Newspaper Page Text
you may collect the fallacy of your reasonings,
but the full error, of this proceeding may not
be perceived until your country feels its due ef
fects. These remarks may seem hard and
may be, too late. Miserable became the state
of our nation, both within, and without, when
Mr. John Randolph failed in his wise and pat
riotic attempt to postpone these resolutions
Our own constitution violated in its principles
and our national honor sacrificed in the estima
tion of all other nations, who are independent
at the shrine, I will not say of depravitv, nor
at the wish of France, but of political ignorance
and local and individual interests Our unarmed
and unprotected trade for the welfare of which
you are injuring the agricultural interest, may
now he paying for the want of congressional
sagacity on every sea kin all climates We are
only buoyed up by the hopes that this experi
ment may be successful from Englands peculiar
situation, and that its operation is long delay
ed. This very delay stamps its imbecility and
denotes the lack of clear judgment. Does it
not augur a doubt as to its efficacy? You have
by the ditguised tenor of your proceedings, now
left your constituents the novel and pious pow
er of offering up to the Supreme Being their
prayers, that in there days of political jeopar
dy, He will by his omniscience rectify your
glaring departure from the right road of sound
legislation; and that he may have disposed
the hearts of those yon have been tenting to
wards peace, and a friendly understanding.—
As Britain is now in the days of her adversi
ty, and not in the hour of her insolence, I
pvav that he may impress on her haughty mind,
those principles of calm wisdom you seem to
have abandoned, in the full tide of national
commercial consequence. The only wretched
gratification that 1 cart perceive left you, is to
h; f’attcrlingly extolled for your virtuous and
spirited Independence in the French Monileur,
and afterwards to be echoed and re-echoed in
some of our own continental Gazettes. Ni
cholson's Act may be so far triumphantly no
ticed in Napoleon’s next Expose, as to deserve
the term " Gallo ” instead ol Anglo. Ameri
, being iicMuwed on us, and some of you
may feel a titillating ‘/‘e m scat e/uoi when you
hear that it had reached the Imperial Bc/udoir,
to use an apt term of Mr. Thos. M. Randolph,
which aptness must be an apology for quoting
it, though I may not fix the same meaning to
it as he does. Yet useless wishes or prayers
alone are not my lot. From the motives be
fore avowed. I shall, with the feeble faculties
the same Being has given me, pursue the plan
of investigation I set out with. I know the
hazard and am fearless of consequences. All
I desire is, that my thoughts, thus openly com
nnimcated may help to save my country from
thraldom and ruin. The administration may
take what steps with me they please. They
shall not change the settled purposes of my
soul. Perverted principles may be resorted to
Let my fellow-citizens read and understand
before they condemn. Let them happily an
ticipate the pressure of ill consequences, by re
moving the cause—which cause they shall not
c#aiit such means as I have of finding
whilst I have life.
Whatever the hostile rivals of Europe ntSy
say of the law of nations, and let 'Vi m snilt'
it as they please, to suit their interests, atthe',
expence of honor and justice, we surely can
not give up any one of its great principles, af
ter our continued and elaborate appeals to it,
under three distinct administrations, from
1793 to the present year. Its prominent fea
tures declare its parents the laws of nature, and
ol revealed Religion. Self preservation is the
most signal of natures rights, before savage
man becomes social. When lie does the same,
right in the aggregate is converted into public
force, and those who are vested with it, must
use it for the same object, qualified by a sence
of social moral and religious duty, as the
individual did before he became a member
ol society. Hence arises the great duties of
the governors to the governed m relation to in
ternal and external affairs. It was necessary
for me to state this almost abstract proposition
now. When communities become sovereign
and independent, they will have foreign con
nections and relations. Commerce and the
thirst for improvement have multiplied them.
Rivalry, ambition and avarice create hostile
dispositions and which the Civilians of Eu
rope the compounders of and commentators
on the Jus Gentium have to their immortal
honor labored to mitigate and reconcile.—
Treaties and conventions have been the result;
where they do not exist, their opinions have
till late years much prevailed. As foreign re
lations between nation have become more
complex, another of its principles is, that
when a commercial nations has a right to be
placed on as friendly a footing as any other
nation with a third and a neutral power, the
latter has not a right during a war which aims
at utter destruction, to lay partial restrictions
as will prejudice the first, and not only be an
emolument to, but aid the ruinous views of her
hostile rival. These two principles are truly
correct in the present singular situation of
France and England let us take a glance at
each of them, and then make the application.
If the ambition of the former were confin
ed alone to continental aggrandizement and
the formation of New Dynasties and federative
establishments on land, immediately surround
ing hfcr; and if she had not professed herself of
half the great outlets of trade on the European
continent and seeks at obtaining all of them, my
positions (unanswerable in themselves) would
not have the uncommon force they from thcncc
derive But avarice keeps pace with ambition
and becomes more insatiate as the most brilli
ant wreaths of victory adorn her brows. Her
laurels must be tipped with the gold as well as
her bayonets be crimsoned with the blood of
ail people near or remote. Commercial rich
es and grandeur by land and sea must await
her. Her high destinies demand that the most
distant countries shoald fitel her power, be
tributary to her, and by some means or other
(without iter exertions of peaceable and honest
industry) pour their inhabitants wealth into her
coders. Where her armies cannot march, in
tuit, intrigue and threats are to pave the way
tor national submission, by previous mental
degradation. The great Napoleon, secure at
Taii 1 , with all around him, watches with an
eager sr.d restless eye. Upheld by national
imbition, advised by prefoi'r.d minsters, and
snpprrted lr« the most contummate warriors,
he undeviathigly plans new acquisitions. He
calculates the future fate of countries and
states far off, that his maritime antagonist will
not Jet him approach, or which by her prow
ess he is iorced to yield to others or to her.—
He is trying to sapp her power by prevenring
the consumption in foreign lands, and of course
the growth at home of her manufactures, and
thereby impair her shipping and commercial
interests, her great bulwarks. He hopes the
day will soon arrive when he will confine her
to the trade of her ow n dominions and colonies.
He is laboring hard to subdue the one, and
conquer or lessen the others. All powers, far
and wide, will be essayed to aid further his
views, some to participate in the plunder and
others under the specious pretence of making
commerce universally free. All allurements will
be thrown out. Interest and glory will be ex
cited. Rivalry and hatred will be stimulated
or encouraged to join in the alliance, ro com
plete the measure of his great revenge against
the only people of Europe who appear too high
minded to yield; too wise to be seduced, and
too warlike and powerful even to be subdued
by France, (with him at her head) whose
physical strength is now at least, in compari
son to theirs, as five to one.
Had you wanted proof of these extensive
ambitious chemes, I should have thought that
only a short review of European politics since he
became the sovereign of France, under the
title of Jim and afterwards sole Consul, would
have furnished sufficient before the treaty of
Amiens. You no doubt have seen his peace
offering letter to George the 3d Did not the
language it is couched in, awaken strange ideas
in some of your minds, whether you were then
members or not ? When you became such, did
the duty of enquiry cease ! When the prelim
nary articles of that treaty took place, were
not the sentiments of an European writer on
other subjects fully verified as to this point ?
“ It is always in the intervals between t>ne
“ great period and another, in seasons of in
“ sincere nominal peace, that the French en
“ larged tneu ..
Had you compared those articles with the
definitive treaty, and observed their variance,
there is not a man who claims to himself the
political knowledge of the representative of a
free people, but who must have seen the object
of French ambition. It is true that the peti
tions sent to him pending the definitive negoti
tions fsom the manufacturers of France may
have created a just and wise incentive to re
strain the consumption of British manufactures
in his owii dominions, and to encourage those
of his own of a similar kind. But why did he
sacrifice the wines, brandies, silks, cambrics,
fruits and other articles of taste and fashion!
as well as of use, to prevent the introduction of
English articles into France. His refusal un
der any modification to renew the commercial
treaty of 1787, shewed towards Great Britain
a latent hostile disposition during a period of
mere nominal peace. During thfc patched up
armistice, fit npt the n;*ne of peace)
you certainly mtMMb|gapivcd; that he was I
ti lii-, i
sent under
Masis, surv-. V
4 at vul
nerable for themß(elves. Two
hundred cadets, and a number of artillerists
and mattresses sent in disguise by him on the
suggestion of a celebrated French partisan of
ficer in Hindostan, (who waited on him at Par
is for the purpose, after the treaty) to Pondi
cherry, to organize and support tlie Mahrattas
against the English possessions, may have es
caped you, but it did not their government in
India. When, having completely vanquished
the French republic (a triumph far greater
than Marengo and Austerlitz added together)
he declared himself Emperor of France and
King of Italy, and added Holland, Switzer
land, Venice and Genoa to his dominions, did
he not declare it was the better to ruin the com
merce of his rival To you, gentlemen, tem
pory delegates of the only democratic republic
now upon earth, 1 shall instance the overthrow
of states bearing the nearest resemblance to
our own. In every country where his arms
or influence have gone, from the Baltic to the
Adriatic seas, has he not prohibited her goods
and manufactures, under the pleasing hope
thar she must sink. Why has he lost two
thirds of the Spanish and French navies, and
is still hazarding the remainder; since the re
newal of hostilities ? To make mankind believe
that he is in earnest, that he will, like Peter the
let of Russia, discipline his officers and men
# by defeat, and hold out to the Asiatic and Ame
rican world, the idea, that he will yet be a na
val power in spite of Aboukir and" Trafalgar.
I have on former occasions hinted at transac
tions nearer heme, the truth and manner of
which you and the administration as yet only
know or have tested I refer to them no mat
ter who ; they have afforded you that light you
denied us, or were more palatable to you than
you thought they would have been to the people.
It is strange, “ ’tis passing strange ,” that
your views appear not have crossed the atlan
tic, so as to have comprehended our foreign
relations in all these momentous aspects, direct
ing the exterior affairs of an enlightened, enter
prising and intrepid nation, you seem to have
adopted the maxims of the successors of Con
tuscius in China. If they suit us in yonr opin
ion, tell us so. Convince us that it is our inte
rest, and that our safety requires we should be
a people to ourselves, and we’ll set about the
arduous task to effect it. Do you begin first
and remove the seat of from the
Potomac to the Missouri.
But rest assured, gentlemen, that it is and
will be for a long period of years, that these
states amidst the European old or new gov
ernments, must have from habit, choice, ne
cessity or interest, great dealings and dear
connections, draw many of their maxims and
be more or less controied by their power or
police. W e may not alway be reaping a rich
warlike harvest, without drawing a sword.—
Let us not place ourselves in that melancholy
state, as to find corses in a general peace.
May I, if you have not observed it, be per
mitted to allude to the account of the French
Emperor’s late duties on Cotton-Wool and To
bacco, and of his having monopolized in his!
own hands, the whole retail trade in die lat- j
ter article. Will the office of Farmers ventral
° r
be restored ? Will not the Gazelles or the l-'
tenor tax on Salt be revived I As this is a po-1
litical as well as a commercial view of cur re- ,
lations, need I press on republican statesmen i
his hereditary despotic empire, his hereditary
dynasties (all in his own family, dependants or
connections) his legion of honor shortly in its
grand dignitaries ro become hereditary. Do
you recollect his letter when First Consul to
Gen. Angereau, French commander in chief
in Holland, hinting how necessary it was to be
on his guard against the confusions in the debates
of popular assemblies. I quote from memory, but
recollect the substance? Do you know that t re
trial by jury in political offences, is suppressed,
that the French HuUeas Corpus act (as estab
lished by the Constituent Assembly) is des
troyed. that the Liberty of the Press is total
ly subverted. Is it not asserted that ia ques
tion is introduced as the great support of his
thrones, the grand putative security of his life
and successions, and the never failing concom
itant of power like his. Torture was never
introduced into the Roman judiciarv, but with
the Emperors. To conclude, does he not
grasp the sword, command the purse, wear
the diadem, and rule the Crozier Has he
not, to use plain language, all possible powers
and attributes of government > Does lie not
possess the most complete tyranny (restrained
alone by his will) over the properties, rights,
liberties (civil and religious) and lives of all
his subjects ? Such as not any chieftain an
cient or modern ever before enjoyed.
Having drawn this hasty sketch of the situ
ation, policy and views of France, 1 will in
mv next, say a lew words about those of the
British Isles.
A Southern Planter.
South-Car alma, August 27th, 1806.
"P lll ** Bß *" l *—HHWHi WUMJ
FOREIGN NEWS.
By the ship Betsey , Cafu. Logan, arriv
ed at Philadelphia , in 45 days
from Liverpool.
LONDON, June 21.
A mail from Hamburgh arrived on
Thursday. It is evident that the Em
peror of Russians exerting all his influ
ence to effect a reconciliation betwe«h
tlie courts of Stockholm and Berlin;
and there is every probability that his
great influence will not be ineffectually
inteiposed. Certain it is, that the dis
pute between those powers has hither
to been productive 01 no other hostile
operation than the blockade of the
Prussian ports in the Baltic; and his
Piussian Majesty has, on a variety of
occasions manifested a disposition to
compromise the quarrel. It is report
ed in the German Journals, that the
Prussian troops are about to evacuate
Hanover, which territory is to be re
occupied by the French. It seems by
no means improbable, that his Prussi
an majesty may tfTtn g
Time to the electorate, to obtain 1 tlie
suspension of those energetic measures
adopted by Our government against the
commerce of his country ; but it must
be evident, even to the most superfi
cial observer, that so far from this tem
porary evacuation by Prussia being
likely to restore the independence of
the electorate to its legitimate sove
reign, the moment the Prussians re
tire, the whole of that country will be
again inundated by French troops; :
and in his opinion we conceive ourselves
perfectly warranted from the circum
stance of the corps of Angereau and
Bernadotte, having received orders to
break up and proceed thither. Ru
mors of a fresh alliance against France
have lately prevailed at Vienna; but
these are stated in an article from that
city to be unworthy of credit; and we
have reason to believe they originated
in an ineffectual effort made by our go
vernment to induce the Austrian Cabi
net to enter once more the hostile field ■
against the common enemy. A letter
from Ratisbon, says, that a communi
cation is shortly to be made to the Di
et, on the subject of the projected
changes in the constitution of the Ger
man empire. It is reported at Ham
burgh, that Prince Joachim Murat will
cede his new dominions to the new king
of Holland, and is to be crowned king
of Switzerland.
The Paris papers to the 13th, and
Dutch to the 16th instant, contain no
intelligence of any importance, except
a confirmation of the capture by the
British, of the island of Capri, a spot
which Augustus occasionally made his
residence for recreation and health, and
which Tiberius disgraced by the most
infamous debaucheries. The accounts
from Naples swell the force which the 1
garrison capitulated to four sail of the 1
line and 1500 men. We have no doubt
that the number is exaggerated. Capri
is a good station for watching all ope
ration? in the Gulph of Naples.
If rise in the price of the funds
afforded any sure criterion by which we
might judge of the proceedings of gov
ernment, we should suppose that some
progress has already been made in a
negotiation for peace. Among the j
buyers at the Stock Exchange,"were I
some of the known or reputed agents
j for the French houses. From this it
may be inferred, that thev, at least, are
I,
’ persuaded. '.!.rr.e overture has be>:«
m»de by tiic i reiich government fur
| pacification. The tning is n<\t impos
sible ; for Napoleon lias the
complete sovereignty of the
and before he can execute any ©f his '
foreign projects, the interdict imposed
upon him by our navy must be remov
ed by some treaty -which may lull this
country into a state of false security.
Whether overtures have actually been
made to our government, we cannot
take upon us to state; but we have eve
ry reason to hope, they will not be lis
tened to, if of such a nature as to in
volve the honor or the safety of the
country.
Vv e understand, that during Lord
Yarmouth’s short stay in town, he had
frequent interviews with Mr. Fox, at
at his Office in Downing-street, a cir
cumstance which, in the opinion of ma
ny, gives some countenance to the re
ports in circulation.
In the city, the opinion gains ground,
that a pacification is at no great ( 'nf
tance. Ihe funds still keep improv
ing. At one o’clock the juices were
as follow: Consols for opening, 63 1-4
a 3-4 ; Reduced, 63 1-3 a 1-2 ; Omni
um for money prices, 6 1-4, and for Ju
ly, 6 1-4 a 1-2 ; Exchequer Bills par a
2 discount.
June 23.
Ey accounts from Paris, received
thro’ a respectable channel, we learn,
that the government of France lias caus
ed an idea generally to prevail in that
country, that England has refused to
negociate on any terms, unless an or
der for the immediate evacuation of
Hanover by the Prussian troops, and a
guarantee ot the possession of Malta by
the English, and ot the sovereignty of
the Seven Islands by Russia, were made
the preliminaries.
On Saturday morning last, Mr. Wil
braham, an English gentleman, who,
we believe, has been detained in France
since the commencement of the war,
arrived at Dover. He sailed from Bou
logne on Friday evening, in a flag of
truce, and was picked up by the Ves
tal frigate, which was cruising at some
distance from that port. He was con
veyed to Dover in tht galley belonging
to the Vestal, and-arrived in London on
Saturday afternoon about six o’clock.
It is said he was the bearer of some
dispatches from M. Talleyrand to Mr.
Fox.
- njraours °* r Peace begin to w-ear
It inwrc «cv:-lvc srepett* arid irc
shall not pretend to have much infor
mation on the subject, and never shall
sport with the feelings and expectations
of the public, we confess, we art* strono*-
ly inclined to look forward to such an
event with more confidence than we
have hitherto entertained. We lay no
stress upon the reports grounded npou
the return of Lord Yarmouth ; but the
late unexpected arrival of another En
glish Nobleman, who has been in a dip
lomatic situation, and whose abilities, as
well as experience, render him a pro
pel medium for negocialion, leads us to
think that the French government are
more anxious on the subject than we
supposed. If this be the case, it is pro
: ' J *kle that Franee may be disposed to
| make greater concessions than might
| be expected after her late extraordinary
! successes. It must be remembered that
I I russia, although she in the first in
| stance took possession of Hanover, and
j proclaimed her right to it uncondition
ally, has since publicly announced that
her occupation of that Electorate was
only provisional. It will also be recol*
lected, that the late accounts from Ger- '
many state, that Angcreau’s division of
the French array had received orders
to march towards Hanover, for the pur
pose of re-occupying that electorate
Our opinion on this important subject"
is in some degree strengthened by the
arrival of the above-mentioned gentle
man. He reached Dover, we under
stand, within eight and forty hours from
his departure from Paris, and such ex
pedition can hardly be supjx>ssd to relate
merely to an exchange of prisoners.
We yesterday received Paris and
Dutch papers to the 20th inst. and we
are also enabled to anticipate the first
Sos the Hamburg Mails now due The
1 intelligence in the French and Dutch
papers is not very interesting. The
new King of Lolland was expected at
the Hague aboutthe middleoflast work.
His Majesty, we have no doubt has the
most implicit reliance upon the affection
of his subjects, but he seems to have
thought it a measure of prudent pre
caution that the garrison of the Hague
should consist entirely ofFrettch troops.
Letters from Berlin' state, that his Prus
sian Majesty has at length formed a
determination of bringing* his differen
ces with this country to a decisive point,
for which purpase/it is added, that he
means to transmi; V-' , ? to I on-