Southern constitutions. Having said this, he turns square round and dogmati cally and philosophically says: “ The Almighty made man to run by internal self-moving forces, and when you apply exter nal motive power to a man, you controvert the machine and make it the very worst thing that man could be put to.” At one time he begs pardon for the mere mention of wine or intemperance. Imme diately afterward, ne thus thunders: “ 1 am free to say that if it were so I had rather have Gen. Grant drunk than Gov. Sey mour sober.” * Having pungently indicated h's preference, he speaks of the shouts expected next month as “scarcely less sublime than the thun ders of Sinai 1” He finds a hard nut in the Constitution, but proceeds to crack it by a paradoxical distinction, statingin effect that there Is a great difference between acting outside of the Constitution and contrary to it! Here is the gem of the collection: “ Since all the men who sought to destroy the Government are rallying around Seymour, it is fit that all the men who stood up for the Union should gather about Grant.” If his proposition is true, the Union will have a hard tug for it, since, out of more than 1,500,000 votes cast in the late election in Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania, the dif ference is so small that a few thousands would change it. When a Parson pollutes his sacred call ing and ostensibly has an eye to Senatorial robes, it must be expected that the flav or of his discourse will be somewhat impregnated with the reeking filth of the hustings. Here, with a slight adaptation to the present time, is a rhyme of Lowell’s which hits the nail on the head and goes to the centre of Beecher’s target: Gineral G. goes in for the war; He do t rally prinoiple more’n an old cud; What did God make us raytional creeturs for, But glory and gunpowder, plunder and blood ? But I'ai son B Beecher, he Bez he shall vote for Gineral G. We were gitting on nicely up here at our vidage, With good old idecs o’ wut’s right an’ wut aint, We kind of thought Christ went agin war and pillage, An’ thet eppyletts worn’tthe best mark of a saint, But Parson B Beecher, he Bez this k nd of thing’s an exploded idee. The side of our county must ailers he took, And Gineral Grant, you know, he is our country ; And the angel thet writes all our sins in a book, Puts the debit to him, and to us per contry ; And Parson B Beecher, he Bcz this is his view of the thing to a T. Quiet folks call all these argimunts lies; Bez they’re nothin’ on airth but jest fee, saw, fnm ; And thet all this big talk of our destinies Is half on it ignorance, an’ tother half rum; But Parson B Beecher, he Bez it aint no such thing; an', of course, so must we. Uncle Timothy sez he never heerd in his life, Thet th' Apostles rigged out in their swaller -tail coats, An' marched 'round in front of a drum, an' a fife, To git some on 'em office an' some on 'em votes ; But Parson B Beecher, he See they didn't know everything down in Judes The Brown-Martin Scandal. Ex- Governor Brown is out in a long commu ntcation in the Atlanta InteUigencr brand ing the letters published In the LaGrange Reporter as forgeries. He backs his denial with certificates from Judge Whitaker, Major Steele, Rev. W. T. Brantly, the Cashier of the National Bank at Atlanta, and a number of other parties. Dr. Brant ly says: Atlanta, Ga., Sept, 2-B,ISGB. Hon. J. 1. Whitaker: I have no objection to putting on paper the opinion I expressed to you respecting the anonymous letters and hie roglyphics which Mr. Martin charges Govern or Brown with having written to his wile. Any impartial man who makes the comparison must sec, I think, that the letters are very clumsy imitations of Governor Brown’s hand writing. I am sure that I have often seen counterfeits which were mueb better executed. When- I first saw the publication, containing the letters in question, I remarked to a friend that they bore, to my mind, internal evidence of forgery. A subsequent examination has but confirmed my first impression. You know that Governor Brown has been one of my nearest neighbors for more than two years, and that I have seen hitn during this period almost daily. It strikes me that if he were the character indicated by the letters as cribed to him, some evidences of the fact wou'd have transpired under my observation. But so far from this, I have never seen anything in him, or heard anything from him, inconsistent with the utmost chastity. Governor Brown (as you are well aware) and myself are on very different sides in our politi cal view, but this shall not restrain me from declaring my conviction of his entire innocence in the matter in question. Such charges, though intended “ for the benefit of the Democratic party,” can do us no good. « Non ta’i auxilio necistis def nsoribus Tempos ege*.” Very truly, yours, W. T. Brantly. A Strange Omission. —In a recent speech, the Hon. Roscoe Conkling alluded to a ride with General Sheridan, thus: “As we came back through the rain, Sheri dan, by the by, riding a white horse, which be took from Breckinridge, (laughter and ap plause]- Breckinridge, that Democratic Vice- President who used to preside in the Senate of the States at the same time he was plotting the overthrow of the capital and the ruin of his country. This elegant Gray Eagle Horse came from Breckinridge. As we came back he pulled up, and turning to me, said: * There is one thing I want to know of you—l want to know if John Griswold is going to be elected?’ (Laughter and applause ] Said I, ‘ I think so, General.’ Said he, ‘ Sure ?’ Said I, ‘ 1 think sure.' ‘ Well,’ said he, ‘ I tell you one thing. No matter what else happens in this election, if John Griswold is only elected Gooernor of the State of New York I shall throw up my bat and burn my boots.’ [Great laughter.]” Having confessed to the stealing of the horse, it was a strange omission to inform Conkling from whom he expected to steal another pair of boots, in case he had to burn his old ones. Generous Bullock !—How many pau per negroes have we in Richmond county, and how much are we taxed to support them ? How far would a poll-tax, levied on each negro, go to help these paupers, if any? The Columbus Sun thus testifies as to Muscogee: . “ Muscogee county has forty or fifty pauper negroes m her Poor House. She has no money in her treasury, and has been compelled to bor row money at two per eent. a month to take care of them. Bullock will not permit negroes to be taxed to bear their small share of this burden.” The “ Governor ” who thus endeavors to impair the credit of Georgia, is vainly cry ing his bonds for sale in New York. No wonder, then, the World exclaims : “ Don t bet on Grant, gentlemen. There is a bet ter way to test your confidence in the triumph of the principles he represents. Buy bogus bonds.” i— » Hi ————— In the Depths.—The National Intelli gencer, solitary and alone, keeps aloof from the Democratic revival. If it contemplates making fair weather with the Radicals, the following extract from the Washington correspondence of the Baltimore of the 23d, stabs that hope to the heart. The cor respondent says: “The Grant and Colfax Club had a meeting last night, and decided to spot all eleventh-hour Republicans, and declared their opposition to allowing Democrats, at this late day, to con tribute to the Republican cause.” Alas, for the National Intelligencer ! “ Equal Rights.”—There are-but 10,000 male negroes in the Northern and Western States. Os these, none are allowed to vote in the West, and only 1,000 in five of the New England States. In the South, 750,000 negroes are allowed to vote indiscriminate ly. In order that these creatures may vote to some effect, 170,000 white men are dis franchised in Virginia, 65,000 in Texas, 70,000 in Mississippi, 50,000 *ln Missouri, 80,000 in Tennessee, besides about 250,000 in other Southern States, making a grand total of 685,000. And that is what the Radicals, call “ Equal Rights.” Pennsylvania.—The,Ay« says the Radi cal carpet-baggers who were imported into Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania are on the way back to their proper homes. By this exodus, the Radical vote will be diminish ed in Pennsylvania more than the whole majority reported for the State ticket. West Virginia.—The contest in West Virginia is still in doubt, both parties claiming the State. There would be no doubt at all, if the party of “ equal rights” would enfranchise 25,000 white men now under ban. _ Louisiana.—The New Orleans Picayune thinks the Pelican State good for 10,000 Democratic majority. We ought to do at least three times bet ter than that in Georgia. John Quincy Adams at Home. what he said to ins friends and neigh bors ABOUT THE SOUTH. The Hon. John Quincy Adams made an address to his friends and neighbors at Weymouth, Mass., on Thursday last, in the course of which he said: As you all know, I have made a little trip to the South. I wished to see whata re constructed State was, and I went to South Carolina for that purpose. I ha Y e cor °e back with this conviction, though I do not know how the other Conservative citizens of the Union may feel about it. I never in tend to stop to relax for one moment In the heartiest, most earnest and most honest efforts I can make to remove all such “blessings” as reconstruction from tne necks of every one of my fellow-Atizcns [Loud applause.] The issue in this cam paign, to me, is simply this, and nothing more. Reconstruction, as you know, is the Radical constitution. It is the only constitution now in ten States or the Union, and what is it? It is simply this the rule of the military and nothing else. In order that it may not jar too much upon the nerves of a republican people to see eight millions of their fellow-citizens held down by the bayonet, they have brought in a great mass of three or four millions of poor, ignorant, degraded black men. and set them up in a row, as it were, across the Southern States, and because they think you cannot see the bayonet be hind them, they say, “That is a republican form of government.” How republican . What is this republican form of govern ment? Why, look at the condition of those States. Suppose that almost all the voters in this Commonwealth should suddenly be deprived of the franchise, and in their place it was bestowed upon a set of men who were entirely ignorant of the value and re* sponsibility of the voting power—who knew nothing about any of the principles in regard to which they were voting. Sup pose such a class of men were to .be put over you, of course you would not like it— you would feel uncomfortable and disagree, and you would not suffer their rule if you could help it. Yet this is precisely the con dition in which South Carolina is to-day. She is governed by a set of men who, if the people were left to themselves, would have no more chance of holding the offices of your government they now hold, than I should of being elected King of Great Britain in place of Queen Victoria, if I were to go to England to-morrow. [Laugh ter.] And these officials having no hold upon the esteem of the people, as they call them down there in their expressive, though slightly inelegant language “ scalawags ’ and “ carpet-baggers,” cannot command any of their respect and confidence. The consequence of this is that they have to be supported in their places by the bayonets of the United States soldiers. And as there are not United States soldiers enough at the South to keep the people entirely “ con tented,” nor enough to make the govern ment thoroughly “Democratic!” so every day or two they are calling for more sol diers in order to sup; ort these thoroughly “ Democratic ” and “ Republican” govern ments; and that is reconstruction! My Southern Democratic friends down there greeted me in away which I shall never forget to my dying day. The kindness, the warmth, the consideration, the order which they showed in welcoming any Northerner, especially from Massachusetts, who would go down there and say to them a kind word, who would not treat them like boys, and call them rebels, traitors, miserable ras cals, or villains, went deep to my heart. They asked me to say to my fellow citizens at the North that they fought you in the war; they believed that they were right; that they fought you as hard as they could, and when the war was done they frankly abandoned what they fought for.— They said we had whipped them ; we had conquered what we demanded during the war, and they were ready to give it up.— They would fight no longer, and all they asked was friendship and kindness. What they deserved from us at the North was mercy, the hand of kindness, good fellow ship and brotherly love. [Loud applause.] They want no more contest, no more ill blood ; they want merely to shake hands, saving, we fought, and now the fight is done, let us be friends. That is the feeling of the mass of the whole people I met at the South. 1 saw no unkindness, no sort of feeling indicating unk’ndness toward any of the people at the North. That they mav be treated in decency and kindness, they do ask, and that is what I pray of every one of vou to labor for. [Applause.] It is the thing, it seems to me, that we need here at the North as much as they need it at the South. All that they ask, and all that the Democratic party at the North seek to accomplish, is that we may be al lowed to come together once more in peace and amity; that this incubus of recon struction may be taken off the people; that these soldiers may be taken away from be tween mj, and that we—all of us—once more may feel, North, as well as South, white man as well as black man—the bene fits of a Union under the old system of gov ernment. A Spunky Clerk— Reply to the Radi cal Congressional Committee. —One C. A. Chipley, of the Third Auditor's office, has come out rather strongly on the Con gressional Republican Committee for ask ing him to contribute “ a voluntary offer ing” to aid the election of Grant and Col fax. He replies to the committee in a bold letter, which, after showing Chipley to be for Seymour and Blair, and after pitching into the whole career of Radicalism, con cludes thus: And you ask me to contribute to help keep this party in power. I cannot do it. I full well know the consequence of a re fusal. The office I hold, which is only suf ficient to support my family, I know will be taken from me, and my wife and little ones be made to feel the effects of the re fusal ; but I have one consolation in the thought that I lived before I came into of fice and bv the help of God can live with out it. I presume, sir, the success of your party in the recent elections has made you more bold in demanding of the office-holder means to carry out your political ends. I notice a great many persons who are op posed to you politically have been the re cipients of these insulting circulars, more insulting because they have been sent by your committee since the elections in the States of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana. Had the elections in these States gone ad versely to your party, these circulars would not have been sent to the Conservative em ployes in the different departments. As it is, the circular means, “ your money or your office.” I say take the latter, but give me a clear conscience that I live up to what I honestly believe is right and just. Chas. A. Chipley, Room 74, Third Auditor’s Office. During the recent eclipse, says a Bombay paper, the most curious scenes were visible in the town. Men and women in their half-bar baric and shabby dress were to be seen going from one temple to another to pray the Deity to go to the help of the luminary of the day in his duel with the headless giant, “ Rahu.” [From the Albany Argus, Oct. S. Genealogy of the Black Republican Party, We give below" the ancestral titles by which the present Black Republican party struggled on for political power. In 1776, as Tories of George the Third, and in 1868, the same traitors to liberty and a constitu tional government, we find that in the sev eral epochs of our history aa a people, they have battled under every banner that tended to encourage dissolution, anarchy, blood shed and ruin. In all this history of the opposition, from 1801 to the present hour— a period of 77 years—di has had to meet and fly from, time ind again, and will again have to succumb to, the time-tried, and name-honored Democratic party of Jeffer son, Madison and Polk. It is worthy of note that after a series of defeats, new names and organizations, this same “ loyal ” party of 1776 agtin assumed its “lovalty” in 1861-68. In 1778, Loyal Tories. In 1779, Nova Scotia Cow Boys and To ries. In 1786, Convention Monarchists. In 1787, Black Cockaders. In 1808, Anti-Jeffersonian Improvement men. In 1810, British Bank men. In 1812, Peace and Submission men. In 1813, Blue Lights. In 1814, Hartford Conventionists. In 1816, Washifigton Society men. Li 1818, No Party men. In 1819, Federalists. In 1820, Federal Republicans. In 1826, National Republicans. In 1828, Anti-Masons. In 1834, Anti-Masonic men. In 1836, Conservatives. In 1837, Independent Democratic Whigs. In 1838, Abolitionists. In 1840, Log Cabin—Hard Cider Demo cratic Republican Abolition Whigs. In 1843, Native American Whigs. In 1845, The Whig party. In 1846, Mexican Whig party. In 1847, Anti-Mexican Whig party. In 1848, Rough-and-Ready party. In 1850, Clay Whig party. In 1852, Scott Whigs. In 1854, Know Nothings. In 1855, Native Americans. In 1856, Fremonters, or Abolitionists and Enow Nothings. In 1857, Black Republicans. In 1859, Opposition and People’s party. j.n 1860, Wide Awakes, Cap and Cape party. In 1862, No party—Every party. In-1863, Union League, No party, Eman cipation, High Taxation, Centralization, Confiscation, Negro Equalization, Usurpa tion, Abolition, Administration party. In 1864, Coercion Republicans. In 1865, Johnson party. In 1866, Negro Suffrage, Disunion party. In 1867, Anti-Johnson party. In 1868, Highway Robbery party. [From the Cairo Democrat. Kaw Material of a Oarpet-Bag Congressman. In the Fall of 1864, a printet named J. T. Elliott, applied for a situation in the Demo crat office. He was ragged, dirty, penniless and hungry. We pitied him, and, after giving him some money to supply his im mediate wants, gave him a “stick and case;” in an hour or two after he began work, a committee, appointed by our regu lar journeymen, waited upon and informed us that their self-respect forbade them to work beside such a man—that he was cov ered with filth and vermin, had the itch, and emitted a stench that sickened them.— We examined into the matter, and informed the unfortunate man that he must discon tinue work, and wash and cure himself. Our printers contributed liberally, and support ed him while he used sulphur, and endeav ored to drive away the aroma which he carried about his person, and which bore ho resemblance to the perfume of roses. He was only partly successful,and was assign ed a place In the office as far removed from the other workmen as possible. In a few weeks after his appearance in the city, he concluded he would go into the newspaper business, and issued the pros pectus of “ The Southern Refugee and Cotton Planter." He procured about a hundred subscribers, at three dollars each, and, pock eting the money, left for parts unknown.— When next we heard of him he was publish ing a Radical paper at Jacksonport, hob nobbing with negroes and talking about loyalty. J. T. Elliott is now the Radical candidate for Congress in the Camden Dis trict of Arkansas. We have no doubt many of our citizens remember this man. A more depraved speci men of humanity does not live on the face of the earth. Os weak mind, almost imbe cile, he was an object to pity and to loathe. And he is one of the statesmen which re construction has brought to the surface in the Southern States! God have mercy ®n the unfortunate people who are ruled by such men. May His curses fall upon the party which has imposed rulers of this kind upon the country. Is there any wonder the decent people of the South are restless ? Is it not a wonder they do not rise and die in arms rather than submit to the degradation of Radical tyranny ? [From the Freeman’s Journal. The Duty of the Hour. We need predict nothing in regard to the results of the election on November 3d. The duty of honest men, who believe in the fundamen al principles of the Democratic party, remains the same. Whether the party is to be defeated, or to succeed, the importance of every vote is the same. We repeat what we have so often said : It is of more importance to show the spirit of the people than to elect a candidate. It will, still, be true that the people rule in this coun try. We will not be suspected of playing the demagogue in saying this. It is a fool ish assertion that Gen. Grant, if elected, will proclaim himself permanent dictator ! If he were so crazy, the bullet or the knife would end his days very soon. The forms of a free election, every four years, will be kept up. The deplorable thing is that, already, these ballot box performances so grotesquely fool the real will of the people. But, for the moment, there is one duty for us, and for all true Democrats. Go to the polls—run the risk of having your dumb ballot changed, and counted on the other side. Vote with negroes, who vote without legal right—as they have done in Ohio. Vote at all events, and vote right. There is & force in correct human action. It tells, by influences that cannot be ignored. It is of the very greatest importance. Our duty is to roll up a vote, taken to gether with the votes that ought to be counted, and will not be, that will show such a majority of the rightful citizenship of the country, on behalf of liberty and of right, as will be a check, and a stopper , on the farther madnesses of the Republican party—should it be the evil fortune of the country that they win at the coming elec tion. Large Family.— Ex-sherlfl H. pra “’ Kent county, Delaware, has raised 9 children, and has 91 grandchildren and 56 great-grand children, making in all 156 children, g rand and great-grandchildren. The ex-shen > now in bls 80th year, and weighing about 200 Fb™ was in town last Wednesday morning, en joying excellent health. V
