Funding for the digitization of this title was provided by the R.J. Taylor, Jr. Foundation in partnership with the Atlanta History Center.
About Weekly constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 185?-1877 | View Entire Issue (June 30, 1869)
THE' WEEKLY CONSTITUTIONALIST WEDNESDAY MORNING, JUNE 30, 1869 [From tbe National Intelligencer. THE PRIME CAUSE OF THE REBEL LION. • LETTER FROAI~HON. ALEX. H. STEPHENS IN REPLY TO HON. S. S. NICHOLAS. Liberty Hale, ) Cravfobdsville, Ga., 4th June, 1809. $ Messrs. Editors National Intelligencer, Wash ington, IX C.: I noticed in an issue of your paper some weeks ago an editorial in the following words i “ THE PRIME CAUSE OF THE REBELLION. “We publish to-day a communication from Hon. S. S. Nicholas* of Kentucky, upon ‘ the causa causans of the rebellion, its remedies, &c.’ Judge Nicholas has long been a close and intelligent student of our political affairs. A life-long and unswerv* ing advocate of the maintenance of consti tutional right, he has watched with zeal ous regard every movement to impair its force. To these observations he has brought the a}d of a powerful intellect, an iron energy, the experience of half a century devoted to judicial and literary labors, and a patriotic devotion that is questioned by none who know him, al though oftentimes differing widely from his opinions. A communication upon such a subject from such a source must always command respectful consideration and in vite serious reflection.” In the same paper appeared the communi cation of Judge Nicholas referred to, which is entitled: . ‘ CAUSA ‘CAUSANS OF THE . LATE RE BELLION.” In this article the writer indulges in some remarks in reference to myself which I do not think ought to be permitted to pass unnoticed by me, coming from the high source they do, and being endorsed, as they are, by so high .authority as the National Intelligencer. The cause of truth, as I understand it, requires that they should not be permitted thus to pass. I must, therefore, ask your indulgence in allowing me to make such comments in reply as I think the matter deserves. This would have been done at an earlier day but for continued severe bodily affliction. The remarks to which I specially refer are as follows: The following condensed extracts are taken from the elaborate and able book of the Hon. A. H. Stephens on the causes of the late rebellion, and in attempted vin dication of the pernicious dogma of seces sion. “In the nature of the United States Government and character of the Uaton can alone be discovered the remote but real causes of the war. All these troubles resuited as inevitable consequences from the violation of the fundamental laws governing our political system. “ Negro slavery was unquestionably the occasion of the war, the main exciting cause on both sides, but was not the real cause, the causa causans, of it. “ The war was inaugurated on the one side to vindicate the right of secession, and on the other in denial of the right and to resist its exercise. It grew out of opposing views as to the nature of the Government, and where, under our system, ultimate sovereignty power or paramnount authority resides. “ Mr. Stephens has a perfect right to use his time and talents in self-justiflcation as an aider of the rebellion, but he is not justifiable in even unintentionally drawing upon the orthodox State Rights principle additional obloquy by‘his attempt to show’ that ‘ opposing views ’ as to those rights was the true cause of the civil war." What Judge Nicholas means by “ the or thodox State Rights principle ” he has not stated; nor has he intimated wherein I have in the book to which he refers “ uninten tionally ” or otherwise attempted to draw upon this orthodox principle, according to his idea of it, additional obloquy or obloquy of any kind. Nothing certainly was further from my design than what is thus imputed to the result of my labors. The great object with me was not self-justiflcation barely, as he intimates, but the vindication of the only true State Rights principles which are consistent with the facts of the history of our country. On these alone our entire fabric of constitutional liberty was based in the beginning, and on these alone can it be maintained and preserved for the future. These principles from the indisputable and irrefragable facts of his tory adduced in their vindication, (and, I may say, establishment beyond the power of refutation), necessarily carry with them the sovereignty of the several States. Whatever ideas Judge Nicholas may have of the orthodox principle of State Rights, I venture to affirm that it would be impossible for him, or anybody . else, to name any single right of a State, or any single principle of State Rights under our system, which does not depend for its existence upon the necessarily admitted sovereignty of the several States ! There is no such thing as State rights without State sovereignty. The States severally possess no power, nor enjoy any privilege, by favor, grant, or delegation. All their rights and powers, as well those retained as those delegated, are inherent and sovereign. This is an indisputable truth. It is equally true on the other side, that the General Government possesses no power by inher ent or sovereign right. All its rights and powers are held by delegation only; and held in trust by delegation from the sover eign States constituting it. Os course I speak of matters as they stood “ante helium'' If the facts of our history be as set forth in the volume referred to, (and the world is challenged to disprove them.) then the con clusions to which they lead are inevitable, even though they lead to a complete justi fication of the sovereign right of secession as the only sure check and barrier against the usurpation of undelegated power on the part of the General Government. In the domain of reason the conclusions of logic are inexorable. This is the appropriate do main of history. Within its limits my la bors were strictly confined. But my object in this note is not to join or raise any discussion with Judge Nicholas on the matter of the orthodox State Rights principle. It will be time enough for me to do this with him or anybody else when there is an attempt made, by reason and argument, to refute the positions of the book upon that subject. What Ido not; wish to permit to pass unnoticed is what | he styles u condensed extracts from the book referred to. Against one of these f “ condensed extracts ’* it is iny wish to en ter a respectful protest. Many of your readers, in this as well as in foreign conn-, tries, may see these extracts who may never i see the book itself. Ido not wish them to! remain under the impression that I am therein "accurately quoted; at least,lf they j give sufficient attention to the subject to be. impressed by the matter at all, I think it essential to a correct -understanding that; their opinions should lie formed from my own language, and not his representations of it. What I said about the chief cause, the origin, and actual inauguration of the war is in these words:® “ Slavery, so-called, ortliat legal subordi nation of the black race to the white, which existed in aril but one of the States when the Union was formed, and in fifteen of them when the war began, was unquestion ably the occasion of the war, the main ex citing proximate cause on botli sides—on the one as well as the other. But it was not-the real cause, the ‘ causa causans ’ of it. That was the assumption on the part of the Federal authorities that the people of the several States were, as you say, citi zens of the United States, aud owed alle giance to the Federal Government as the absolute sovereign power over the whole country, consolidated into one nation. The war sprang from the very idea yon have expressed, aud from the doctrines embraced In the question propounded to me. It grew out of difiereut and directly opposite views' as to the nature of the Government, of the United btates, and where, under our sys tem, ultimate sovereign power or para mount authority properly resides. “Considerations connected with the legalm status of the black race in tbe Southern States, and the position of several of the Northern. States towards it, together with the known sentiments and principles of those just elected to the two highest offices of the Federal Government, (Messrs. Lin coln and Hamlin,) as to the powers of that Government over this subject, and- others which threatened, as was supposed, all their vital interests, prompted tlfe Southern States to withdraw- from the Union, for the very reason that had induced' them at first to enter into it: that is, for their own bet ter protection and security. Those who had the contnM of the administration of the Federal Government denied this right to withdraw or secede. The war was in augurated and waged by those at the head of the Federal Government against these States, or the people of these States, to pre vent their withdrawal from the Union. Ou tlie part ol States' which had allied themselves in a’ common cause, it was maintained and carried on purely in dc fense.of this great right, claimed by them, of State sovereignty aud self-government, which they with their . associates had achieved In their common struggle with Great Britain, under the Declaration of 1776, and which, in their judgment, lay at the foundation of the whole structure of American free institutions. “ This is a succinct statement of the is sue, and when the calm and enlightened judgment of mankind-, after the passions of the day shall have passed off, and shall be buried with the many gallant and no ble spirited men who fell on both sides in the gigantic straggle which ensued, shall be pronounced, as it will be, upon the right or wrong pf the mighty contest, it must be rendered in favor of the one side or the other, not according to results, but accord ing to thA right in the issue thus present ed.”—Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States, Vol. 1, p. 28. Now,®if Judge Nicholas saw no differ ence between the issue as thus presented by me touching the inauguration of the w-ar, and that in his condensed extract, then, perhaps, it would be a useless waste of time to argue with him upon the subject of State Rights, or any other question which requires close attention to the pro per import of words. If he did see the dif ference, then, there is no need for any fur ther defense before an intelligent public for his arraignment of me for doing what he is pleased so gratuitously to say I had no right to do, or was “ not justifiable ” in do ing. The real cause of the war, as set forth in the issue presented by me, condensed in few words, was the denial of the fact that ours was a Federal Government; aud a violation of this fundamental principle of our complicated political organization on the part of those controlling the General Government -at the lime, by assuming that the United States constituted a nation of individuals, with a consolidated sovereignty in the Central Government, to which the ultimate as well as primary allegiance of the citizens of the several States was due, and that any attempt by the several States,' or any of them; to resume the sovereign powers ‘which had been previously dele gated in trust only by them to the Federal agency, was rebellion on their part. This violation of organic principles is stated to have been the immediate and real cause of the tvar—the “ causa causans" of it. This statement, sustained by indestructible facts as it is, must remain the truth of his tory for all time to come. As to the origin of the wir, or tbe first outbreak of hostilities) I did not say that it was “ inaugurated on the one side to vin dicate the right of secession, and on the other in denial of the. right and to resist its exercise.” It was not inaugurated by the seceding States at all. It was inaugurated and waged by those then controlling the Fed eral G"’ernment to prevent secession. On the part of the seceding States, it Was car ried on purely in defense of their right to withdraw from the Federal Union of States, which they claimed as a sovereign right. This is the substance of the statement on that point; and so the fact will go down to posterity.. The truth is well established that the se ceding States did not wish or desire war. Very few of the public men in these States even expected war. All of them, it is true, held themselves in readiness for it, if it should be forced upon them against their wishes and most earnest protestations. This is abundantly and conclusively ap parent from the speeches and addresses of their leading public men at the time. It is apparent from the resolutions of the State Legislatures and the State conventions, be fore.and in their acts of secession. It is ap parent and manifest from their acts in then new Confederation at Montgomery. It is apparent from the inaugural address of President Davis. It is apparent from the appointment of commissioners to settle all matters involved in the separation from their fornfer confederates honorably, peace ably, amicably, and jus#y. It is apparent and manifest from every act that truly in dicates the obje.cts and motives of men, or from which their real aims can he justly arrived at> Peace not only with the Btates from which they had separated, but peace with all the world, was the strong desire of the Confederate Btates. The war was not only inaugutaled by the authorities at Washington, as stated, bat it was inaugurated by them while the Con federate ComnUssioners, with the olive branch of peace in their hands, were at the seat of the General Government, and were given to understand by those in authority there, that Fort Sumter, which became the scene of the first conflict of arms, would, at an early day, be peacefully evacuated by the Federal troops then holding it. The war was inaugurated, if not;- begun, when the hostile fleet set out for Charleston for the purpose of reinforcing that fort, “fas nut nefas." Ilallam has well said, that the “ aggressor in a war is not the first who uses force, but the first who renders force necessary.” And so the facts of history will ever show how and by whom this late terrible and most lamentable war was in augurated. as well a* by whom It Wus begun They will show who were the actual ag j /gressors, and who first violated the organic principles and laws qf our American system | of self-government by the people. j Whatever may be the ultimate results of this war, so far as the fate of constitutional i liberty on this Continent is concerned, the j responsibility of its inauguration can never ' . lie justly and truly charged upon theseced- 1 ing States. j Their object in separating from their - . associates, with whom they considered they \ had been united in a Federal compact, was ! not only to remain In peace with them, but I ) to preserve and perpetuate the principles of that Constitution which had demon strated sueh wondrpus results as a bond of Union between sovereign States so long as its principles had been adhered to, but ; which they apprehended, under erroneous construction, if not checked, would soon ! lead to consolidation and despotism. If they were right in their positiou that ‘ ours was a Federal Government, then the j authorities at Washington were the’ ag- j gressors in inaugurating the war to pre- , vent the exercise of the right of withdrawal; if they were wrong in their position as to the character of the General Government; if it, in fact, was uot Federal in its nature ' aud character, but was a Government with a consolidated sovereignty in the central j head, then they were the aggressors in ren dering the inauguration ofthe war neces- j sary for the maintenance of central sup pc- j macy. The whole matter of right or wrong j in the beginning of the war, as well as its \ disastrous cousequences, depends upon the j great question, whether the General Gov- ' eminent was a Federal Republic or not, and i what, under the Constitution, was the true j “ orthodox State rights principle” to which : Judge Nicholas refers, but does not en- j lighten the public upon. In other words, ! it depends upon the true answer to the j question, Where, under our system, does , sovereignty reside? Is it lodged in the General Government, or lias it passed to the whole people of the United Btates as one aggregate mass, or does it still remain with the people ofthe several States as dis tinct political organizations? The doctrine of the book is that sover eignty resides just where it did in 1776, 1778, and 1787—that is, with the people of the several States ! It maintains that all that the Btates did by the adoption of the Con stitution was to delegate, in trust, the exer ciseof certain specific and limited sovereign powers to the General Government, while they retained to themselves, severally, sovereignty itself, that great source from which all political powers emanate. This doctrine, I must insist, too, is not only the true doctrinejiut the orthodox doc trine upon the subject; Judge Nicholas’ opinion to the contrary, notwithstanding. Upon the point of orthodoxy, in reference to tills matter, I know of but one standard on the subject, and that is the Jefferson standard, erected and established in the first of Kentucky’s great resolves of 1798. The doctrine of this chief apostle of State Rights and human rights, then announced, rescued and saved the country from consol idation and centralism In 1801. Under the operation of this most orthodox principle so established, with the general and tacit acknowcldgment of its correctness by all the Departments of the Government, we increased, grew, and prospered for sixty years as no nation on earth ever did before. Whatever disturbances temporarily marred the harmony of the general system in the interval upon tile subjects of tariffs, internal improvements, the status of the African pop ulation, &c., grew out of departures,- or at tempted departures, iu the Federal Admin istrations from the staudard thus erected by Jefferson as to the nature and extent of the powers of the Federal Government. The more nearly the principles taught by him were adhered to, the more prosperous and happy the nation was iq all Us parts and members. I use the word nation In this connect ion purposely, for, notwithstanding the very great abuse of this word, in very recent times, we are nevertheless a tuition in a very proper use of that term. Fas was it from my object in the argument in the yolutne referred to by Judge Nicholas to show that “ the United States do hot con stitute a nation,” as I have seen'it stated by some writer, in what he was pleased to consider a review of the work. The great object with me, on the contrary, was to show uot only that we are a nation, but i chat sort of a nation we are! It is most clearly demonstrated In that argument that we are not a nation of individuals, blended in a common mass, with a consolidated sovereignty o'ver the whole ; but it is shown with equal clearness- that we are a nation, the constituent elements or members of which are separate and distinct political organisations, States, or sovereignties ! ’ It is shown that ours is a conventional nation! —one created by compact. All fede ral -republics, and all confederations be tween separate aud distinct Sovereign pow ers, are conventional nations. We were a nation under the first Articles of Confede ration, and we are just such a nation now —fiot a nation of one people or one politi cal organization, here a nation of several distinct political organizations. We are a “confederated nation,” as Washington properly styled the present Union. That | is, a nation of States, or, what is*lhe same 1 thing, a nation of nations ! —Hence the ap propriateness of the motto adopted by the fathers to express the idea of the work— “ E pluribus unum." In this sense we are not only a nation, hut a nation iu the highest anil grandest type that the world ever saw. It rises above the simple to the complex form. It Is, indeed, in man&respects, a peculiar nation, even in its Complex form, differing from all other nations of its own type in many of its most striking characteristics. These peculiar features of its structure place it far in advance of all other confed erate Republics in its wise provisions for the preservation of free institutions, if it lie but rightly administered. The most im portant of these features is the new princi ple which it introduced in the plan of fed eral unions, of permitting the common government, the conventional power or nation, to execute its delegated powers, within their limited sphere, directly upon the citizens of the several States, or smaller nationalities composing it. This new idea of so constituting a federal republic as to make of its separate mem bers “ one nation as to all foreign concerns, and to keep them distinct as to domestic ones,” w.ith a division of the powers dele gated into “ legislative, executive, and ju dicial departments,” witii a perfect ma chinery of government to operate within prescribed limits in the execution of the delegated powers, constitutes the most striking difference between our present Federal Union and all former republics of its class. ■ It marks the greatest stride of progress in free institutions ever before made. It is this which has so impressed the minds and excited the admiration of intelligent foreigners in contemplating the wonderful workings of the American sys tem. Tills is the feature to which the learned and philosophic J)e Tocquevllle re fers when, shaking of our Constitution, be says: “Till* Constitution, which may at first is; confounded witii the federal constltu tioifc which have preceded it, rests In truth, upon u wholly novel theory, Which may Is: considered as a great discovery in modern - >*teiu:e. * * *. * And thin difference* produced the most momentous consequences.” ' Ofthe same feature, Lord Brougham has recorded ins opiniouiu thetollowiug wo.-ds of high import: “ It is not at all a refinement that sr Fed eral Union should lie formed; this is the natural result of men’s joint operations iu a very rude state of society. But the reg ulation of such a Union upon pre-estab lished principles, the formation of a system of government and legislation in which the different subjects shall be not individuals but Btates, the application of legislative principles to such a body of States, aud the devising means for keeping its integrity as a federacy while the rights and powers of the individual States are maintained en tire, is the very greatest refinement iu so cial policy to which any State of circum stances has ever giveu rise, or to which aiiy age has ever given birth.”— Brougham's Political Philosophy, Vol. 8, p. 336. This grand conception of so forming, modeling and constituting our Union of States, which so impressed De Tocqueville, and which Lord Brougham considered “ the very greatest refinement in social pol icy” “to which auy age has ever given birth,” originated with Mr. Jefferson. It came from the Same master mind whose master hand drew the Declaration of Inde pendence in 1776, and in 17118 set forth with so much clearness and power the true, if not at present orthodox principles of the whole structure of our Federal organiza tion in the entire series of Kentucky’s fa mous resolutions, before referred to. and which were so thoroughly endorsed and established by the country‘in 1801. Tp the admiuistratiou of tiie Government iu con formity with these principles, or with but slight departure from them, “ the momen tous consequences ” spoken of by De Tocqueville, distinguishing .our unparal leled cares, for sixty years, in growth, prosperity, happiness aud real greatness is mainly attributable. And now, Messrs. Editors, do you ask, Cui hono l Why so much written upon the (lend issues of the past, when questions of so much magnitude of a practical char acter press upon the public mind ? If so, the reply is twofold. First, to vindicate the truth of history, which is itself a higli duty on the part of every one who lias it iu his power to do it; and, in the second place, to show the people of these Btates, iu this, vindication, not only the true cause, the real “ causa causans," of the late war, but the real cause of their present troubles. The Federal machinery for the last ten years lias been abnormal in its action. It must tic brought back to the Jeffersonian doctrines, and made to conform i,h its work ings witii the organic principles of its struc ' ture, before there can possibly be a return of the days of peace, harmouy,. prosperity, and happiness which formerly marked our course. There is no other hope for consti tutional liberty on this continent. Judge Nicholas may “ dream •dreams ” about another constitutional amendment, provid ing anew mode of electing the President, but the remedy lies in no such device ns that. It lies simply in bringing back the Gpvernment in its administration to origi nal first principles. This is to be done hot by secession, however rightful and efficient a remedy that might be. That is abandon ed. Nor is it to be done by force or vio lence of any kind, except the force of reason and the power of truth. It is to tie done, if at all, at the ballot box. Free institutions are more generally lost than established, or strengthened by a resort to physical force. They are eminently the achieve ment of virtue, patriotism, and. reason. That our institutions, and even nomi nal form of government, are now in great danger, the prudent, sagacious, and wise everywhere virtually tdinlt. An able editorial in your own paper, not long since, put the pertinent and grave question, “ Whither are we drifting ?” To'tliis ques questjf n I take the occasion, for one, to give you a direct aud positlvfcanswer. We are drifting to consolidation and empire, and will land there at no distant period as certainly as the sun will set this day, un less the people of the several States awake to a proper appreciation of the danger, and save themselves (Voin the impending catas trophe by arresting the present tendency of public affairs. This they can properly do only at the ballot box. All friends of consti tutional liberty, in every.section and State, must uuite in this grand effort. They must seriously consider, aud even recon sider many questions to which they.have given but slight attention heretofore.* They must acquaint themselves with tlfe princi ples of their Government, and provide se curity for the future by studying and cor recting the errors of the past. This is the only hope, as I have stated, for the continuance of even our present nominal form of government.. Depend upon it, there is no difference between consol idation and empire! No difference between centralism and imperialism 1 The end of either, as well as all of these, is the over throw of liberty and the establishment of despotism. I give you the words of truth in great earnestness—words which, how ever received or heeded now, will be ren dered eternally true by the developments of the future. , Yours, most respectfully, Alexander H. Stephens. The Columbia Canal. —The Columbia correspondent oflhc Charleston News says, concerning Senator Sprague’s purchase of tills water power: “ The Columbia canal, with Its immense water power of ten hundred and sixty-four horse-power, is soon again to come before the public eye. The limit of time allowed to the purchasers—Senator Sprague and Colonel Pearce—to tlogin ojmratlons, comes on the sth of July. It is generally under stood that these purchasers intend to for feit the bargain. It has not been so an nounced authoritatively, but the Inference from existing facts is well nigh conclusive. When that date arrives, should nothing have. been done by Messrs. Sprague and Pearce, the commission—Gov. Scott, R. N. Lewis and Postmaster Chtts. M. Wilder— will, it is understood, proceed with their duties- of disposing of the canal. It is hoped that this time they will require a larger forfeit than two hundred dollars, so as not to keep the State another six idFmths' out of the immense benefits to be derived from a thorough development of that fine water power. Let the canal lie this time given to a man who means business.” Onions. —Maj. A. L. Roughton, of Rid dleville, has laid upon our table a red 1 onion, measuring twelve inches in circum ference, and weighing one and a quarter pounds. The same onion produced five good sound buttons. The mode of cultivation is this: Prepare your laud well. Layoff your rows thirty inches apart, running two furrows together. Put in a good supply of stable manure, cot tonseed or guano. Throw two furrows Upon It qnel plant one and a half inches deep and eight inches in the drill. Plant | in September or October. | HanderroiUe Georgian. \ Rev. Dr. Busbnell call* the woman suf- j fiage reform “ un attempt to make trum-1 pets out of flutes, and Minitower* out of I violets." State Items. The Americus Republican complains that young men have made a shooting gallery of the turnpike leading from that city. Dr. 8. 8L Byr<l has presented the Ameri cus Republican with il cotton plant from seed sown the last of April, whose stalk is six Inches long, and whose tap-rqot is twenty four inches long from the foot of the stalk to the tip of the root. The Bainbridge Sun says that the survey ofthe Bainbridge, Cuthbert and Columbus Road has begun. Col. Harkie, engineer, says it will be done by the middle of Au gust. Bainbridge is improving. The revenue officers created quite a stir among the Savannah- liquor dealers on Monday. They only succeeded iu finding a solitary “illicit ” house. ‘ There are several detectives from Washington actively nosing into all revenue matters. The brig Lcua Th'nrlow was cleared from Savannah, on Monday, by Messrs. Bickford <fc llolman, for Buenos Avres, South Amer ica, with a cargo of 254,014 feet of pitch pine, ash and picket lumber, valued at $6,308 58. 1 The first locomotive for the Savannah, Sk Ida way and Seaboard Railroad was placed upon the track a few days since, and is ndw engaged iu transporting the rails for the extension of the road. It is an engine or about eight tous, well adapt ed to the Seaboard Road, and Is calculated to run at the rate of thirty lptles an hour. The road lias been completed for a distance of two and a half miles. The Telegraph reports that there are now in course of erection and in contemplation in Macon, buildings to be completed within the next year that will cost $200,000! The Quitman Banner, of the 18tli, says two white men, who had stolen as many horses from Rheanier Young, were arrested in Brooks county, last Monday, with the property in possession, and lodged in Thomas county jail. They gave their names as James McKay, of Stewart coun ty, and Ollier, of Pennsylvania. The Federal Union has conversed with planters from various parts of Baldwin and the counties adjacent, and they report the wheat crop good and the prosjiect of corn and cotton as very promising. Mr. Benjamin Fudge,' Sr., died on Thurs day morning last, 17th inst., at the resi dence of his son-in-law, T. A. Swearlngin, Esq., Bainbridge, lacking only a few near days" of being 85 years of age. Mattox, alias Rhodes, arrested in Mont gomery .on suspicion of having committed murder in upper Georgia, has been deliver ed to a Georgia officer on a requisition by Gov. Bollock. He is accused of linviug killed an old man, whose daughter, he had seduced, in Cherokee cotinty, Ga. Col.* Hardaway, President ofthe South Georgia and Florida Railroad, informs the Albany News that the work on tills road is progressing finely; that tho track Is ready for the iron to the Ocolockuee; that the bridge is completed across the stream, and that the grading is being pushed rapidly to Camilla. The first cargo of iron arrived in Savannah on the 15th, and will lie laid down as soon as it can be transported to Tlioinasvllle. The Colonel brings good news from the crops, exeept that they were somewhat damaged by the heavy rain on Monday last. All signs of caterpillar have disappeared. Rev. Wm. B. Campbell, a colored Metho dist clergyman of high character and much usefulness, died in Macon on Thursday. He was Presiding Elder of the Macon Dis trict, and, the Telegraph says, much re spected by the whites. The Athens Banner learns that John C. Stephens, the popular sheriff' of Banks count}", having resigned, an election will be held In a few days to choose a successor. Col. N. Wofford has consented to become a candidate, and will no doubt be elected.— He Is the youngest son of Gen. William Wofford, and Is, of course, a reliable man aud a good Democrat; and as he has made a splendid soldier, it is almost conclusive that he will make a good sheriff. The Columbus Sun raises the question. “Is his cx-Provlsional'Governorshlp eligi ble ? The Code provides a Judge shall be a resident of the- Circuit over which he is to preside at least one year preceding his appointment or election. The newly ap pointed Judge has been living in Savannah the last two years.” Wheat.—The supply still continues in adequate to supply the mills, and a good article of red wheat would now command $1 00 in this market., We would advise parties having old wheat on hand, of new that Is dry enough to grind, to bring it in at once, for this price is not likely to con tinue long.— limne Courier, 22 d. Sale op Cedar Valley Lands. — Mr. Editor: ■We have just heqrd, from authentic sources, that Mr. Wm. Peek, living two miles from Cedartown, 111 Polk county, has sold Jwo hundred and flfLy acres of, his home tract, with very indifferent improve ments on it, for £25,000, or SIOO per acre, and that he was negotiating with another party for the sale of an additional two hun dred and fifty acres, of the same place, without improvements, at SBO per acre.— These are the highest prices we have heard of any fanning lands selling for in [Rome Courier, 22d. The Biooest Pool Yet.— We were told yesterday of a man who stole a horse and sold him on credit. The fellow is now in jail, where he ought to.be, and hasn’t got a cent.— Columbus Sun. " . On Thursday last, the Monroe Advertiser was donated witii a watermelon weighing 18% pounds. Horse thieves arc in circulation among the farmers of Butts and Monroe counties. Three valuable mules have recently been stolen. The wheat crop of Monroe county, says the Advertiser, is generally conceded to he more than an average ope, and at present prices will prove quite remunerative to those who planted largely. Tiie wheat crops of Upson, Pike, Jasper,, Jones, and Bibb are all reported to be ex cellent, and farmers appear to be well satis fied with the harvest. The com and cotton crops of Monroe are represented by the Advertiser as very prom ising. At an estate sale in Monroe, on tiie 18th, wheat sold for $1 25 per bushel. Forsytli has anew hotel, in the building' cqrner of Mam and Johnston streets, under' the superintendence of Mr. J. B. Camp, which, the Advertiser, says Is sufficient evi dence that it will lie well kept. Mr. O. Holland left at the office of the Advertiser a cotton bloom taken from a field of cotton on his place in Monroe coun ty, which will average over knee high throughout,and is fully “squared.” Air. Holland states that he gathered thirty three bushels of wheat from one acre of land. This is probably the best single acre of wheat in the county. • The Dalilonega Signal suys tluit the Ce dar Mountain Springs are attracting great attention. Mining operations are progress ing rapidly. •Peaches In M’ucon retail at fifty cents a dozen. Watermelons filly cents to two I dollars apiece, j I From the Butts county department of the Monroe Advertiser, we learn that it is estimated that the wheat and oat crop of Butts, for 'the year, will double any liar test since the close of the war. Also, that the stockholders of High Falls Factory will meet at High Falls, on the 4th of July next, when the enterprise of build ing a first-class cotton factory will again be presented to the capitalists of Monroe, Butts and the adjacent qounties. The live people, old and young, who have their habitation .in Butts and Jasper, adjacent to the Ocmulgee, are, we learn, making arrangements for an extensive bar becue, to be given at Ocmulgee Mills, on the 3d of July. The invitation is general. Tiie names of Gen. George P. Harrison, and Hon. P. M. Russell, Sr., are mentioned in connection with the Alayoralty of Sa vannah at the approaching election. Commencement exercises of Monroe Fe male College will lie'inaugurated on Fri day, July 2d. On July 4th, Rev. George R. McCall, of Ilawkinsville, will preach the commencement sermon. On the evening of the sth, the annual Concert will be given. The literary address will be de livered by Itdn. Cincinnatus Peeples, of Griffin, on the 7th, after which Col. A. D. Hammond, of Forsyth, will deliver an ad dress before the Alummean Association. The whole affair promises to be of unusual interest, and will reflect much credit upon both faculty and students. Concerning the crops, the Sandersville Georgian, of the 23d, says: The report from tiie farming interests of the county are very favorable. A farmer told us on yesterday that in some portions of the county he Lad not seen sucli crops for thirty years. Freed mcn are working well. Rev. Mr. (min, of Jeffcrson, laid upon our our table, on Saturday last, a stalk of cot ton twenty inches high and containing twelve blooms and forms. The Columbus Enquirer, lias lieen pre sented witii a couple of onions of the white variety weighing respectively 17% and 19 ounces. The Hawkinsvilie Biswitch reports pres ent crop prospects in Pulaski county as most encouraging—all that tiie famers could desire; The Americus Courier, of the 23d* states that Mr. Doolittle, a citizen of Sumter county, lias gone Nortli with an exhibition in tiie shape of three alligators—the largest being nine feet three inches iu length. Tiie Macon Telegraph complains of a hor rible case of miscegenation in that city—a big buck negro living with two abandoned white women. The w'omen have been put to work ou the chain gang. The Albany News advises those who have large stocks of corn on hand to look out for a market. The crop in Southwestern Georgia is a success, and a disaster can lmrdly_bo imagined that would reduce it below un abundant supply. Mr. John Lyle, of Chattooga county, lias sent tiie Rome Courier a specimen or long bearded wheat, the heads of which are six inches long. The Rome Courier states that Mr. J. J. Cohen bought the first crop (about 150 bush els) of new wheat In that market,Just Tues day, at $1 67%. Tiie wheats was raised on tiie farm of Col. W. S. CoShran, near that city. The Eatonton Press and Messenger has re ceived a bunch of oats, of forty stalks, grown from a single seed, the stalks meas uring from three-gnd-a-half to live feet, witii heads ten to fourteen inches long, and well filled. They grew on the premises of Mr. R. J. Wynn, a few miles from Eatonton. Views of Hon. A. H. Stephens on the Political Situation. The New York World publishes the fol lowing letter from the Hon, A. H. Steph ens, addressed to a personal friend in that city: Liberty Hall, Crawfordville, Ga., f Juno 13, 1869. f My Dear Sir: Your very kind and highly appreciated favor of tiie fltli inst. was received yesterday. Allow me to re turn my thanks for It. lam Improving ilowly, very slowly, however, from my hurt some four months or more ago. • I can now sit up part of tho day, but can neither stand nor walk yet without aid of some sort. I have, notwithstanding tills affliction, resumed work on the second vol ume of the “ Constitutional View of the iLate War Between the States.” I agree with you in styling It the worst and most culpable that ever took place on earth. I greatly fear, too, that It will, lu Its ulti mate consequences, prove to be the most disastrous one that ever occurred to the principles of constitutional liberty. Our Constitution, as made by the fathers, was one of tiie nipst wonderful political achieve ments ever accomplished by genius and pa triotism. Had its principles been adhered to, tills late terrlbkwar never would have oc curred, and thewily hope now for the pre sent and the future of tiie country is, to bring back the Federal administration to the true principles of the Constitution. Tills can only bo done by a virtuous, intel ligent and patriotic people. When bad men conspire to Impose their usurpations "outside” the Constitution, good men everywhere must combine to keep all such men out of power. This can only be done by the publication of truths, and by awak ing In the minds of the people the sense of the dangers which threaten them, and arousing them to future action before.it 'is too late. ' The only proper remedy for all existing evils, and the greater ones which appear In the future, is at the ballot-box. The great object with me lu the remnant of my days Is to do ull in my power to wards the inculcation of such truths aud principles as are essential for the mainte nance of our Institutions as handed down from the fathers. To this coarse the future of my life is devoted. And notwithstiiiid: Ingall that is said and has been said about the rebellion and the disloyalty of the rebels, &c., L know of but one test of true loyalty In this country, and that Is fidelity « to the principles of the Constitution of the United States. In this, and In unswerving devotion to them, I yield to no man that ever breathed (he vital air of Heaven. I can say no more now, bat repeat my « thanks for your letter, and send you my kindest regard and best wishes. Yours, truly, , Alexander H. Stephens. The New Orleans Bulletin, of the 10th, says It Is understood that the Mobile and Chattanooga Railroad Company have se lected Donaldsonvlllc as {he point at wh'ch tiie western extension of their road from New Orleans shall leave the river. Sup posing Houston to be the first objective l>olnt of this project In Texas, Donaldson ville, although nearly due west from Ne% Orleans, will be off direct line to that point, it being some miles above the thir tieth parallel, and Houston being conside rably below. Nevertheless, -the Bulletin says It Is claimed for the proposed route via Doimldsouville that it has Important ad vantage over that of "the Opelousas Rail road via Broshear City, In point of distance as well as iu natural facilities of cOustruc tlou.
