THE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST
WEDNESDAY MOfININO. NOV. 4, 1868
THE BETTER COURSE.
We have always advised those of the
colored people who sought our counsel to
avoid politics altogether. We endeavored
to convince them that any interference on
their part, on either side of the controversy,
was bound to eventuate in their discom
fiture. We have demonstrated to them
that they Were mere puppets in the hands
of demagogues, and, one. Used, they always
found themselves poorer and more bewil
dered than ever. A thousand benefits have
been promised them by caipet-baggeis,
both white and black, but these benefits
have invariably proved cheats and delu
sions. We once imagined that negroes
could not be fooled twice; but this is not
so. A few years ago, they were badly sold
on the forty acres and mule question, and
this ought to have taught them caution. In
seine cases it has; in other cases it has
been vain in its admonition. We know
that many of these poor creatures are even
now expectant of S3O uniforms which cer
tain agitators in South Carolina, and
elsewhere, we presume, have promised
to give them for the small sum of
two dollars. The two dollars have been
paid, but the uniforms are still in the voca
tive. Many have a notion that, in the
event of Grant’s election, they will imme
diately enter into full possession of the
lands of the white people, the houses there
on, the implements and stock attached
thereto. Tffe writer has cognizance of some
very remarkable expectations of this sort,
and it would take a surgical operation to
drive the prevalent and deep-rooted belief
of a negro jubilee out of the heads of thou
sands who are dogged in their credulity.
The colored people may as well under
stand, first as last, that, even should Gen.
Grant be elected none of these rose-colored
anticipations will ever be realized. If
elected, at all, Grant will have a power
ful opposition ready to check any such
insanity. Besides, Grant himself is no
negro-worshipper and, no doubt, shares
with his people a prejudice against
the Ethiopian which’ he will not be at
pains to conceal, should an opportunity
be offered. Can any of the colored peop'e
name any act of his exhibiting such over
powering love for them as their fond hopes
imply ? On the contrary, in his intercourse
with certain negroes who have called upon
him at Washington, he has been-most offish
and reluctant. Do they dare dream of
seizing upon the white man’s property,
under the conceit that Grant will abet
them ? Even if the power of the white resi
dents was not ample to beat back any such
invasion, the man who vaunts the inau
guration of peace would interpose the
bayonets of his army, and the negroes know
what they have to expect when white boys
in blue are ordered to disperse them.
If any permanent good can come to the
negro it must come, at last, through those
whites who hold the lands of the South and
intend to keep them. The abiding interest
of the black population, then, is to keep on
the most friendly terms with those by whom
they were raised and with whom they are
compelled, for the present, to stay. We
give it as our solemn conviction that these
desirable relations of friendship can never
be perpetuated or made advantage >us to
the black man so long as he clings to poli
tics. • The State of Louisiana has furnished
a palpable illustration of the wretched fail
ure of this political amalgamation, and, as
time progresses, it will become so very
glaring and preposterous that the mercurial
people of the East and West will sweep it
away with a besom of destruction. Several
years ago, we predicted, from a knowledge
of the State, that Louisiana would first
witness the culmination of the farce of re
construction. We based this idea on the su
perior culture of many of the old free mulat
toesand quadroons, and the aspirations they
had of making an experiment of African
supremacy. Well, they have made it, or
essayed to make it, and a more disgusting
thing has never been witnessed, save and
except that unutterably abominable matter
of a few white men, for the sake of plunder,
consenting to their crime. If these Louisi
ana negroes were the first to try this game,
they are, likewise, the first to abandon it in
the right fashion. We learn from our Lou
isiana exchanges, that in the parish of St.
Landry, the negroes have withdrawn from
the Leagues and left Radicalism almost
without supporters. The Opelousas Journal
and Oowrier contain cards, signed by fifty
negroes, who have been hitherto conspicu
ous in their political careers. These cards
read as follows:
“ We, the undersigned,feeling convinced, from,
the many events that hive transpired in this
parish, that the policy of the Radical party will
give us no peace, but will lead only to riots and
disorder, do hereby withdraw from said party,
ana renounce all affiliation with it. Knowing,
moreover, that from our limited knowledge of
politics, we are unable to act wisely in using the
elective franchise, we do therefore withdraw
therefrom entirely and renounce all right to
register or vote ; and igree to have nothing what
ever to do with any party, or to meddle with poli
tics in any way."
With the most profound desire to say
nothing but what Is just, we believe these
negroes have adopted a wise course, and
one which they will never regret, if it be
faithfully adhered to. Superadded to the
above testimony, we find the following in
the Courier of the Teche, October 17th:
We hear, on all aides, that the negro and
free colored population are beginning to un
derstand that they had chosen the wrong path,
in meddling in politics and in arraying them
selves in open hostility against the white race.
The light of truth has at length struck the eyes
of many among them. They begin to see that
scalawags and carpet-baggers are not their real
friends, and that their only objects have been
to make use of the colored people as tools for
their personal benefit and advancement.—
The following document which we translate
literally, explains itself:
‘ Parish of St. Martin, Oct. 11,1868.
‘We, the undersigned, do declare that, per
ceiving that our participation lu the political
affairs of the country—a right granted to us by
the Congress of the United States against the
consent of the people of Louisiana—may be
come prejudicial to us, and injurious to our
happiness and quiet, and being desirous of
avoiding all sort of blame from persons be
longing to the white race, to whom we aban
don the control of all political affairs, we
solemnly bind ourselves not to meddle in any
manner whatsoever with political affairs, and
to prevail upon our friendsand relatives to the
same.
‘ We ask, furthermore, for us, the protection
of persons belonging to the white race, and we
promise, in exchange for their kindness towards
ns to endeavor to be useful and agreeable to
them on every occasion, now and always.
‘Valsin Jounree,
, ‘Celistin Arnaud,
‘Henry Gordon.
“The three subscribers to the above declara
tion belong, the first two to the class of colored
people who were free before the war, and the
last one to the newly enfranchised race. All
three have been very active members of the
Radical organization and were affiliated with
the Loyal League and the G. A. R. It is but
justice to state that they made this declaration
of their own accord without even a suggestion
from any one, and without any undue influence
exerted upon their minds in order to induce
them to do it. The parties who received that
declaration are men of high standing in our
society, men of honor and worth, who have
always treated the inferior race with kindness
and justice.”
What words of ours are necessary to en
force these plain statements from colored
men who have been through the fire and
know that it is death to the true interests
of their race ? It may be all thrown away
upon the negroes of this section, but*some
may take It as wisdom, and we would have
those who read these lines believe that we
have written with kindly sentiments and
a desire that they may pursue what we
deem the better course for all.
. ... I MWI •
THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE.
Our Atlanta correspondent intimates that
Judge Cabaniss fell into a trap when he
abruptly and rashly issued his late pronun
clamento, which virtually thrusts the De
mocratic party, so far as he has the right
to do so, into a quasi affiliation with Radi
calism. We took occasion, when this ex
traordinary address first appeared, to give
it a mild snub. We waited patiently to
hear from other members of the Committee.
A few days afterward. Judge Whitaker
entered a manly protest against the assump
tion of Chairman Cabaniss and we publish
ed this protest in a conspicuous place so as
to leave no room to doubt of our hearty en
dorsement of it. Excepting Judge Whita
ker, we know of no other member of the
Central Committee who has raised his voice
in opposition. Are we to understand from
this silence that a majority of the mem
bers endorse the late Address? If so,
we are persuaded, that they do not re
present the Democracy of Georgia and have
taken a liberty most unwarrantable and
reckless. Pending the election tor Presi
dent, the Committee may as well hold their
places; but so soon as the contest shall
have terminated, a change in that organi
zation will be imperative. Had a man like
Herschel V. Johnson been at the head
of our Central Committee many of the er
rors of the present canvass would have
been prevented, and such an unseemly ad
dress as the last effort of Judge Cabaniss
utterly impossible. With very few excep
tions, our State exchanges condemn this
miserable surrender of principle, and there
not wanting those abroad whose re
spect we may forfeit, if a continuance of the
present blundering be permitted. The
Louisville Journal puts the case exactly
right. It says :
“The State Democratic Committee of Geor
gia, according to a dispatch from Augusta,
lately issued a card or manifesto endorsing
negro suffrage. The editor of the Atlanta In
telligencer, a member of the committee who
I was not in Atlanta at the time the manifesto
was put forth, protests in his columns against
the committal in favor of the suffrage of the
blacks. In our view, he is right, and the com
mittee exceedingly wrong. If we were a citi
zen of Georgia and disfranchised by the Opera
tion of Radical legislation, we would not favor
or desire the establishment or continuance of
black suffrage, even for the sake of the re
moval of the disfranchisement of the whites.
If the people of the South endorse and volun
tarily accept black suffrage; if they commit
themselves to uphold or countenance it for
even a single day after they shall have the
power to cast it off, they will thereby most un
wisely and ingloriously have yielded one of the
main grounds upon which they must fight the
great battle of their section in order to fight it
successfully.
“ A portion of the Southern Democrats may
believe, and correctly believe, that they have
little chance to achieve present success unless
they can win the support of a considerable por
tion of the negro voters to their aid by holding
out to them the pledge that the franchise so
unrighteously and outrageously conferred upon
them by the Radicals shall be continued to
them after the Radicals themselves shall have
been driven from power, as, sooner or later,
they most assuredly will be; but, if present
success cannot be compassed by other and less
ignoble means, our Southern friends had better
make up their minds, which once, at least, were
proud and lofty minds, to dispense with pres
ent success, and submit as best they may to the
consequences, calmly and resolutely, if not pa
tiently, awaiting the events and the opportuni
ties of the future. There are many things not
to be advocated or willingly accepted for the
sake of temporary political advantages, how
ever great these may seem to be, and universal
negro suffrage is, in our estimation, one of
them.
“Let not our Southern friends, because their
fanatical and revengeful enemies have fastened
upon them a great and digusting evil for a
time, have the fatuity and the madness to fasten
it upon themselves forever.”
These words have the ring of the true
metal. If a majority of the white people of
Georgia are prepared to deny their birth
right and betray their principle for a falsie
and temporary advantage, they are un
worthy to be named with the heroic peo
ples of the world, and, we submit that the,
terms “ scalawag,” “ renegade ” and other
choice epithets should be banished from the
vocabulary of many who now employ them
with such zealous unction and apparent
self-righteousness.
BEEOHER.
Not long since, it was announced that
Henry Ward Beecher was engaged upon
a “ Life of Christ.” When finished, it was
presumed that Bonner’s Ledger would pro
duce it serially, and when Bonner had
exhausted it, John Brougham would
dramatize it for Wallck’s theatre. We
write with no levity, but after the manner
of our subject and according to the hints
emitted from time to time by those who
professed to be cognizant of the movements
and intentions of Parson Beecher.
About two weeks ago, Mr. Beecher con
cluded to abandon h’s theological biogra
phy and relinquish, for a moment, the
Prince of Pe.ice in order to make a stump
speech for the Man of Blood. He spoke,
and spoke io the discredit of. his cloth and
pretensions. So considerable was the effect
produced by his harangue that his parti
sans urge him for the United States Senate,
and, up to date,’he has put in no d sclaimer.
We reproduce a few extracts. Here is his
opinion of the policy of the negro franchise
as an offset to the foreign vote.
“ It is quite in vain to quote to me about the
voting of these poor Southern hordes. I have
seen descriptions in letter writing, and don’t
doubt that those descriptions are true. I have
seen accounts of the way men voted in many
of those Southern precints—quite ridiculous it
was, and I could not, Republican as I am, help
laughing. But laughing is free yet in this
country, which ever side a man is on, and I
bethought myself that these hordes of blank
voters, that don't know how to read, that don't
know the men, that don't know what the word
‘ suffrage ’ means, believe that it is, perhaps, an
idol or something of that sort. This may be
very ridiculous, but really I can point out a
gang of emigrants in New York that will vote
just as ridiculously as that. I don’t think that
Southern planters have yet acted in such a
manner ns we see occasionally in these New
York wards. Ignorant voting! The planter
votes. The liquor shop votes. One party
says, “How would you like to have your
blaek folks brought up on an equality and vote
alongside of you?” I would answer that I
have to bear the emigrants vote right up along
side of us ; and it is not hard to bear the black
man when we can bear that. We have not only
learned to bear it, but when they complain
they have been carried through a trying ordeal,
we say, • Gentlemen, you are not suffering any
more than we have suffered ; uot a bit more.
This experiment of free voting in the South
we have already tried in the North.’ ”
He affects to prove that the “ triangular
piece of steel called a bayonet,” is, after
all, “ not a despot," as used in thejormation
of Southern constitutions. Having said
this, he turns square round and dogmati
cally and philosophically says:
“ The Almighty made man to run by internal
self-moving forces, and when you apply exter
nal motive power to a man, you controvert the
machine and make it the very worst thing that
man could be put to.”
At one time he begs pardon for the mere
mention of wine or intemperance. Imme
diately afterward, ne thus thunders:
“ 1 am free to say that if it were so I had
rather have Gen. Grant drunk than Gov. Sey
mour sober.” *
Having pungently indicated h's preference,
he speaks of the shouts expected next month
as “scarcely less sublime than the thun
ders of Sinai 1”
He finds a hard nut in the Constitution,
but proceeds to crack it by a paradoxical
distinction, statingin effect that there Is a
great difference between acting outside of
the Constitution and contrary to it!
Here is the gem of the collection:
“ Since all the men who sought to destroy
the Government are rallying around Seymour,
it is fit that all the men who stood up for the
Union should gather about Grant.”
If his proposition is true, the Union will
have a hard tug for it, since, out of more
than 1,500,000 votes cast in the late election
in Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania, the dif
ference is so small that a few thousands
would change it.
When a Parson pollutes his sacred call
ing and ostensibly has an eye to Senatorial
robes, it must be expected that the flav or of
his discourse will be somewhat impregnated
with the reeking filth of the hustings.
Here, with a slight adaptation to the
present time, is a rhyme of Lowell’s
which hits the nail on the head and goes
to the centre of Beecher’s target:
Gineral G. goes in for the war;
He do t rally prinoiple more’n an old cud;
What did God make us raytional creeturs for,
But glory and gunpowder, plunder and blood ?
But I'ai son B
Beecher, he
Bez he shall vote for Gineral G.
We were gitting on nicely up here at our vidage,
With good old idecs o’ wut’s right an’ wut aint,
We kind of thought Christ went agin war and pillage,
An’ thet eppyletts worn’tthe best mark of a saint,
But Parson B
Beecher, he
Bez this k nd of thing’s an exploded idee.
The side of our county must ailers he took,
And Gineral Grant, you know, he is our country ;
And the angel thet writes all our sins in a book,
Puts the debit to him, and to us per contry ;
And Parson B
Beecher, he
Bcz this is his view of the thing to a T.
Quiet folks call all these argimunts lies;
Bez they’re nothin’ on airth but jest fee, saw, fnm ;
And thet all this big talk of our destinies
Is half on it ignorance, an’ tother half rum;
But Parson B
Beecher, he
Bez it aint no such thing; an', of course, so must
we.
Uncle Timothy sez he never heerd in his life,
Thet th' Apostles rigged out in their swaller -tail coats,
An' marched 'round in front of a drum, an' a fife,
To git some on 'em office an' some on 'em votes ;
But Parson B
Beecher, he
See they didn't know everything down in Judes
The Brown-Martin Scandal. Ex-
Governor Brown is out in a long commu
ntcation in the Atlanta InteUigencr brand
ing the letters published In the LaGrange
Reporter as forgeries. He backs his denial
with certificates from Judge Whitaker,
Major Steele, Rev. W. T. Brantly, the
Cashier of the National Bank at Atlanta,
and a number of other parties. Dr. Brant
ly says:
Atlanta, Ga., Sept, 2-B,ISGB.
Hon. J. 1. Whitaker: I have no objection to
putting on paper the opinion I expressed to
you respecting the anonymous letters and hie
roglyphics which Mr. Martin charges Govern
or Brown with having written to his wile.
Any impartial man who makes the comparison
must sec, I think, that the letters are very
clumsy imitations of Governor Brown’s hand
writing. I am sure that I have often seen
counterfeits which were mueb better executed.
When- I first saw the publication, containing
the letters in question, I remarked to a friend
that they bore, to my mind, internal evidence
of forgery. A subsequent examination has but
confirmed my first impression.
You know that Governor Brown has been
one of my nearest neighbors for more than
two years, and that I have seen hitn during this
period almost daily. It strikes me that if he
were the character indicated by the letters as
cribed to him, some evidences of the fact wou'd
have transpired under my observation. But so
far from this, I have never seen anything in
him, or heard anything from him, inconsistent
with the utmost chastity.
Governor Brown (as you are well aware) and
myself are on very different sides in our politi
cal view, but this shall not restrain me from
declaring my conviction of his entire innocence
in the matter in question. Such charges, though
intended “ for the benefit of the Democratic
party,” can do us no good.
« Non ta’i auxilio necistis def nsoribus
Tempos ege*.”
Very truly, yours,
W. T. Brantly.
A Strange Omission. —In a recent speech,
the Hon. Roscoe Conkling alluded to a
ride with General Sheridan, thus:
“As we came back through the rain, Sheri
dan, by the by, riding a white horse, which be
took from Breckinridge, (laughter and ap
plause]- Breckinridge, that Democratic Vice-
President who used to preside in the Senate of
the States at the same time he was plotting the
overthrow of the capital and the ruin of his
country. This elegant Gray Eagle Horse came
from Breckinridge. As we came back he pulled
up, and turning to me, said: * There is one
thing I want to know of you—l want to know
if John Griswold is going to be elected?’
(Laughter and applause ] Said I, ‘ I think so,
General.’ Said he, ‘ Sure ?’ Said I, ‘ 1 think
sure.' ‘ Well,’ said he, ‘ I tell you one thing.
No matter what else happens in this election, if
John Griswold is only elected Gooernor of the
State of New York I shall throw up my bat and
burn my boots.’ [Great laughter.]”
Having confessed to the stealing of the
horse, it was a strange omission to inform
Conkling from whom he expected to steal
another pair of boots, in case he had to
burn his old ones.
Generous Bullock !—How many pau
per negroes have we in Richmond county,
and how much are we taxed to support
them ? How far would a poll-tax, levied
on each negro, go to help these paupers, if
any?
The Columbus Sun thus testifies as to
Muscogee: .
“ Muscogee county has forty or fifty pauper
negroes m her Poor House. She has no money
in her treasury, and has been compelled to bor
row money at two per eent. a month to take
care of them. Bullock will not permit negroes
to be taxed to bear their small share of this
burden.”
The “ Governor ” who thus endeavors to
impair the credit of Georgia, is vainly cry
ing his bonds for sale in New York. No
wonder, then, the World exclaims : “ Don t
bet on Grant, gentlemen. There is a bet
ter way to test your confidence in the
triumph of the principles he represents.
Buy bogus bonds.”
i— » Hi —————
In the Depths.—The National Intelli
gencer, solitary and alone, keeps aloof from
the Democratic revival. If it contemplates
making fair weather with the Radicals, the
following extract from the Washington
correspondence of the Baltimore of the
23d, stabs that hope to the heart. The cor
respondent says:
“The Grant and Colfax Club had a meeting
last night, and decided to spot all eleventh-hour
Republicans, and declared their opposition to
allowing Democrats, at this late day, to con
tribute to the Republican cause.”
Alas, for the National Intelligencer !
“ Equal Rights.”—There are-but 10,000
male negroes in the Northern and Western
States. Os these, none are allowed to vote
in the West, and only 1,000 in five of the
New England States. In the South, 750,000
negroes are allowed to vote indiscriminate
ly. In order that these creatures may vote
to some effect, 170,000 white men are dis
franchised in Virginia, 65,000 in Texas,
70,000 in Mississippi, 50,000 *ln Missouri,
80,000 in Tennessee, besides about 250,000
in other Southern States, making a grand
total of 685,000.
And that is what the Radicals, call
“ Equal Rights.”
Pennsylvania.—The,Ay« says the Radi
cal carpet-baggers who were imported into
Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania are on the
way back to their proper homes. By this
exodus, the Radical vote will be diminish
ed in Pennsylvania more than the whole
majority reported for the State ticket.
West Virginia.—The contest in West
Virginia is still in doubt, both parties
claiming the State. There would be no
doubt at all, if the party of “ equal rights”
would enfranchise 25,000 white men now
under ban. _
Louisiana.—The New Orleans Picayune
thinks the Pelican State good for 10,000
Democratic majority.
We ought to do at least three times bet
ter than that in Georgia.
John Quincy Adams at Home.
what he said to ins friends and neigh
bors ABOUT THE SOUTH.
The Hon. John Quincy Adams made an
address to his friends and neighbors at
Weymouth, Mass., on Thursday last, in the
course of which he said:
As you all know, I have made a little trip
to the South. I wished to see whata re
constructed State was, and I went to South
Carolina for that purpose. I ha Y e cor °e
back with this conviction, though I do not
know how the other Conservative citizens
of the Union may feel about it. I never in
tend to stop to relax for one moment In the
heartiest, most earnest and most honest
efforts I can make to remove all such
“blessings” as reconstruction from tne
necks of every one of my fellow-Atizcns
[Loud applause.] The issue in this cam
paign, to me, is simply this, and nothing
more. Reconstruction, as you know, is
the Radical constitution. It is the only
constitution now in ten States or the
Union, and what is it? It is simply this
the rule of the military and nothing else.
In order that it may not jar too much
upon the nerves of a republican people to
see eight millions of their fellow-citizens
held down by the bayonet, they have
brought in a great mass of three or four
millions of poor, ignorant, degraded black
men. and set them up in a row, as it were,
across the Southern States, and because
they think you cannot see the bayonet be
hind them, they say, “That is a republican
form of government.” How republican .
What is this republican form of govern
ment? Why, look at the condition of those
States. Suppose that almost all the voters
in this Commonwealth should suddenly be
deprived of the franchise, and in their place
it was bestowed upon a set of men who
were entirely ignorant of the value and re*
sponsibility of the voting power—who
knew nothing about any of the principles
in regard to which they were voting. Sup
pose such a class of men were to .be put
over you, of course you would not like it—
you would feel uncomfortable and disagree,
and you would not suffer their rule if you
could help it. Yet this is precisely the con
dition in which South Carolina is to-day.
She is governed by a set of men who, if the
people were left to themselves, would have
no more chance of holding the offices of
your government they now hold, than
I should of being elected King of Great
Britain in place of Queen Victoria, if I
were to go to England to-morrow. [Laugh
ter.] And these officials having no hold
upon the esteem of the people, as they call
them down there in their expressive, though
slightly inelegant language “ scalawags ’
and “ carpet-baggers,” cannot command
any of their respect and confidence. The
consequence of this is that they have to be
supported in their places by the bayonets
of the United States soldiers. And as there
are not United States soldiers enough at
the South to keep the people entirely “ con
tented,” nor enough to make the govern
ment thoroughly “Democratic!” so every
day or two they are calling for more sol
diers in order to sup; ort these thoroughly
“ Democratic ” and “ Republican” govern
ments; and that is reconstruction! My
Southern Democratic friends down there
greeted me in away which I shall never
forget to my dying day. The kindness, the
warmth, the consideration, the order which
they showed in welcoming any Northerner,
especially from Massachusetts, who would
go down there and say to them a kind word,
who would not treat them like boys, and
call them rebels, traitors, miserable ras
cals, or villains, went deep to my heart.
They asked me to say to my fellow
citizens at the North that they fought you
in the war; they believed that they were
right; that they fought you as hard as they
could, and when the war was done they
frankly abandoned what they fought for.—
They said we had whipped them ; we had
conquered what we demanded during the
war, and they were ready to give it up.—
They would fight no longer, and all they
asked was friendship and kindness. What
they deserved from us at the North was
mercy, the hand of kindness, good fellow
ship and brotherly love. [Loud applause.]
They want no more contest, no more ill
blood ; they want merely to shake hands,
saving, we fought, and now the fight is
done, let us be friends. That is the feeling
of the mass of the whole people I met at
the South. 1 saw no unkindness, no sort
of feeling indicating unk’ndness toward
any of the people at the North. That they
mav be treated in decency and kindness,
they do ask, and that is what I pray of
every one of vou to labor for. [Applause.]
It is the thing, it seems to me, that we need
here at the North as much as they need it
at the South. All that they ask, and all
that the Democratic party at the North
seek to accomplish, is that we may be al
lowed to come together once more in peace
and amity; that this incubus of recon
struction may be taken off the people; that
these soldiers may be taken away from be
tween mj, and that we—all of us—once
more may feel, North, as well as South,
white man as well as black man—the bene
fits of a Union under the old system of gov
ernment.
A Spunky Clerk— Reply to the Radi
cal Congressional Committee. —One C.
A. Chipley, of the Third Auditor's office,
has come out rather strongly on the Con
gressional Republican Committee for ask
ing him to contribute “ a voluntary offer
ing” to aid the election of Grant and Col
fax. He replies to the committee in a bold
letter, which, after showing Chipley to be
for Seymour and Blair, and after pitching
into the whole career of Radicalism, con
cludes thus:
And you ask me to contribute to help
keep this party in power. I cannot do it.
I full well know the consequence of a re
fusal. The office I hold, which is only suf
ficient to support my family, I know will
be taken from me, and my wife and little
ones be made to feel the effects of the re
fusal ; but I have one consolation in the
thought that I lived before I came into of
fice and bv the help of God can live with
out it. I presume, sir, the success of your
party in the recent elections has made you
more bold in demanding of the office-holder
means to carry out your political ends. I
notice a great many persons who are op
posed to you politically have been the re
cipients of these insulting circulars, more
insulting because they have been sent by
your committee since the elections in the
States of Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana.
Had the elections in these States gone ad
versely to your party, these circulars would
not have been sent to the Conservative em
ployes in the different departments. As it
is, the circular means, “ your money or
your office.” I say take the latter, but
give me a clear conscience that I live up to
what I honestly believe is right and just.
Chas. A. Chipley,
Room 74, Third Auditor’s Office.
During the recent eclipse, says a Bombay
paper, the most curious scenes were visible in
the town. Men and women in their half-bar
baric and shabby dress were to be seen going
from one temple to another to pray the Deity
to go to the help of the luminary of the day in
his duel with the headless giant, “ Rahu.”
[From the Albany Argus, Oct. S.
Genealogy of the Black Republican Party,
We give below" the ancestral titles by
which the present Black Republican party
struggled on for political power. In 1776,
as Tories of George the Third, and in 1868,
the same traitors to liberty and a constitu
tional government, we find that in the sev
eral epochs of our history aa a people, they
have battled under every banner that tended
to encourage dissolution, anarchy, blood
shed and ruin. In all this history of the
opposition, from 1801 to the present hour—
a period of 77 years—di has had to meet
and fly from, time ind again, and will again
have to succumb to, the time-tried, and
name-honored Democratic party of Jeffer
son, Madison and Polk.
It is worthy of note that after a series of
defeats, new names and organizations, this
same “ loyal ” party of 1776 agtin assumed
its “lovalty” in 1861-68.
In 1778, Loyal Tories.
In 1779, Nova Scotia Cow Boys and To
ries.
In 1786, Convention Monarchists.
In 1787, Black Cockaders.
In 1808, Anti-Jeffersonian Improvement
men.
In 1810, British Bank men.
In 1812, Peace and Submission men.
In 1813, Blue Lights.
In 1814, Hartford Conventionists.
In 1816, Washifigton Society men.
Li 1818, No Party men.
In 1819, Federalists.
In 1820, Federal Republicans.
In 1826, National Republicans.
In 1828, Anti-Masons.
In 1834, Anti-Masonic men.
In 1836, Conservatives.
In 1837, Independent Democratic Whigs.
In 1838, Abolitionists.
In 1840, Log Cabin—Hard Cider Demo
cratic Republican Abolition Whigs.
In 1843, Native American Whigs.
In 1845, The Whig party.
In 1846, Mexican Whig party.
In 1847, Anti-Mexican Whig party.
In 1848, Rough-and-Ready party.
In 1850, Clay Whig party.
In 1852, Scott Whigs.
In 1854, Know Nothings.
In 1855, Native Americans.
In 1856, Fremonters, or Abolitionists and
Enow Nothings.
In 1857, Black Republicans.
In 1859, Opposition and People’s party.
j.n 1860, Wide Awakes, Cap and Cape
party.
In 1862, No party—Every party.
In-1863, Union League, No party, Eman
cipation, High Taxation, Centralization,
Confiscation, Negro Equalization, Usurpa
tion, Abolition, Administration party.
In 1864, Coercion Republicans.
In 1865, Johnson party.
In 1866, Negro Suffrage, Disunion party.
In 1867, Anti-Johnson party.
In 1868, Highway Robbery party.
[From the Cairo Democrat.
Kaw Material of a Oarpet-Bag Congressman.
In the Fall of 1864, a printet named J. T.
Elliott, applied for a situation in the Demo
crat office. He was ragged, dirty, penniless
and hungry. We pitied him, and, after
giving him some money to supply his im
mediate wants, gave him a “stick and
case;” in an hour or two after he began
work, a committee, appointed by our regu
lar journeymen, waited upon and informed
us that their self-respect forbade them to
work beside such a man—that he was cov
ered with filth and vermin, had the itch,
and emitted a stench that sickened them.—
We examined into the matter, and informed
the unfortunate man that he must discon
tinue work, and wash and cure himself. Our
printers contributed liberally, and support
ed him while he used sulphur, and endeav
ored to drive away the aroma which he
carried about his person, and which bore
ho resemblance to the perfume of roses. He
was only partly successful,and was assign
ed a place In the office as far removed from
the other workmen as possible.
In a few weeks after his appearance in the
city, he concluded he would go into the
newspaper business, and issued the pros
pectus of “ The Southern Refugee and Cotton
Planter." He procured about a hundred
subscribers, at three dollars each, and, pock
eting the money, left for parts unknown.—
When next we heard of him he was publish
ing a Radical paper at Jacksonport, hob
nobbing with negroes and talking about
loyalty. J. T. Elliott is now the Radical
candidate for Congress in the Camden Dis
trict of Arkansas.
We have no doubt many of our citizens
remember this man. A more depraved speci
men of humanity does not live on the face
of the earth. Os weak mind, almost imbe
cile, he was an object to pity and to loathe.
And he is one of the statesmen which re
construction has brought to the surface in
the Southern States! God have mercy ®n
the unfortunate people who are ruled by
such men. May His curses fall upon the
party which has imposed rulers of this kind
upon the country. Is there any wonder the
decent people of the South are restless ? Is
it not a wonder they do not rise and die in
arms rather than submit to the degradation
of Radical tyranny ?
[From the Freeman’s Journal.
The Duty of the Hour.
We need predict nothing in regard to the
results of the election on November 3d.
The duty of honest men, who believe in the
fundamen al principles of the Democratic
party, remains the same. Whether the
party is to be defeated, or to succeed, the
importance of every vote is the same. We
repeat what we have so often said : It is
of more importance to show the spirit of the
people than to elect a candidate. It will,
still, be true that the people rule in this coun
try. We will not be suspected of playing
the demagogue in saying this. It is a fool
ish assertion that Gen. Grant, if elected,
will proclaim himself permanent dictator !
If he were so crazy, the bullet or the knife
would end his days very soon. The forms
of a free election, every four years, will be
kept up. The deplorable thing is that,
already, these ballot box performances so
grotesquely fool the real will of the people.
But, for the moment, there is one duty for
us, and for all true Democrats. Go to the
polls—run the risk of having your dumb
ballot changed, and counted on the other
side. Vote with negroes, who vote without
legal right—as they have done in Ohio.
Vote at all events, and vote right. There is
& force in correct human action. It tells,
by influences that cannot be ignored. It is
of the very greatest importance.
Our duty is to roll up a vote, taken to
gether with the votes that ought to be
counted, and will not be, that will show
such a majority of the rightful citizenship
of the country, on behalf of liberty and of
right, as will be a check, and a stopper , on
the farther madnesses of the Republican
party—should it be the evil fortune of the
country that they win at the coming elec
tion.
Large Family.— Ex-sherlfl H. pra “’
Kent county, Delaware, has raised 9 children,
and has 91 grandchildren and 56 great-grand
children, making in all 156 children, g rand and
great-grandchildren. The ex-shen >
now in bls 80th year, and weighing about 200
Fb™ was in town last Wednesday morning, en
joying excellent health. V
