Athens gazette. (Athens, Ga.) 1814-18??, July 20, 1815, Image 2
‘\he conciliating and pacific Louis the ■ * 18 th awl delivered the world from a conqueror, who, knowing no other glory than that of war, ruined France in order to carry desolation to the nation* that he wished to subdue. **;?’ > i j The war which the aggression of Bo- - naparte has provoked is not only justifi ed by the obligation that every sovereign is under to support his guarantees and confederations, but also by the sacred duties that the institution of sovereign ties imposes upon *hem. War is a pernicious evjl ; no govern ment ought to undertake it but to re deem the people from calamities greater ? than those of war itself. This is the case, Spaniards, in which we are* Bo naparte, after his aggression against France and her legitimate sovereign, 8c having violated the treaty that he acced ed to, maintains tjiat he has injured rto person* that he has recovered his legiti mate rights, that the sovereigns cannot call them ‘.n question, and that he wishes to live at peace yith all* It is not peace that the invader wishes ; he only wish es to see himself freed from foreign in quietudes, in order to-employ the armed part of the French nation against the greater and more sound, but disarmed portion of it. To ward off all kinds of attack, he wishes the powers to believe that he is going to labor for the peace and prosperity of Europe ; as if she could have forgotten that since he took the reins ol government terrible wars have been constantly renewed and the springs of public prosperity have been exhausted in ail the countries submitted to his Influence ; or as if Europe could* full into the absurdity of imagining that Bonaparte is capable of divesting him self of his invariably observed maxims* Spain does hot want to learn lessons of any one, she has them sufficiently in structive in her fatal errors* She has been afflicted by Bonaparte with two kinds of war; he waged it until the year 1808 against her dignity, her treasures, her fleets and her armies, rendering them subservient to his designs, this was called by this exterminating ally, amity. And in order that no person should rely on his pledges of gratitude, he practised the same year at Bayonne the machina tions wtll known to the public ; after wards to the end of supporting the most atrocious deed of perfidy and violence, he spread desolation aqd havoc over the provinces of this nation and treated her as a freehold, which as owner he may dispose in favor of whom he pleases, subject to the conditions of his will. Bonaparte has not belied himself; he signalises his new era by sacrificing to his vanity the lawful and idolised sove reign of France, and the liberty of that nation, putting himself at the head of a faction interested in continuing the miseries of humanity.—Bonaparte from the capital of prancejtells all the nations, do not believe me, you have treated in former pacifications for yous most pre cious interests and your rtiost sacred ob ligations to procure the tranquility of our people r but you have been disap* pointed. Bonaparte from the seat of the French throne ; tells the sovereigns, you acknowledged formerly nvy usurp ed rights against your own*convictions and permitted me to sit among you, and the. result was no other than to feed my vanity and ambition. Bonaparte* in . fine, says to the world* all these courte sies have been despised by a faithless and lawless man, who finds no medium be tween Jiis extermination 8c the .wretch** edness ot the human race. ‘ J In such circumstances no one can hes itate m forming his resolutions Eu rope has taken the most safe* advan tageous and honorable cause. Distrust among the powers having disappeared, theiV interests are already associated by the common danger. Prussia, will not view with indifference the fate of Prus sia, Russia not permit that the southern part of Europe should be dis tributed in . hereditaments ; to nourish crowned slaves. England will persist that the rash Bonaparte shall not again appear on the stage of Sovereigns, who dared to give laws to the seas when; all the ships of France were chained in her ports ; and finally, Sovereigns well per suaded that generosity is not a correc tive for mmds of a c-rtain temper* will lend an ear but to the dictates of jus tice and the public safety, which are Supreme laws of government. i This is, Spaniards* a war ordained by ; the law. It is innocent and perfectly just, b<;cause'll isxaiculated for the good ol the people, security of Sovereigns, called by Providence and by “the funda mental laws to govern them. It is also prudent, because the means taken and continued to be taken by the combined powers in order to reconquer the peace. of Europe,-arc comfortable to the-gravi ty and importance of the enterpcize ; and above all is necessary, because na tions, like individuals, cannot neglect the saw of preservation of self defence against the disturber of the tranquility of the world. The necessity of war does not arise from the principle alone ; you have an other motive more imperious, Spaniards* for combatting the author who formed the impious plan of ruining the work o! the Messiah and of destroying in three orTour years what he called in bis in structions to Cavelioni, the edifice of deceit and prejudices. It is Bonaparte, who not content to be the source of cal amities* wishes that they should be born without hope of a better fate, without the aid of the tender kind and compas sionate Catholic Religion. Such dog mas as condemn the right of fbrce, the only one that Napoleon acknowledges are not pleassing to him ; dogmas Which inculcate justice and equity, cannot suit the usurper of’thrones, cannot be fitting to him in short who maintains that the names of just, equitable and virtuous belong exclusively to conquer? rs. Justice, Spaniards, prudence, the laW of self-defence* and religion, ordain this war ; to redeem France and her throne from the yoke of oppression under which they groan and to conquer the tranquil ity and reposy for the World. The counsels of ambition have not had the feast influence in so upright a decision. France shall not be dismembered in her military posts or provinces. Her limits Shall be sacredly respected; and in order that tfee auxiliary armies -may not set their feet within them, France wants no other impulse than to reflect on the outrage inflicted on her national dignity in making her an object of the sport and mockery of factions ; that a nation begins to be a slave as soon as she loses the dynasty established by her fundamental laws ; and that to see witlteareless indifference, the change of a king, the .father of hiS.people, for a monster who feeds on human blood, is the basest ©^degradations. I am sensible of the authority that is in me to declare and make war. lam sure that my subjects will repose m the confidence that a king* who founds His fidelity on that of his people, cannot un dertake a wag without the regret of see ing himself under the necessity of de fending them. But I have wished to call to my assistance the force of con viction ; in order to> merit the reputati on of just, in the opinion of nations, to strengthen the valor of my troop's, Stim ulate the generosity of the wealthy, sup port the resignation of all in the priva tions of this calamity, and in order that being sanctified : all may hope for the war assistance, of the disposer of victo ries. . . • r4 [; In my Royal Palace of Madrid, the 2d of May, eighteen hundred 8c -fifteen. fSignedJ # - FERDINAND. Countersi(ped, Pedro Cev&llos. ———— TO THE PUBLIC. The measures pursued by a party in the State of Georgia on the alleviating’ system, having excited the curiosity #f many to enquire info the tendency of the course pursued by then! on that po licy, some notice will be taken of the consequences attendant on the establish ment of the authority contended for by the Judiciary on that subject. When a principle is xonfended for by some and condemned by the most correct method of attaining to the knowledge of Us merits is to mvestigahe it; Which will be attempted in as short and com prehensive a m&mer as the capacity of the author will admit. First, in the prosecution of this im portant enquiry it is advisable'to com mence at the source from whence the policy seems to have taken its existence in this state. The first of my knowledge of it was manifested in the Governor’s rejecting the alleviating act of 1313, re passed by the Legislature in Ift 14. That the Governor was in the exercise of a constitutional right will no t l/e de nied* nor do I deem the principle dan gerous which authorises his revision of all. laws by the Legislature ; for in the* event of his rejection of a bill two thirds of the legislature may pass a law notwithstanding his dissent. Here the constitution has guarded against the go vernor's nullifying; a law at discretion, and to prevent his abuse of power to the injury of our interest—The constitution requires the return of a bill in five days otherwise it shall be a law. The aforesaid act was passed by the Legislature and transmitted to the Exe cutive for his revision, and'returned by him to the Legislature with his .dissent, which law was afterwards repassed tm der a constitutional provision by two thirds of the Legislature* Hero I con tend that tfieconstitutional consideration of an act (The operation of which is lo cated to the state according to all the authorised powers and principles of this government ) ends. But the Judiciary having assumed the authority of framing a convention of themselves for the pur pose bf taking into’ consideration the constitutionality of the act aforesaid, and in convention have decided against its constitutionality, which decision has caused great disquietude in the state* and has also formed a great political question which has occupied the attention of a large portion of the citizens of the state, by whom the principle thus contended for by the Judiciary have been reproba ted & pronounced to be*atWar With their most vital interest, and has utterly disa vowed both the power Und principle as it : respects the Judiciary, and h*ve publish ed their determinatioh hot to acknow ledge or consider as republicans, nor entitled to public confidence, those who have introduced the detestable principle. ‘et with astonishment, disgust*and de testation do we view in the presentments of the f>md Jury of Clark county, at March , erm erf the Superior Court, 1815. the contribution of their aid to the establishment of the enormous authori ty in question* which renders it indis pensably necessary to enter iftto the in vestigation cf the disastrous consequen ces attendant on the adoption of the principle. By attending to the purport of the presentments it will be foj*nd, that in asserting the Governor's right to the rejection of a law, which is not denied, they appear to be very tenacious of the provisions of the constitution, in parti cular that which authorises the gover nor to reject a bill, and recognise it as a wise and wholesome restraint over the legislature who is* was, and always will be but too prone to illimitable dominion. Great danger seems to be apprehended from the proneness of a legislative coun cil to acts of enormity, but none appears to be apprehended r rom an individual. But the inconsistency of the Grand Jury more conspicuously appears in that part of theth presentments which advocates the authority contended for by the Judi ciary which would expunge from the constitution the most sacred of all its provision., that which interests the law rejected by tne Governor with two thirds of the legislature, for in the e vent of the Judges pronouncing the law thus passed by a cohstitutiona: majority of the legislature void, it destroys its force and effect, and of course the pro vision under which dt was passed. For’ there is no return of it to the legisla-’ cure again, arid admitting there was by fixing the authority in question, the court could repeat its decision and so finally present its operation : the queauon is respectfully submitted to the public— Whether this is not further evidence of the existence of the detestable policy a mongst us* that the reins of government are safer in the hands of the few than’ of the many.- We are told by the Jury u that they would deplore the* exigency that would humble the Judiciary at the feet of either of the other departments of government*'—the truth’ of this as sertion will be acknowledged as it Would be unreasonable to suppose for a mo ment, that a man would strive to crown another and at the same time consent to see him humbled. The establishment of the abhorrent principle -in question would virtually croWn the Judiciary, de base the legislature and executive, and disorganize our whole political system, ■ and for the following reasons : It would crown the Judiciary by placing the reins of government solely m their hands—it would debase the legislature and executive by prostrating them at the feet of the judiciary—for it will not be denied but that it will be placing them at least at their feet to put their acts under their feet. It would disor ganize the system by displacing the constitutional powers of government, . & it would also destroy ail uniformity of decision in Our courts of for it is well known that celebrated attornies and able statesmen haVe differed in opi nion on the constitutionality of the alle viating system. If two thus differing in opinion presided as judges, the one dis regard the act and authorise proceed ings, the other obey the act arid refuse it, which is by no means unlikely much less impossible, I ask where W any uni formity of decision in such acourse of proceeding l It is easy to see what will be the disastrous consequences attendant on the adoption of such disorganizing measures, and whether the motives of those who justify or advocate such base principles be corrupt or pure it matters I not* the consequences are the same— i ‘ ** •’ ’ ? •• * * •*’ W: ’ ; 4 and honor; dignity, mtriotism atnFeveryj thing sacred to tUe r &eltggs of calls aloud in the most pathetic language to every earnest lover of his liberty to e« vince his indignation the principle— and its advocates to concede the autho* rity contended for will virtually change the administration. This is a represen tive government, tour representatives a lone can give force and effect to our laws. But admit the authority contend ed for, now what is the true state of our. case ? For it cant\ot be denied that if the Judiciary- can nullify one law, they can our whole code both civil and criminal, 1 and thus effectually deprive us of the sa lutary effects of one law passed by our representatives, rendering them mertly nominal and place them in the situation of a parliament to a king Now I ask any man of common sense and candor if this would not be a radical Change of the Administration ? Ido not contend that such Would be the course pursued by t% Judiciary in the event of granting the authority ; but is the principle ei ther safe or honorable ? 1 answer it is hot,<rior is he a “Consistent republican that is reconciled to it, and much less so to contend far it. There is one part ofi the presentments which atrthsihg onM the part of tfce Jury, but if true it excites 1 solemn on the part of the. Judiciary, for in justification of the con duct of the Judges on the alleviating! System, they say that w if Inordinate amJ bition o> a thirst for an increase ofpow-! er had swayed their mindi they cannot at least, be accused tof readily and eagerly seizing an opportunity to promote their end» for they have for seven years slum bered oyer the occasioh calculated to en sure their purpose.*’ Here 1 understand ! them as contending that the Judges were influenced by a sensllf of indexible duty in and the inflexibi lity of this duly Can only be derived by inference from their oath, for there isy not one word in the constitution of the United States, hbr of this state, that countenances much less supports theit decision If the solemnity tof their oath at length coerced them into their duty with the acknowledgement on the part of the Jtiry of £ seven yeaia nap, or ’ slumber, before they possessed probity enovfgh to Comply with it, I ask the jury from whence they derive their belief, that the stand'which 1 the judges have made against the allevi ating system was founded in an honest endeavor to preserve uninjured the great j rights and duties connected, with their satored trust / for if those assertions be j true, they are guilty of an’ awful breach of tfust as well as unparalleled neglect tof duty. These would be the strongest arguments ifi favgr of the removal of the Judges that 1 have .yet heard, were It true, but I deny it t their decision is not a duty at all and therefore they have not lived in the neglect of it. The in consistency of the Jury on this occasion Oato only be imputed td the spirit of fan aticism by which they must liave been instigated, in justification of (he Judges, until their zeal overrun their knowledge,* and thus subjected them to the incon sistency of converting their designed praise ihtto a palpable ridicule. But those ingenious gent emen may attempt! to evade the farce of this argument, in some degree to apologise for the neg-< leet of duty in the Judges, by resorting ’ to the expediency of the law in question,; if so, I .shall contend another nap was importantly necessary $ for it is ac knowledged on all handfcthat analleyia-; ting act was more indispensible at the moment the Judges’ decided against its than it was during its existence ; the Judges therefore are not excusable •for the omission of duty on grounds oi expediency. It is remarked that out opponents are never known to excite a principle of watchfulness over their pub*i lie officers, but to the contrary were ex-j horted to be actuated by a generous ?pi nt of unmasked confidence and a zealous sense of affectionate congratulation—j That is, plate unlimited*'confidence m them and dont keep such a watchful eye over them, and thus endeavor to divert the attention of the people off their guard by recommending to them to enjoy themselves in a high glee of joy* dr congratulation* which in some degree operate comparable to intoxication, and thus render them the easier subjects of imposition, and whilst in this frame oi they could effect their mischievious projects; but watchful ness is advisable; it is recommended* In the most important cases we should ne« s ver be off our guard ; there are mischie vious designing men in all governments and such may get into office and put# otj be the means of putting a yoke on our necks which we nor our fathers wen * able to bear. We have but too vtwH