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About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (June 23, 1869)
erty, private property and the disposition thereof, the elective franchise, the right to hold office, to appeal to the courts, to testi fy as a witness, to perform any civil func tion and to keep and bear arms.” All cit izens are etftitled to exercise all their rights as such unless specially prohibited by law.” See sections 1647-1653. It will be remembered that at the time of the adoption of the Code in 1863, the de fendant was not a citizen of this State and was not recognized by the Code as a citi zen thereof. By the 1646th section the status of the defendant is defined to be that of a person of color and not that of a citizen. , The revised Code adopted by the ■consti tution of 1868 includes the act of 18*16, which declares that “ all negroes, mulal toes, mestizoes and their descendants, hav ing one-eighth of negro or African blood in their veins, shall be known ill this State as persons of color,” and specially defines their legal rights, but the right to hold office is not one of them. (Revised Code—Section 1661.) It is. true that since the adoption of the Code the defendant has been made a citi zen, but the legal rights conferred upon cit izens by the Code were conferred upon that class of persons only -who are declared and recognized by the Code as citizens of the State at the time of its adoption. When the Code declares that it shall be the right of a citizen to hold office, such right is con fined to that class of persons who are recog nized and declared therein to be citizens of the State, and not to any other class of persons who might thereafter become citi zens. So when the Code declares that all citizens are entitled to exercise all their rights as such, unless prohibited by law, it is applicable to that class of persons only who were declared to be citizens of the State at that time, and not to any other class of persons who might thereafter be made citizens of the State, such as Chinese, Africans, or persons of color. The truth is that the public will of the State has never been expressed by any legislative enact ment in fiivor of the right of colored citi zens to hold office in this State since they became citizens tiiereof. Although these several classes of persons might be made citizens of the State with the privileges and immunities of. citizens, still they could not legally hold office under the authority of the State until that right shall be conferred upon them by some pub lic law of the State subsequent to the time at which they became citizens so as to in clude them in its provisions. The public will of the State, as to the legal right of that class of her citizens to hold office, has never been affirmatively .expressed, but on the contrary, when the' proposition was distinctly made in the convention which formed the present constitution to confer the right upon colored citizens to hold office in this State, it was voted down by a large majority. (See Journal of the convention, page 312.) So far as there has been any expression of the public will of the State as to the legal right of that class of citizens known as colored citizens, since they be came-such, to hold office in this State, it is against that right now claimed by the de fendant. The insurmountable obstacle in the way of defendant claiming-a legal right to hold office in this State under the provisions of the Code, is the fact that he was not a citizen of the State at the time of its adop tion. The class of persons to which he be longs were not recognized by it as citizens, and therefore he is not Included in any of its provisions which conferred the right to hold office upon the class of citizens speci fied in the Code. The Code makes no pro vision whatever for colored citizens to hold office in this State ; all its provisions apply exclusively to white citizens and to no other class of citizens. The convention which framed the present State and declared persons of color to be citizens could have conferred the right upon them to hold office, but de clined to do so by a very decided vote of that body, and went before the people olaiming its ratification upon the ground that colored citizens were not entitled to hold office under it; and there can be no doubt that the people of the State voted for its ratification at the ballot box with that understanding. But now it is contended that the defend ant, though a colored person, is made a a citizen of the State and of the United States and that no enabling act has ever been passed to allow a naturalized citizen to hold office in this State when he possess ed the other requisite qualifications pre scribed by law—that the defendant having been made a citizen of the State is entitled to hold office in the same manner as a naturalized citizen could do. The reply is that naturalized citizens were white per sons, and as such had a common law right to hold office —aright founded upon immem orial usage and custom, which has exist ed so long that “ the memory of man run eth not to the edntrary.” The 1648th sec tion of the Code simply affirms the common law as to the right of white citizens to hold office in this State. No such common law right, can be claimed in this State in favor of persons of color to hold office. They have but recently become entitled to citizenship, and have never held office in this State. In*lß4B, in the case of Cooper and Worsham against the mayor and aider men of the city of Savannah—4th Georgia Reports, 72—it was unanimously held and decided by this court that free persons of color were not entitled to hold any civil office in this State. The naturalized white citizen can claim the common law right to hold office in this State; the colored citi zen cannot claim any such common law right, for the reason that he never exercised and enjoyed it; and mat constitutes the difference - between the legal right of a naturalized white citizen to hold office in this State, and a person of color who has recently been made a citizen since the adoption of the Code, and who is not em braced within its provisions. The one can claim his common law right to hold office in the State, the other can not; and until the State shall declare by some legislative enactment that it is her will and desire that her colored citizens shall hold office under her authority, they cannot claim the legal right to do so. We must not forget that the State is the foun tain and parent -of office, and may confer or refuse to confer the right to hold office upon any class of her citizens, as she may think proper and expedient. When anew class of persons are intro duced into the body politic of the State and made citizens thereof, who cannot claim a common law right to hold office ; therein it is incumbent on them to show affirmatively that such right has been con ferred upon them by some public law of, the State since they were made citizens thereof, to entitle them to have and enjoy such right. In other words, they must show the public law of the Btat(%nacted since they became citizens thereof, which confers the legal light claimed, before they can demand a judgment of the court in fa- Vor of such legal right. All male white citizens of the State, whether native-born or naturalized citizens, having the necessary legal fiaailflcatlons; have a common law right to hold office o this State, and in order to deprive J'leju oi their common law right u prohibitory statute Is necessary. A imtura izeddtUeu hid a common law right to hold the of >' l » Frcsldeut of the UIUU btuU». Ueuw the prohibition in the Constitution of the United States. But as colored citizeus of the State, who have recently been made such, cannot claim a common law right to 4io!d office in the State, no prohibitory statute is necessary to. deprive them of a right which they never had under the com mon law or statute laws of the State When, therefore, it is said that colored citi zens have the right to hold office in the State, unless specially prohibited by law it must be shown affirmatively that they had previously enjoyed that right. If they can not show their right to hold office in the State, either under the common law, the constitution or statutes of the State, the fact that they are not specially prohibited from exercising a right which they never had amounts to nothing so far as investing them with the right to hold office is com cerued. When and where, and by what public law of the State was the legal right to hold office therein conferred on the colored citizens thereof? If this question cannot be answered jn the affirmative, aud the le gal authorities under which the right is claimed cannot be shown, then the argu ment that inasmuch as there is no special prohibition in the law against the right of colored citizens to hold office, falls to the ground. If there was no existiug legal right to hold office to be prohibited, tiie fact' that there is no prohibition does not confer such legal right. There was no legal necessity to prohibit that which did not exist. It is not the business or the duty of courts to make the law, but simply to ex pound and enforce existing laws which have been prescribed by the supreme power of the State. After the most careful examination of this question, I am clearly of opinion that there is no existing law of this State which confers the right upon the colored citizeus thereof to hold office therein, and conse quently that the defendant has no legal right to hold or exercise the duties of the i office which he claims under her authority, and that the. judgment of the court below overruling the demurrer should be affirmed. Note. —lt is due to Judge Warner to state that after the foregoing report of his opinion was in type, we received from him a note in which he requested that we would “ not publish any other opinion than his written one in that case as mine ” (his) “ unless authorized by ” him to do so. In the same note the Judge states, that imme diately after the delivery of his opinion, he handed the manuscript over to the report er of the court, and as we have not been furnished with a copy of it, we are forced to publish from our own reporter’s notes, in the correctness of whose report we have every confidence, but will, if there be any difference between his report and the manu script of the Judge; cheerfully publish from the latter upon being furnished with a cony of it. —(Ed. ■! The G. A. R. GREELEY DENOUNCES IT. In'a reiterating article not long ago,, con demnatory of the Grand Army of the Re public, brought out by a letter from Mr. Henry W. Bennett, of Davenport, lowa, calling the New York Tribune to account for denouncing that organization, the Tri bune, speaking of the Grand Army of the Republic, took occasion to express itself with deliberation as follows : “ These men combine for political purposes. They propose to keep alive the wrath and bit terness of that dreadful time. Ihey mean to control conventions and nominate men to office —to perpetuate in our civil system the bit terness of war. We believe the soldier should receive abundant reward. When a soldier and a civilian apply for office, all things else being equal, we should prefer the soldier. But we dislike this making a privileged class, and especially we dislike this getting into a corner and having pass words and grips, and making an exclusive class. “ Washington foresaw this wfceu he op posed the Society of the Cincinnati. He saw in the association the first.step toward an aristocracy, and he declined to ally him self with it. What Washington said should be remembered now. Here is an association more numerous and more powerful than tlu Cincinnati, which purposes to ever keep alive a war with brothers and fellow-countrymen, to exult in victories over Americans, to rejoice over the destruction of men in whose blue veins runs tlu blood which courses in our own, and who, whatever their crimes or errors, are of our own country. We say let all tlu memo ries of tlu past sink into tlu heU to which they belong ; let us think only of the wounds to be healed, of harvests to grow again, of seas once more covered with our commerce, education for the ignorant, protection to the oppressed, justice to all. “ We say this, and sacrifice none of the principles defended by Mr. Bennett. He is,' no doubt, earnest in his belief that his work is worthy. But there are crafty, bold, bad men, who look upon these societies as so many instruments for their own advancement. Tluy propose to ally themselves with this military government, with no more claim upon it than "l lunardier, in Hugo's novd, hud to be called tlu Sergeant of Waterloo. He followed the driny and robbed the bodies of tlu slain. The true soldier sheaths his sword and buries it in his closet, and it remains an heirloom. He becomes a citizen, and makes no claim for political honor but that of citizenship. Above all things he does not carry his epaulets and ribbons, his wounds and bruises,' to a political convention, to be knocked down to the highest bidder. There may be many of these men unwittingly in the Armv of the Republic, who probably entered with the views of Mr. Bennett. They will soon see how they may better occupy their time. “ Especially do we entertain these views when we find in the declarations of these secret soldier associations so many expres sions of madness. The true soldier is the most generous of foemen. Take the great captains who commanded the contending hosts. Do we find Grant, or Shermatl, or Sheridan, or Thomas, or Meade,assembling together and howling for more blood, more strife, more bitterness ? Do we find Lee, or Irngstreet, or Johnston, or Beauregard in sisting that tlu hates of secession shall be pro longed ! These nun fought their fight and ended. Tluir anger ceased with tlu echo of tlu last guns tired in anger. From this Grand Amy of the Republic now parading through political conventions in the West, command ed by the captains of tlu caucus, tlu lobby, and tlu bar-room, we appeal to the Grand Army of the Republic which carried our banners over a hundred fields under the eye of Grant, Sherman; and Sheridan.' Me de nounce this mw secret assocuition, as out of sympathy with the true Republican party and as inimical to the Constitution and tlu Union . It will be a sad day for our party when soldiers find no better work than to jrroml ucer the baUUfields of tlu past amt dig up .the bodies of the slain. The country wants |ieace, and rest, and harmony, and justice. These nun trant a distracted country that offices may l„ mined They would make America it Mexico oeuee WOldd lie sent to sleen with Turks and infidels, mill, instead of Union, I w ,.uld ' lie wo.'ulest division make TEE WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST WEDNESDAY MORNING. JUNE 23, UsG9 Clttb Rales for the Weekly Conatitulion • alls!. That every one may be enabled to sub scribe, and receive the benefits of a live jour nal, we offer the following liberal terms to Clubs ; 1 Copy per year • - - - • $3 00 3 Copies per year - - - - 750 5 Copies per year -.- . . 12 :00 10 Copies per .year - - - 20 00 We trust that every subscriber to the paper will aid us in adding to our list. CROPS AND CURRENT NEWS. Our subscribers and friends in the coun try will confer a favor on us aud oar nu merous readers by sending us items as to crop prospects aud general news in their different sections. We trust that each subscriber will consider himself a special correspondent for the Constitu tionalist, and thereby add to the interest of the paper. THE SUPREME COURT DECISION. While we thoroughly agree with the position taken by Judge Warner on the question of negro eligibility to office; and while we commend his dissent as in lofty contrast to the opinions of Judges Brown and McCay, it is necessary to explain, at the same time, that the matter can never be mended by denunciation. The decision has been rendered, as we supposed it would lie, from the well-known character of the Chief Justice aud Judge McCay. They are given over to the lusts of party and their judicial bias takes its direction from the impulse drawn from their new political affiliations. Now that these Judges, the creation of abnormal authority, have delivered their opinions, the tjrue men of the State affected by them should go to work and use what ever privileges they possess in order to render them, to a great extent, harmless and inoperative. This must be done by law and not by violence. Indeed, it can only be done by law, for violence would miss the very object it hoped 10 reach. If we do not mistake the gist of the decision, the right of the negro to hold office is based, as we anticipated, on the Code. The Con stitution gives him citizenship, and so does the 14th Amendment; but they do not give him the right to hold office. It is claimed by the Chief Justice that the Code alone, as it stands, clothes the negro with the ne cessary rights as an office-holder, if elect ed. Well, what is to prevent the Legisla ture from repealing that part of the Code and then passing a law prohibiting the ne-. gro from holding any State office ? Noth ing that we see can prevent such action,’ except the interference of the Central Pow er at Washington, which revolves in an eccentric orbit, aud does whatever Gen. Butler may see fit to dictate. Os course, If this power is put forth, we have no im mediate legal redress; but, aside from such an extraordinary invasion, the remedy of a Legislative repeal of the obnoxious stat ute is plain and unchallenged. So, the re sult of this Supreme Court decision comes to this: White, and the few other negroes elected to office have temporary authority to hold their positions. The negroes elect ed to the General Assembly cannot get back, because the Supreme Court has noth ing to do in their cases, judgment in the matter resting solely with the two Houses. If the General Assembly should repeal the debatable statutes of the Code presumed to have a bearing upon this matter, the vex ed question muikl be put beyond dispute, and Georgia still stand as a State govern ed by white men, Brown and McCay to the contrary notwithstanding. We are environed with difficulties—diffi culties and embarrassments of no ordinary character—and it will require great care," prudence and patriotism to steer clear of. a complete crash of everything which free men should hold dear. But first and fore most, the minds Os the public must be im pressed with the idea that there is no hope for ultimate liberty and the triumph of Constitutional principles, but in bowing to the law as expounded by those who have been invested with authority to expound It. Free governments can lie maintained only by maintaining the law as it exists, while it exists, and correcting it in the proper way. A wise people will bear pa tiently for a time even a great wrong, rather than fly to ill-advised remedies, which can bring nothing but general ruin in their train. The greatest and grandest reforms in the world have been effected by constant efforts in the right direction, with years of patient endurance. The Catholic Emancipation Bill, as it was called in England, is a striking Illustration of this. If our peop!e*could but be patient, prudent and patriotic—zealous in the observance of correct principles—all might yet come right, for the North as well as for the South, for the East as well as for the West. Otherwise, there is but little hope. AxqniEK National Boss. —We now learn that Butler has a coadjutor in floss ing the “ nation.” Gen. Logan has com pelled Secretary Rawlins to dismiss some four hundred clerks in the War Depart ment, against his own convictions. Bur- LKR and Logan ! The Lord deliver us from Butler and Logan ! Mu. Wono'iCißß.—Elsewhere, we pub lish a communication from R. J. C. Wood, Esq, relative to Mr. Hkrur, of Toledo, and his real estate transactions at Aiken. MISTAKEN. We find the following terse and pungent paragraphs in the Maeon Telegraph : “ The Constitutiomdisl, debating the point whether Georgia ‘ will be remanded’ or not, concludes there’s not much danger, and the Radicals, have done their worst, in anv event. . J “We say it all depends on Hoar ! The Stale of Georgia is waiting the legal opinion of s i. - ar ' “ Hoar says Georgia is a State " s “ e w State; and if Hoar says Georgia Is not a State, she is not a State. The poli tical wisdom of tiie North lias so simplified the plan and operations of the free, sovereign and independent States in North America, that they are uow any where and whatever a Cabinet officer decides them to be. . The whole scheme has become a system of pup pets—a grand political Punch and Judy— to stand and to do—to exist and remain, or die and depart, just as the Cabinet at Wash ington decides. Well * saltli Mr. Stephens in his letter—thcie is no difference between imperialism aud consolidation. Yes, per haps there is some small difference in favor of imperialism in this: That under the Em pire the responsibility could lie fixed some where, but under consolidation it is hard to locate it. For example : Suppose Mr. Hoar should be of the opinion that Georgia, as a State, must die or is dead ? Who has killed her—Congress—Gen. Grant, or Mr. Hoar V” All of tlds is well said, but the Telegraph is mistaken in the supposition that it “ all depends upon Hoar.” Not so; it all de pends upon Beast Butler. He is the Na tional Boss and whipper-in. Hoar, left to himself, is no doubt harmless enough ; but Butler does not permit him to bo thus in dependent. He has completely subjugated Hoar, and so, it all depends upon Butler, who has advanced so far in isolated villainy as not now to depend upon the devil for in spiration. GRANT'S CAUSA CAUSANS. We have it from reliable authority that the causa causans of Grant’s animosity to ward the South was forced by a woman— who is proverbially at the bottom of all troubles as well as all blessings. It seems that a Richmond lady met a beautiful child on one of the public thoroughfares, and stopping, after the manner of females, she saluted the little one with sundry hearty osculations. Having done this, she inquir ed of tiie nurse concerning the child’s pa rentage. When told that Gent Schofield was the father, she pushed the’transformed cherub aside, indignantly exclaiming: “Go away, you little brat!” The. nurse, of course, told Mrs. Schofield, Mrs. Hcno field told her lord, her lord told Grant, Grant grew mad and told Hoar, Hoar told Butler. And so, and so, the South must be desolated because of the caprice of a gushing wqman— Ulysses’ wrath to South the direful spring Os woes unnumbered, brats of babies slug! On to London. —ln their desperation, the extreme Radicals think to revive their popularity by buncombe cries of a war witli England. The moderate Republicans oppose this strategy, on the ground that the Democrats can beat them two to one at the same game. The Times says: “It would doubtless be a very fine tiling to bring the Irish-Araericans over to tiie Re publican side; but to do this, the Demo crats must be beaten, on their own ground —which they can't be." A Falsehood Nailed.— The South has been charged with exceptional cruelty to prisoners during the war. The National Intelligencer silences this slander by pub lishing the following authentic record: “ The number of Federais in Southern prisons during the war was 270,000, of whom 22,000 died; the number of Confede rates in Northern prisons during the war was 220,000, of whom 28,000 died.” No doubt the North would persuade the world/that they killed our soldiers with their kindness and not with their barbarity. A Cow Case.—A New York letter has this item: “On tiie Long Island Railroad, on Wednesday, a cow was run over and a car thrown off tiie track. No lives were lost. There were one hundred Baptist ministers on board, who passed resolutions compli menting tiie company for its discrimina tion in killing a cow iusfeadofa Baptist minister.” Tney had better beware. Next time the company may propitiate the cows at tiie expense of the parsons. Impudence.— Writing to the Philadel phia Press, Forney says : ’ “ Let the people of tiie South who are be wailing what they call the ‘evils of negro suffrage’ honestly study the experience of Washington City since slavery was alwl islied and justice secui-ed to ail men, and they will soon dry their tears and prepare, for.the good time coining.” From all accounts outside the Chronicle office, we should judge' that a mild case of Ku Kiux can alone prevent the whites of Washington from the bad time coming. Try Again —The Philadelphia Press is credited with saying that the negro Lang ston, who refused the position of Minister to Liberia,is a convicted criminal. Why not send Aaron Alpeoria Brad ley to Liberia ? He is a convicted crimi nal and would not refuse the embassy, although we believe the Liberians would make pot-pie of him before he had been with them twenty-four hours. J udoe Chase.— Because the Chief Justice expressed a hope that the National Gov ernment would, in tiie future, rather honor than Insult the heroic dead on both sides the lltie of battle, the New York Hun brands him as a “ renegade and a turncoat, whose first principle Is self-advancement, and whose patriotism has ail along been but a specious pretence.” Cura.—According to the latest dis patches, the Cuban rebellion has fair chances of success. As these, chances increase, ' It Is noted that there is a correspondent augmentation In the fleets of England, France H nd Spain In American waters. Are we to have another scare on the Our New York Correspondence. New York, June 16. Considerable amount of gossip has been caused by the refusal of the Commissioner of the Sinking Fund to* complete the sale of the franchise of the Twenty-third street railway, which was recently offered at auc tion, and $150,000 bid for it. The commis sioners have made public what appears to be valid reasons for the course, but we have become so accustomed to all sorts of double dealing in matters pertaining to the inter ests of the public, that there is a disposi tion to aecuse somebody of rather attempt ing to levy black mail upon the purchasers, or to cheat the city of the just proceeds of the sale. Both may be true. Soon after the termination of the late war, and advantage of the military furore then Taging, the Radicals of this State reorganized the militia in such man ner as to practically saddle upon us a standing army of about 60,000 men. Cer tainly,man forman, in every available sense, this militia cost us more per annum than the landwehr of Prussia, with nothing like its efficiency. It serves no other purpose than to enable those “ great military minds,” which did not succeed in making tlieir mark during tiie late war, to air their “ fuss and feathers” before the si ay-at home patriots. Tiie burden of taxation has com pelled a gradual redaction of this standing army during the past two or three years, and tiie late Legislature had the audacity to remove the exemption from tnxatlßn which Ims been, enjoyed % members of the “ uniform militia.” In Radical opinion, anything that tends to the rcliei of the great body of tax-payers, is “ unconstitu tional,” ami they have combatted the re peal of this exemption, but the Attorney General has jusP decided against them, and they must pay up. The insecurity of life in.this city aud its suburbs seems to have never been greater than now. At the police headquarters, there are on file personal descriptions of twenty-four men, who havt 1 mysteriously disappeared in the past fortnight; most of .them well known and of good standing in a circle of acquaintances; and almost every day one or more, dead bodies are found drowsed in the harbor, some with evidences of their murder and others apparently the victims of intoxication, carelessness or suicide. Tliis is a fearful record. Tiie contest iu the Episcopal Church, in augurated by the great body of its wor shippers fpr the expulsion of the Ritualistic faction from tlieir midst, is becoming ex tremely heated. Tiie last movement is to compel the Trinity Church corporation to render an account of its stewardship over tiie vast amount of property it controls.— Iu the complaint before the Supreme Court, It is alleged that the corporation has gone over to Rome, oris about doing so tlmt tiie property confided to her care Is leased for purposes of prostitution and other im moral and criminal practices, aud that she neglects the great evangelical and Chris tian work devolving upon her for that of a partisan and Romanizing partisanship. All but a few zealots admit these changes to lie true. A minister of this parish has preach ed a sermon denouncing Protestantism as a failure, and Dr. Dix, the Rector, is un derstood that while not accepting the latest Romish dogma of the immaculate conception of the Blessed Virgin, holds that is more tolerable than the rlmtpl private judgment. And yet there differ ence; between Ritualism and Romanism-. Romanism is an earnest struggle towards Christianity, clogged by numberless relics of Paganism, while Ritualism Is not un like a mixture of Calvinism and Freema- attempted reaction towards Ju dalsnfjfl the name of Jesus Christ—an at temptcause of the religion of tiie Nazarcne dispensation against itself aud in favor of the Mosaic dispensation. Ail the leading ritualists arc prominent Free Masons, while the Roman Church excommunicates a Free Mason. Calvinism, as a leading element of Pro testant faith, is clearly on the wane. Its special representative among our religion ists, i. e., New England Puritanism, is no where more strongly clenouncod than among those who were rigidly brought up In its faith. There are those who argue from the re ligious agitation of the hour, that the Christian faith is in danger. We have. “ positivists,” and other sorts of “ free' thinkers,” raising their heads in hope of recognition as the solution of all our trou bles and doubts. But Christianity, pure and simple, fnain'talns its,hold, and the storm which is brewing promises to clear awuy the stumbling blocks of Pagan relics on the one hand, and the fogs of Calviinis tic Judaism on tiie other, rendering the truth of the religion of Him Crucified more clear, and its coarse less obstructed than ever before. The troubles of Mr. Boutwell, in his at tempt to carry water on both shoulders— to please the stock gamblers and the great merchants of this city—are again conspic uous. He is assailed by the hull party for “ contracting,” and by the other side for failing to embrace the opportunity to place tiie public credit on a more substantial foundation. And, strange as It may sound, his assailants, from whichever side they .come, are tn the right. His policy brings all the evils of contraction upon business, with nolle of its advantages to the public credit. He locks up currency which business men fee) that they need, and yet, there being no cancelling of redun dant currency—no substantial progress made towards the return to specie pay-, ments. He is warmly assailed By the lead ing journals of this city, without m«eh re ference to party, and by none more so than by the German Republican commercial pa per. We arc shipping large quantities of wheat to Great Britain. The prospects of her harvest are not good, and her stocks on hand are unusually small.— Freight was taken to-day for 246,000 bush els to Liverpool and Glasgow. Fortunate ly this export demand is met by unprece dentedly large receipts at tiie West, which becan to reach this market in liberal quan tities. Cotton continues Its upward course. For some time past, the subject of public baths for the benefit, of the poor, has awakened interest, anil a committee upon the subject was some time since appointed. Dr. Harris, iu a letter to the secretary of the committee, although declining to Jake an active part in the matter, on account of his numerous engagements, strongly re commends the establishment of such bat hs, the admission tickets to which, lie says, be placed at a very low rate—five cents in Winter, and two cents In Summer, and goes on to make the offer of 10,000 free tickets in case the baths tie established.— Baths of this kind have already been estab lished In Boston, where the experience in regard to them lias been very encouraging, though In this city, as ip London, a system of interior as well us river side baths will be found requisite. A site upon the East river has already been offered by a public spirited gentleman which will Is; adapted ! to the construction of a river side bath, tiie only kind established as yet in Boston. We notion tin- recent publication of two; new.books, which ns tlieir titles would in- j fltcnte, Are or II decidedly domestic char-! ■uter, and as such, promise much that Is of Interest to persons whose Pistes III' that way. “Thu New Amerleau Farm Rook," 1 ' } Y H E. Allen, revised and enlarged by Lewis F. Alien, author of “ American Cat tle, and “ Farm Implements and Farm Machinery,” by John J. Thomas The style of the first Is excellent, and from the visible evidences of careful thought, and of caution In the statements made, can safely be recommended. Mr. Allen bein<» well known as the best informed herdsman in America, we might naturally expect a somewhat lengthy dissertation upon the mooted question of breeds, but on this sub ject there, is little said. The object of the second book is to ex plain those natural principles which many a sagacious farmer has mastered by years of close attention. By this we mcau that for drainage some knowledge of hydraulics is necessary for the making of roads, a knowledge of grading, aud, as is obvious to every one, a farmer should be something of a mechanic. To explain these princi ples, and to describe tiie varied implements which the progress of inventive science have brought Into every day use, is the aim of Mr. Thomas, aud we may safely pronounce his book to be one of great utility to all engaged In agricultural pur suits. Another new work, also, of a domestic character, is “The Practical Poultry Keeper," by L. Wright, and issued by Drange, Judd & Cos., the same publish ers to whom we are indebted for the two volumes just noticed, and, like them, it contains a great deal of useftil In formation on the subject of which it pro poses to treat, and is suited equally to the poulterer who who goes into the business iu order that it may pay, as well as to the chicken fancier who indulges a whim for new breeds and gay plumage. Yet another new book we notice, which will lie of geneiml Interest, but more parti cularly to Virginiaus, as being atifexposi tlou of the Geographical and tier National Importance, by M. F. Maury. The work Is entitled “ Physical Survey” of Virginia. The musical and dramntic season Is fast drawing to a close. Patrie, tiie new play lately produced at Fisk’s and which was meeting wi th a good success, was very sud denly withdrawn, owing it is said, to a disagreement between the financial poten tate aforesaid, and his manager, Tayleure, aud tiie building in consequence remains closed until the Fall. Many of the principal artists in Opera BotiU'e have tiiis week left our shores for Europe, although a few well known to the public,' foremost among which ore Inna, Declawyas, and Mad. Rose Bell, intend re maining through the Summer and trying their fortunes another season in America, although not so much In the metropolis as in other portions of the country. One of tiie most brilliant events of the season is the memorial concert and matinee given to-day for the benefit of the widow and child of the late C. B. Seymour, as all the principal artists had volunteered their services on occasion; Miss Kellogg at the matinee performance, and Parepu In the evening, are the principal attractions. This, we believe, is the last appearance of Parepa previous to tiie much talked of Festival at Boston, which commences on the 15tli. Booth, as every one knows, is In happy enjoyment of tiie honeymoon, and the curi osity of tiie public is at Inst satisfied by an announcement of his marriage to Miss Mary McVickar, In regard to which so many, and such contradictory reports have been in circulation, and during the absence of tiie newly wadded pair at Long Branch, the Lady of Lyons is being played, Mr. Edwin Adams taking tiie character of Claude Melnotte, and Miss Blanch Du Bur, a lady of Western fame, but hitherto un known in New York, that of Pau'lne. An Interesting picture is on exhibition at Schaus’ Gallery, the subject of which is tiie meeting of Queen Elizabeth and Mary Stuart, ana tiie denunciation of the latter by tiie former. Willoughby. Letter from Barnwell. Thrice: Runs, Barnwei.t,, Dist., 8. C., 7 June 12 th, 1809. J Messrs. Editors ; Supposing that a little information about the crops will not be unacceptable, I will state wlnit my ex perience and observations are. Last year I came out very well, and In January had about SI,OOO In my factor’s hands In Charleston. This season I hope to do better still, for I have put an equal quantity of land in corn and provisions as iast year, and al>out 50 acres more In cot ton, making 200 acres In this crop, but I have user! more fertilizers ami have applied a£ut 300 lbs. ofthe same to each acre, which I tlilnk will Increase the yield fully 50 per cent, and well repay me. All around me there lias been more land put In cotton than last year, and mom fer tilizers used, and If we nave a good season there will be much more cotton made, for I can harvest all that I can raise, and you •may be certain that no man will leave; in his field, as long as it IV worth 2tldMtftw per lb. Ido not think the cool Spring hgg ihjur-' ed my crop at all, but rather did |t;sbod r for it kept it back until It gained gptlLrth, and the hot sun lias made it shoot fßSjJlen dldly, and I now have as good a ever had during my 17 years of plantlSk -4 The negroes In this neighborhood, dr ffijrS sexes, are working well, better than they* have done since the war. I am, respectfully, yours, # [COMMUNICATED.) Office of E. J. C. Wood, 1 Real Estate and Insurance Aoent, } - Aiken, 8. C., June Bth, 1869. J To the Editor of the C'oiutitutionalist. Sib: Understanding that you have re ceived a letter from Mr. Segur denying the statement contained In your issue of the 21st, I beg to assure you that Mr. Begur called on me and offered SSOO more than the price for a place which he wished to pur chase. Asked If any writings had been passed, and expressed an opinion, when I told him I was only bound by my word, that then there was no obstacle to con summating a trade with him. He intimat ed broadly that the sum above the price asked should be a consideration, and was most Indignant when I could not appreci ate Uis offer. There was but one inference to be drawn from such conduct. Very respectfully, E. J. C. Wood. Crops in Stewart County. —The En quirer, of Friday, saw a gentleman who had just returned from a tour through Stewart. He says he visited nearly every part of the county, and he never saw the crops more promising at this season than they now are. He says the plants are not so large as he lias seen them, but they are very thrifty, and the lands have been so well prepared and so generally fertilized, that he considers them In a most promis ing condition. The Stewart county plant ers, he says, expect to make enough corn to “ do them ’’ next year. Wheat.— The wheat crop of Newton county Is now mostly harvested, aud the . yield has liven generally above an average. Indeed, some farmers tlilnk It the best crop which has I asm gathered In ten years. Our (tropic have reason to is- thankful for the* itounUous favor, for truly It was much needed.— C vtinyUm Enttrj>ri*e.
