The independent South. (Griffin, Ga.) 185?-????, September 09, 1858, Image 2

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Newspaper Page Textfaft]irirrtjftnrik G-riflirt, Tlinrgday, Sep’t. 0. Ova Cos temporaries. The Daily Times. —Messrs. Ellis A Cos., have commenced tho publication of a daily paper at Co lumbus, Ga., under the above title. To those ac quainted with tho Times & Sentinel, it is unneces sary for us to say that the Daily Times is perfect in all its appointments, typographical, editorial, etc. Its subscription price is six dollars per annum in advance, or seven dollars at tho expiration of the year—and well worth the money. The Columbus Enquirer also promises to make its appearance daily in a short time. Its present weekly and tri-weekly editions ar*. among the best and handsomest papers of tho State. With three such papers as Columbus now possesses—the Sun being one—she may well be proud of her press. ‘The Independent Press.” is the title of anew paper just started at Stone Mountain, Ga., bv New - F. Jones. Its motto is—“ Equality in the Union, or Independence out of it” If the oditor livelong enough, he will probably find that the lat ter alternative will be forced upon tbo South. Sub scription two dollars a year in advance. The N. 0. Daily Crescont.—We are under obli gation to tho proprietors for their daily of Sept. 1, containing a very full and interesting review of tho New Orleans market for the year ending August .'ll. 1858. The money nrtiele is a detailed statement of tho financial affairs of that “city for the past year, and reflects credit upon her banking institutions, nearly all of which manfully breasted the storm which so shattered the banks of other soctions last fall. This number of thU Crescent will bo useful a? a work of reference for business men. Tho N. Y. Lodger’s ’‘Notices to Correspondents.” One of tho smallest humbugs of this humbug ago is, perhaps, the attempt of tho N. Y. Ledger to con vince the public that it has a very extensive list of correspondents. If it succeeds in persuading the public of the fact, it cannot fail to persuade them, also, that these same correspondents aro, for the most part, great fools ; for what sensiblo man or woman would address a stranger and solicit his ad vice upon such dolicate subjects as a wife’s or hus band’s conduct, a sweetheart or lover’s foibles; whether the fathor or the mother has the’ right to name their children; whether a young lady may be kissed or not; whether shemay bo written to; wheth er you may honorably obtain tho daguerreotype of a young lady you do not know; whether you should give tho preference to a friend who loves tho same lady that you do, and a host of other equally frivo lous and indolieftto interrogatories. The truth is, in our judgment, thoso “Notices to Correspondents,” aro manufactured to order by tho Ledger , to impress tho public with a vast idea of its extended circula tion and profound oracularisms. It is simply moon shine, and a disreputable attempt at imposition. Tho Supremo Court. The next Legislature will doubtless defer to tho popular wish, and take some action in reference to the Supremo Court. The following suggestion has been made to us by ono whoso legal experience en titles his opinions to respect. It is, that thoStatobe divided into four Superior Court Districts ; locate the Supremo Court at Milledgovillc, and require the Circuit Judges of each Superior Court District to preside with tho Supreme Judges during the interval betwocn tho sessions of their respective Courts. This will make a Supreme Bench of seven Judges, four of whom will bo present and hear the argument in review of their own decisions, while at the same time they will have the opportunity of stating the grounds upon which those decisions were based. Under this arrangement it will be necessary, of course, for tho Supreme Court to tako up cases in their order in the Superior Court Circuits, so that only one of the Judges on the Bench can have”his decisions undor review at tho same time. Among the advantages of such an arrangement, we may mention that of an interchange of legal opinion, and a consequent uniformity of legal construction. It would be necessary to make provision for tho ad ditional expense to which the Superior Judges would bo subjected, which could bo dono by a per diem and mileage allowance. Thoso suggestions are mere ly thrown out for public consideration. “Judge Douglas and the Democratic Party."— Under this caption we arc pleased to find an edito rial in the last Federal Union , unequivocally repu diating Douglas. W o give the article entireinan othor column. Conductor Wm. A. Huff. Mr. Wm. A. llufp, long and favorably known as a kind, courteous and efficient conductor on the Macon A Western Railroad, has lately resigned his office, much to the regret of tho travelling public, especially the ladies, with whom he was deservedly’ popular. The Atlanta Intelligencer pays him tho following parting tribute: Mr. W. A Huff.— The many friends ot Mr. Huff, who has been so long and favorably connected with the Macon & Wostern Railroad, as the most popular and efficient conductor of its Pasongcr Trains, will learn with profound regret, that on yesterday, lie carried his train from tliiseity for the fast lime, hav ing resignod his post on tho Railroad to engage in another business in Macon. To travel on the Ma con Road, and not meet, the honest frank, and manly face of Arnold Huff, will indeed boa disappoint ment to his large circle of friends. For many years he has seemed to be as much a part and parcel of the Macon Road as any of its appurtenances. Ladies who were about to travel over the Road or any of the stations, have almost invariably inquired if it were Huff’s train, as his amiable and gentlemanly manners were sure to make the journey twice as pleasant. Wo could not help feeling sad,as wesLook friend Huff s hand for the last time, yesterdav, and thought of tho many pleasant mootings we have had, and that his connection with us, as a Railroad Offi cer, is now elosod. We can only wish him, and wc doubt not every one in this section of tho country will unite with us, a prosperous and successful ca reer in his now business. If thorough honesty and sterling integrity and devotion to duty dcservo to triumph W. A. Huff will certainly enjoy as much success as any young man we have over known.’ The Coweta County Sheriff.—lf we may bopor mittud tojudgo from Mr. James 11. Graham's stato mont of tho particulars of the murder of Jesso Brad ford Long, at Nuwnan, on the 12th August, Coweta county needs a Sheriff. When a man professing to discharge the duties of that offico, can deliberately and seriously ask the question “whose duty” it was to arrest tho porpotrators of a murder committed immediately under his own eyes, wo think somo one should be selected in his place who not only under stands his “duty,” but will bo prompt to discharge it. We think Mr. Graham’s countymon shoidd re strain him from tho rials attendant upon a Sheriff’s offico, hereafter, “under hue and cry!” To use his own oxprossivo pkrn3o, when he saw that Long had been shot—“ Gentlemen, that is a bad egg” of a Sheriff! The Cable Celebration. This great event, like all other great events in this country, is likely to run the press wild. OurNortk em exchanges are filled with glowing accounts of the different city celebrations on tho Ist insb, too voluminous for us even to attempt a synopsis. This will be endurable, if it stop hero ; but past expe rience teaches that it will not. By the time the city press have worn the subject threadbare, the country press will have taken it up, and thus this eable story will be spun out ten times the length of tho cable itself. Well, wo and the public generally must make up our minds to grin and bear it—es pecially as Science is to bo exalted thereby ! Bather Befractory! The Cassvilo Standard does not seem disposed to follow in tho wake of Stephens, Toombs and tho Augusta Conititutionalift. Commenting upon tho latter’s endorsement of Stephen’s reported sentiments in Cincinnati ; tho Standard says : Os ono thing wenro quite certain—wc will never sustain any Southern man—whatever may be his position, who upholds tho littlo ‘Vermont yanhec,’ and denounces the President for opposing him. How Mr. Stephens nnd tho newspapers in Georgia that sustain him in his present position of opposition to the National Administration, ean explain tho cause of their sudden oonvorstion to Douglas, remains to bo seen. . This is emphatic enough to bo understood, we think. We like to soo a disposition manifested by j the press of Goorgia to break its fetters, and tru,’ I that ethers will follow the V 0,,, lard’- example. ! Plain talk for the People, again. We almost despair of tho people of the South ever being permitted to know, through their press, the extent of tho wrongs to which their section has been subjected. Almost every paper we take up. Demo cratic and American, is full of fulsome laudations of the government, truckling speeches c.f placemen, and justifications of Congressional aggression upon the rights of the South. Even these journals that, in 1850, were T.impant for disunion, are now the most obsequious declaimers for the Union. Although none of the evils which they complained of in 1850, have been redressed, but rather have been added to, they now profess even greater love for tho Union than thoso whom they stigmatized as usubmission ists” then ! Why this wonderful change? may very naturally be the inquiry. To what great measure of govern ment, manifesting its sense of past injuries, and its purpose of full and amplo redress, can these editor? and public speakers point in justification of their change of sentiment? We can very well see how a Union man of 1850 may now boa Southern Rights man, but how a Southern Rights man of 1850, can now be a Union man, puzzles us completely. They were then ready to dissolvo tho Union because Cali fornia was admitted as a free State. They now in sist upon perpetuating the Union because Kansas hns been rejected as a slave State ! True, such men as Mr. Orr, of South Carolina, —whoso late speech at a complimentary dinner givon to him in his own dis trict, is the most abject, humiliating piece of Union trackulcncy which it has ever been our misfortune to ascribe to Southern lips,—say that “an important principle ” has been gained to the South in tho pas sage of tho Ivansas-Nebraska bill. Suppose wo ad mit that an “important principle” has boon gained by the South—a truth conceded by our enemies : what then ? Has Congress done more for us than, in strict compliance with its Constitutional duty, it ought to have dono ? Indeed it has not done as much. However important may be tho principle ad mitted in the Kansas-Nebraska act, it was but the admission of truth —the recognition of what our con stitution onjoins—a confession of duty. Docs Mr. Orr, or any other Southern man pretent to say that, in tho Federal legislation, tho South has had yielded to her some privilege which is not hers of right ? If not—if Congress has but dono what tho letter and spirit of tho Constitution required that she should do, wc cannot realize the obligation of tho Southern people to oppress themselves with any great burthen of gratitude. On tho score of naked principle, then, vro hold that the Government has never fully ad mitted all that the Constitution conccdos, and if she ll ad, we still contend that a simple discharge of du ty does not entitle her to an absolute surrender of Southern self-respect, and a perfect subjection of Southern independence. But if a principle be good for anything, it is good as a law or rule of action —good as it affects practi cally tho truo interests of the people or thing to which it applies. Now if, under tho administration of the Kansas bill, the South has lost Kansas—the slave interest has boon practically ignored in Congress,— is it not straining for a justification of the wrong, to say that a baro “principle” has been gained—to in sist that tho South should bo content with the shad ow, rather than tho substance of her rights ? V r e are not such a stickler for abstract theories, as to go into ocßtacies over the simple declaration by Congress that a constitutional principle is a constitutional principle, and apply this pittifulbalm asan efficacious remedy for the injuries dono to Southern rights and honor, by tbo ignoring of such a principle in prac tice. Wo ask the question—as wo have dono a hun dred timos—what practical good lias the South de rived from Federal legislation since 1850 ? Legis - lation, to be effective, must inuro to tho good of the people—must secure them against wrong—must pro tect the weak, and restrain the strong from aggres sions upon them—must give equal privileges to all. North and South. It must sec that the persons and property of one section are not endangered by the officious intermeddling of another; that tho slave owner is as much a citizen of this Union, and slave property as much property, as any other person is a citizen, or any other property is property. This is a government of equal rights, not discriminative ; no section is privileged to fix the standard of personal liberty or of property. The Constitution guaranties us all protection in “life, liberty and property.” and to be truo to its legitimate purposes, legislation is bound to carry out that guaranty. Have the pooplo of the South the “liberty” to carry their property any where in the United States? No one will as sert that they have. Will they be “protected” in it any where in the United States ? Wc know they will not. How preposterous, then, to talk of the “blessings of tho Federal Government” to them. There have boon two causes operating to impair the obligations of the Constitution as they affect Southern interests. Tho first is, an imaginary con flict between free and slave labor: tho second, tho gradual concentration of political power into the hands of a few interested partisan leaders. Perhaps the latter cause has been more potent for evil than tho former, because it has made use of freesoil preju dices to strengthen itself. As population increased at the North, free labor suffrage became an object of great solicitation to the mere aspirant for political boners and emoluments. With an enormous, never ending tide of foreign emigrant laborers flowing in to the Northern States, it was soon discovered that a war upon slavery was tho most effective step toward tho attainment of official eminence. Partisan lead ers availed themselves of this idea, and, in conjunc tion with a few fanatical abolitionists, succeeded in arousing an almost universal prejudice in the North ern States against this institution of the South.— Year after year, this crusade against our rights has been continued. Year after year have wo, at the be hest of party, boon compelled to appease the hungry cravings of multiplying free soil ism with a morsel from Southern rights, until nothing is finally left us but tho bones, and we aro now roquired to surrender them up to the picking of the North ! Thoso bn.se and dishonorable surrenders aro made, too, despite tho better judgment of the Southern people; they are made iu opposition to the popular sentiment of the South. They are made by the high priests of Party , who come before the people with oily phrases and hypocritical protestations of devotion to theif truo interests. They are made before tho people are conscious of it, and aro thon acquiesced in under a misapprehension of duty to party and to country ! The people of the South arc never told by their press and public men the whole truth in reference to thoso sacrifices of their constitutional right; they are only told enough, and in such a way, as to persuade them that what had been done was magnanimous and pat riotic—for tho snko of political harmony, and to “proservo tho Union !” Had the truth been told, tho Southern people would long since have learned, that concession after concession of their rights has been made to party expediency ; that even their own statesmen have freely sacrificed tho interests of tho South, rather than give up their hold upon power, place and profit : that no man now, cither NovUi or South, who aspires to national promotion, dares to stand boldly forth in dofonsc of all the constitution al rights of the slave owner ; and that, therefore, there is no reliance to be placed in the professions of such political aspirants. Those aro facts that tho Southern poople would know, wore they permitted an insight to the mysteries ofnational party caucus ing and log-rolling—could they see and know the appliances which are brought to bear in the manu facture of parties, candidates, and platforms; hi tho forcing of this, that or the other unconstitution al measure through a Congress of partizans, rather than a Congress of honest, patriotic statesmen ! These aro things which interest the people ; things which they should be told, in order that they may act advisedly and conscientiously; but they will not be told them until they resolve ’to encourage and support an independent press, and to remove from offiee and from their confidence, all time-serving, South-sacrificing demagogues. So ends our second chapter of “plain talk to the people.” The Way English Journals notice Great Events. The Critic, an English “Journal of Literature, Art, Science and tho Drama,” thus tersely notices the grand event age, over which American journah are bccoMPg prolix and prosy : “The laying of the Atlantic telegraph cable is now the fact of tho ago. Tho Old and New Worlds are united. The following arc the particulars which have been given of this event: The Agamemnon and Niagara mot at the rendezvous on the night of the 28th of July, and on the following morning the splice was made; by noon on the 30th, 265 nautical miles were run out; on tho Ist of August, 88-1; on the 2d, 1,256; on the 4th, 1,854 : and on anchoring at fix in the morning of August sth, at Dou-rlas Bay- 2 <'22 miles.” Independent South. “This is the title of a well-edited sheet in Griffin. It bears a captivating name and its province is to defend the institutions of the South against enemies abroad and false friends at home. Query : Why <l';*c our friend, the Editor, devote nearly all his space in the last impression of his Journal to tho t roubles of the Democracy and the apostacy of Doug las, and not allude to that “incorruptible patriot and statesman,” Mr. Crittenden, who stands upon the same platform with Douglas ? We fear he still thirsts after the flesh-pots of Know-Nothingisni. The name of the latter is not mentioned, and yet he is more acceptable to the Black Republicans that Mr. Doug las. We have before us an Illinois newspaper—Repub lican iu polities—with the following inscription at its mast-head—J. J. Crittenden for President—Abram Lincoln, Senator. Is not this a commentary upon such eulogists of Mr. Crittenden, a~ the Savannah Ilepuhficnn, Macon Journal <£■ Messenger, Atlanta Ame&can, Augusta Chronicle & Sentinel, et id omne genus Columbus Times. Wc are satisfied that, upon reflection, onr friends of the Times will become self-conscious of a lack of fairness in the above side thrust at us. The reason why wc have so much to say about Democracy and Douglas must be obvious to every candid mind.— Wo do not write for the interestsof party, but rath er to subserve the interests of the people of the South. To do that, we must first show thorn how and by whom these interests have been prejudiced. If a party that inaugurates measures and boarts its strength to consummate them, fails to do so, is it not solely responsible for such failure? Will the Times answer us that? The Democratic party orig inated the Kansas question— Douglas is the reputed authorof the Kansas-Ncbraska bill. The principles of that bill were made the basis of tbo party plat form at Cincinnati, and the Southern people were assured that its provisions should be rigidly and faithfully compliod with; that upon the application of the people ofKansae for admission into the Union as a State, with a republican constitution, they should bo promptly admitted—with, or “without slavery, as their constitution might provide; that the Govern ment should in no way intervene to bias their choice or obstruct their free action. This is a suseinct statement of facts, as the Times will admit Well, under this assurance from tho Democratic party — the party in power —what was dono ? Tho North, through her emigrant aid societies, rushed her freesoil hordes into the Territory to prevent its becoming a slave State. The South, on the otocr hand, sought to securfjAor rights there by the in troduction of Southern settlers. The South triumphed. Delegates were fairly elected to a constitutional con vention ; that convention fairly determined that slavery should exist in tho State; and thus the mat ter should have onded, had Democracy complied with its pledges, but it did not. Gov. Walker, a Democratic appointee, was tho first to intervene a gainst the South, by an officious intermeddling with a question already determined by the people of Kan sas themselves, and by prostituting bis official func tions to the subscrvancc of rebellious freesoil aims. He declared that tho constitution should Do rc-sub mitted to the people of Kansas—that lie had author ity from tho President for so declaring, and that he would unite with tho Topoka outlaws in resisting the Government and tho South if it was not done. Tho Southern people were indignant at this act of treachery. Strong denunciatory resolutions were passed ail over the South. The President was re quired to recall Walkur, in evidence of his disap proval of this shameful infringement of tho non-in tervention pledges of the Democratic party. It was not. dono. Kansas sends her constitution to Congress and applies for admission under it. It was admit ted to be republican by every one. The President was iu favor of her prompt admission ; the Senate passed a bill admitting her, without, a re-submission of the constitution; tho House rejected it. Douglas turned against his own Kansas-Nebraska pledges, took sides with tho frocsoilers, fought fiercely for re submission, and finally succeeded in compelling the Democratic party of Congress to back out from its pledges, and pass a bill under tho provisions of which Kansas, though applying fairly for admission as a slave State, is remanded to her territorial condition, to come in at the next Congress, probably, as a free State ! This is every word true. Now will the Times toll us how wc can refer to this outrageous fraud without implicating the Democrat ic party ? It had promised certain things—atloast its leaders had for it; it had asserted its ability to comply with its promises. It did not do so. Who is responsible t Certainly not tho Americans in Congress; they had hardly any strength, not enough to obstruct the will of the Democrats. Wo eondemu them as individuals for their individual wrong acts, but wc must condemn Democracy as the party in power —the party who made the promieos, who could have fulfilled them, hut did not. The Times does us injustice in another particular Wo have no partiality for Mr. Crittenden ; we have never manifested any since onr connection with this press. Wo have not denounced him, because it is not our purpose to make war upon men who are not in position to injure the South. Douglas has been until lately (and we think will yet be) tho groat loader of the national Democratic party, the party in power, and at whose hands the South has receivod this last Joab thrust. lie is, doubtless, the author of that opposition which has excluded Kansas as a slave State, as lie was the author of the bill which promised she should he if she desired. We fear hie influence in Congress; we fear it in the Demo cratic party; thereforo we single him, and those who arc currying favor with him, out us objects of peculiar jealousy to the South. According to tlic Times ’ own confession, ho is a “ traitor ,” and all who sympathise with him, must expect to bear about their persons The taint of treason. As for our “thirsting after the flesh-pots of Know- Nothingism,” we simply repel the imputation. The Times may desire to destroy the force of those truths which it knows this paper to utter, (unpalatable as they may be to partizan leaders,) by arousing a sus picion of our sincerity, but it is a task which will not redound to tho credit of our Columbus cotempo rary, and of which, wo think, it will soon boeornc ashamed. Iu the vory issuo which has called forth its comments, was an article about “Northern Amer icans,” which should have satisfied the editor that wo arc not “thirsting after the flesh-pots of Know- Nothingism.” In conclusion—and wo really did not intend to occupy so much space with this subject,—we must say to the Times and all others, that the course wo havo marked out for this journal will require us to speak of those mon, measures, and parties, which aro likely to affect, prejudicially, tho interests of tho South: and we shall certainly not stultify ourself by any extended notieo of either men or parties who have not tbo power to injure us, however much they may bo disposod to do so. If tho Times will ac knowledge that the Democratic party is unable to comply with its pledges, then we will cease to allude to it, further than to suggest that it disband and join its soundest portion to the United Southerners. Tho assuranco with which the editor of the American Union assumes that wo havo succumbed to his superior logic, is refreshingly cool. Wo do not admit that any “complaint” of ours “against the government was groundless.” If he flatters himself with any such results from his freesoil argument, we desire him to ho promptly undeceived. Tho only effect his prosy articles havo had, is to convince us that Southern editors can sometimes, to serve a pur pose, readily adapt themselves to Northorn anti slavoiy sentiment. Every argument lie has advanc ed during tho discussion, (voluntarily entered into hy him,) has been against th-3 South, and as he seems gifted with a ready facility for such arguments, wo aro unwilling to draw them out further, lest they might poison, to some extent, Southern opinion.— Ills t imid fears of “disunion” have worked upon his imagination, until the very mention of Southern rightß sets him tc trembling. If necessity were to force the South to separate from tho North, he would give away his negroes, rather than fight for them ! Thoso, we have been assured, arehis sentiments, and wc have hoard him express somewhat similar ones. There can be no profit iu discussing Southern ques tions w ith such a man. A Wife Stabbed by uer Husband.— The Columbus Times of the 4th inst., notices an affray between John Allen and his wife, of; that city, which rosulted in tho husband stab bing his wife in tho neck, near tho jugular j vein. Th” wile bled profusely—Allen esenp-’ ed info Alabama j Young Men’s Christian ‘Association of New * Orleans. New Orleans, Aug. 28.—The Young Men's Christian Association of New Orleans, having organized a relief committee, and established infirmaries to alleviate the suffering of those afflicted with yellow fever in the city and vi cinity, call upon kindred Associations and friends to collect funds and send to their relief. It. G. La t Lag, Chm’n Relief Com. A better opportunity could not be affojiM to test the sincerity of those profession are dai’y and largely being made in our midst, of a zealous Christian spirit. Charity , we are authentically informed, is one of the most ex alted Christian virtues, and we shall be pleas ed to see the faith of our professors demonstra ted by a liberal contribution to the necessi tous, suffering, and Providence-stricken peo ple of New Orleans. Hero is a case which demands the evidence of 1 faith in works.” — We will cheerfully incur tho expense and trouble of forwarding to the proper parties, all sums that may lie donated for the relief of the distressed of this afflicted city. Who will take the initiative in this good work ? Douglass Platform! Douglas and his opponent, Lincoln, havo been questioning one another pretty extensively in thoir canvas. Perhaps it will bo gratifiing to Mr. Doug las’s Southern supporters to know that he claims for the poople of a territory, while a territory, tho right to exclude slavery from their limits. Ilero is Mr. Lincoln’s question, and Douglas’s reply, takon from the Chicago Journal: “Can the people of the United States territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits, prior to the formation of a State constitution ? “Mr. Douglas in reply, said he believed that tho people of a territory c>* r f lawful moans prohibit shivery if they sec fit. tlr * ‘h their Territorial Legis lature. Tho Nebraska *5 ,he said, provided that the Legislature of the Territory should havo power over all subjects, consistent with theorgauic actand the Federal Constitution.’’ Shall men entertaining such sentiments not bo made war upon by a Southern press ? Will the Columbus Times answer ? Turning their Stomachs! The N. Y. Journal of Commerce of the 30th ult., has a long article upon the subject of “Political Unity,” in the course of which it takes occasion to read party demagogues and pettifoging politicians a wholesome lesson. The entire article is given to a deprecation of party divisions iu New York, and ascribes them mainly to the errors of those who have assumed to load, without possessing the requi site qualifications to lead right. We extract the closing sentence, and commend it to the considera tion of the pcoplo and of party leaders in Georgia: “Wo are sick of tho personal struggles, the selfish aims, which seem to control the political action of men qualified by talent And position to render uso ful service. If their policy cannot be exchanged for one more useful, more patriotic and honorable, it may become a duty to consider whether the pcoplo, who for ten long years have been made the sport of designing and ambitious politicians, arc not compe tent to lift tho State from tho depths to which it has been sunk through these personal controversies, and by a united effort, raise it again to the proud distinc tion which it i3 capable of enjoying in the political brotherhood.” Kitting the Nail on the Hoad ! The Augusta Constitutionalist will positively havo to got after its Cassville brother; ho, has actually tho temerity to call tho English-Kansaa bill a ‘swin dle, ’ a ‘monstrous humbug* Ac. Now this, after dubbing the Constitutionalist's pet, Douglas, ‘the little Vermont Yankee/ is nothing short of rank treason! Something will have to bo did, and that soon! We make an extract from its oditorial head ed, ‘The South to lie sold Again!’ Tho advocates of that monstrous humbug, (tho English bill) assorted that the people of Kansas in voting for the ‘proposition’ submitted by Congress, would not vote either for or against the Constitution —that that instrument was not submitted at all, yet if that was the ease, we would like to know in what manner—how tho Constitution was voted down, in the election on tho 2d f August. Will somebody tell ? Yes, construe the Standard that last interrogato ry, will yon ! Now Orleans Banks. From the Crescent's annual statement we collate the following condition of the Bjfiiks of that city in tlie months of August 1 57 and 1858: Aug. 1857. Aug. 1858. Specie 566,052 afit, 173,021 OB . Deposites 9,706,2U3 13,314,938 Short Loans 18,874,158 14,190,151 Exchange 2,205,029 4,081,875 Due distant banks 745,570 1,185,562 Total Loans 24,294,933 21,465.61S Capital 17,309,000 Our friend of the Empire Stute evidences so much of the skill of fenso and genuine courtesy of a true and proper Knight, that wo really are pleasod to avoid an oneounter a I'entrance with him, as we certainly shalljdo, unless upon noeossity. We had boon charged, with doing “injustice'’ to tho Macon A Western Railroad, in tho article of the Atlanta intelligencer from which the Empire State made its extract, and not dcsiiiug to rest under that imputa tion, wc thought the article of our neighbor was de signed to encourage the charge. Wo arc glad to find that such was not tho case. Tho editorial experi ence of tho new editor of tho Empire State renders him too formidable an adversary for us to seek an onoounter with unnecessarily. Wo would much rather reciprocate the kindness which ho manifests, and be friends. We shall try to guard against any ebulition of over sensitiveness in future. Uncle Sam’s Outlay for the Cable. The N. Y. Day Book says that the U. S. government will have e xpended, by tho time the Niagara is once more fitted for a war steamer, directly and indirectly, for the At lantic Cable, the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars ai least. The alteration, it is said, demanded by the agents of the Telegraph Company for the pur pose of laying tho Cable, and the various sug gestions introduced and to a degree carried out by Mr. Field and his associates during the period of depositing the cable in. mid ocean, has transformed the craft into any thing hut a vosscl-of-vrar, and she has to be restored to her original condition at a round cost. So doterminod was Sir. Field that nothing should mar tho chance of tho nuccoss of tho undertaking, us far as tho Niagara was con cerned, that it is believed that lie would have insisted on her masts being cut away, could such an operation have conduced grand consummation so devoutly tvishod for. The commander of tho ship was so constantly so licited for permits to pull down, tear away, build up, and otherwise mutilate the interior of his vessel that he had to firmly represent to the feverish gentlemen who wero disposod to push matters to an extreme length that it could not be dono, that while ho would do everything in his power for the success of the groat work, ho could not chop liis ship to pieces or turn her into a marine iron foundary, or a Mississippi “dug out,” not even to ensure the success of tho Atlantic Telegraph, for liis duties to the Government as commander of the vessel, would forbid it. Tho Washington States remarks that, “whilo Congress stipulated a subsidy of $70,- 000 a year to the Atlantic Cable—to reach which we have to run a thousand miles through the British Provinces—it was with tlie understanding that the United States should have a corresponding sharo in its ad vantages; and should there be any evasion or shifting in tlie fair performance of the con tract, the obligation will cease and the subsi- l dy with it. it was wise and right to encour age such an enterprise, but it will not be loss wise and right to provido telegraphs to tho Pacific and across tho sen, in direct linos from our own ports, and wo must set about crea ting them at the earliest moment,” | Judge Douglas and the Democratic Party. Some weeks ago we expressed a hope that ino Democratic paper in Georgia would be j found giving aid and comfort to Senat >r Doug las iu his fierce and malignant war upon the Administration of Mr. Buchanan. We re gret most truly to find even one paper in Georgia apologising for the conduct of Sena tor Douglas, and using its columns to prepare the public miml not only to forgive Douglas f f° r his treason, but to accept him as a safe leader of the Democratic party. It may be said in reply that a support of Mr. Buchan an’s Administration, or more properly his Kansas policy, docs not comprise the whole duty of a Democrat ; and that a man may yet be a good Democrat and differ with the Administration in many of its public acts, lie may, it is true ; but if he makes the grounds of that difference a sufficient reason why he should join the enemies of the Demo- I cratic party in a concerted plan to overthrow j it and disnonoi* it, then he may profess what he pleases, but the public judgement will pronounce him a foe to the Democratic Party, and more dangerous than an open and con fessed enemy. Why does Senator Douglas so fiercely as sail the National Administration ? What has it done, since he so warmly espoused the very measures which it has consummated ? The only point of complaint is, that the Adminis tration in its Kansas policy has stood by the South. The Southern Democracy as with one voice demanded the recognition of the Le compton Constitution, as a legal expression of the will of the pooplo of Kansas. The Administration brought all its power to bear in favor of it; and the united vote of the Southern Democracy passed the English bill, and as they thought, settled the vexed ques tion forever. From vrhat quarter did the opposition -to this measure come ? From Sen ator Douglas and the United Black Republi cans in Congress. And when the contest was over, where do we find Senator Douglas?— Upon the stump; not simply defending his own course, but denouncing the action of the Democratic party and the Administration of its choice, as an effort to consummate a mon strous fraud in the Admission of Kansas un der the Lecompton Constitution ; and he goes a step further, and returns thanks to the Black Republicans and Abolitionists for the aid they gave him in defeating this 1 fraud.” And now that the people of Kansas have re jected the terms of admission offered in the English bill, Senator Douglas and his con federates are uniting their efforts to force the admission of Kansas at once, and thus to re pudiate the principal feature of the English bill, which commended it to the South. It is a monstrous idea, not for a moment to lie en tertained, that the Democracy of the South should repudiate, and brand with the seal of their emphatic disapprobation, an Adminis tration that has been truo to the South on ev ery question in which her rights were at stake, merely to save a recklels and ambitious politician, from political oblivion. No : Sen ator Douglas and his apologists North and South may endeavor to change the issue to a personal contest between himself and Abo Lincoln for a seat in the United States Sen ate. The Democracy of the South cannot be gulled by such a deceptive trick. Neither Douglas nor Lincoln aro authorised to make any such issue for the National Democracy, or even for the people of Illinois, and the true men of the country will refuse to take either Mr. Douglas or Mr. Lincoln. They pro nounce both as unsound and utterly unwor thy of their confidence ; and if they can find no better representative of their opinions and feelings to act with them in the Senate, they ought not to care the toss of a copper which is elected. An open enemy is preferable to a deceitful friend. Douglas was with us un til the time of trial came ; then he deceived and betrayed us. M ill the Democracy of Georgia take him again into close fellowship with the odor of his late treason fresh upon his garments ? If he will act with the Dem ocratic party, let the future test tho sincerity of his professions. But of one thing wc are certain : as long as he fights Mr. Buchanan’s Administration for the part it took in passing the English bill, so long should every loyal Democrat givo him lick for lick and blood for blood. It is, we repeat, a monstrous idea that the Democratic party of this country, should put the seal of its condemnafekm on an Administration that lias been Constitutional in all of its acts, to gratify Senator Douglas and his followers. And for Southern men and Southern Presses to give aid and comfort to Douglas and Forney and their unfortunate followers, in their crusade against an Ad ministration tiiat has stood fairly and square ly by the South from tho begining to the present time, merely that these reckless spec ulators in Presidential stock may be saved from political oblivion, is an idea that we, for one, cannot and will not a moment defend or tolerate. —Federal Union. TROUBLES AHEAD. Senator Clay, of Alabama, has written a letter in reply to an invitation extended him to a dinner in Mobile, from which wo make the following extract: “ I apprehend it will require greater unan imity iu the South than has characterised our past political struggles, to save her from S-'oss wrong by tho next Congress, or from tlie triumph of Black Republicanism in the next* Presidential contest. The sectional battles about Kansas will he renewed, proba bly at tho next session of Congress—when application for her admission as a non-slave holding State will be made—and will bo con tinued untilsheis added to the alroady prepon derant North. Wo will be disappointed, I fear, if wc expect an end of sectional strife, or the beginning of that millennial fraterni zation of the United States, so often and so fondly predicted, while we try to extend the area of negro slavery, or even travel with our slaves in non-slaveholding States or the com mon Territories of the Union, or until the North is satisfied that her interest will be pro moted by tolerating the ‘curse of slavery,’ or that the South is fully united and firmly re solved to maintain, oven to disunion, those rights she refused to surrender to ci'oate, and ought not to surrender to preserve the Union. Let us cease to quarrel over the shadow whilo we loose the substanco of things hoped for, cultivate harmony of feeling, and secure un ion of purpose and concert of action in defence of Southern rights, and we may hereby deter our enemies from the assaults thoy threaten or successfully repel them One of the doacous of a certain church ask ed the bishop if ho usually ‘kissed tho bride at weddings V ‘Always,’ was the reply. ‘And how do you manage when the happy pair aro negroes V was the next question. ‘ln all such cases,’ replied tho bishop, ‘tlie duty of kissing is appointed to the deacons.’ ADMITTING THE TRUTH. AVm. M. Sanford, of Alabama, in a letter j Hon. 11. MV. Hillard, makes the following truthful admissions : “Two facts of immense importance have become-apparent to my mind. Ist. We shall never see another slavo Stato organized in auy one of our Territories as long as they are opened to the false immigra tion of the northern and foreign hordes of va gabond paupers-I can’t help the fact. It seems to be in view of results in California and Kan sas indisputable. The natural laws of emi gration would preserve a part of the territory to us but they will be down ridden by fanati cal freesoil societies and marauding, ‘knights of liberty’—‘Jim Lane.’ “2d. If a slave State should bo organized in a Territory there remains little hope that it could be admitted into the Union. “The Kansas Act, for which I contented with the zeal of a martyr, has been terribly against us. Henceforth I shall adopt the motto of old Governor Morris—-festinarenon cet—and with him account caution tho ‘gar land of wisdom.” ‘The Kansas Act promised furiously, like Aurelian before the walls of Tyana who en ranged by the courage and address of Zeno bia, swore that if he got in he ‘would not leave a dog alive.’ lie succeeded and imme diately issued orders to spare the inhabitants. His soldier 8, thirsting for vengeance and plunder, reminded him of his oath, and de manded the privilege of sacking tho city.— lie coldly toldihcm that he had spoken of‘dor/s,’ and ‘they might kill all the dogs they could find.’ Tho Northern Democracy has not even allowed us to kill the dogs ! ‘Now, 1 am willing to co-operate with the National Democracy—but on our own terms. If they will come all the way to us and do us entire justhe J am prepared to shake hands with them, and re-aiiirm the covenants of the Constitution. I think lam done with party compacts outside of tho Constitution—‘Com promise'’ ar.d ‘Platforms’ of equivocal import and cunning design.’ ‘I have been grievously disappointed in the result of the Kansas administration. The Kansas Act was a triumph over Y/ilmot-pro visoism and ‘Kansas would have been a slavo State with a fair administration of its provi sions. Gov. Walker, I think, as well as other Territorial Governors, contributed to the mak ing her a Froe State. I have reason to fear that this was the desire and purpose of the National Administration and that Southern statesmen contributed their full sh&re to the consummation. It was perhaps an excuse— perhaps it was necessary for the preservation of the National Democracy in tho Northern States that Kansas should be a free State.— It makes just no difference with mo which was true.’ AN UNHAPPY PUBLIC TEMPERAMENT. We know of no reason why the Northern people should be more excitable over the oc currence of any unusual or extraordinary event than the Southern people, but such re ally seems to be the case. The news of the success of the Sub-Atlantic Telegraph enter terprise was received in the cities and villa ges throughout the North in a manner which would have justified a stranger in entertain ing serious doubts of the sanity of nine-tenths of tho people. The Northern papers filled whole pages with accounts of the beginning, progress and close of the work, relating the most trifling circumstances and incidents with a minuteness of detail due to matters of im portance ; they published almost nothing else, And they were right, for the people would r€fiul nothing else, nor talk of anything else ; bells were rung, cannons fired, and crowds of men and boys shouted and bawled themselves hoarse, and one spontaneous, universal and successful attempt was made to transform the public into a collection of asses. Nothing of this sort occurred anywhere in the South. The people read the announce ment that the great cable had boen success fully laid, and felt reasonably gratified at so splended a triumph of science and energy, but otherwise manifested an indifference which argued a conviction that no public interest of this country was identified with the enter prise. Much of tho same philosophic indif ference was manifested by tho liug'iish people, who pride themselves upon never being sur prised at anything, ai.d wo trust that their example may hereafter have same influence in preventing men, otherwise sensible enough, from flying off the handlo so readily and cut ting antics worthy of a wild aboriginal at a scalp dance. Instances of the excitability of the Northern mind are infinite in number. When the mines of California were discovered, tho gold hunting mania assumed iu Southern cities a far milder and more reasonable type than in Northern, where poople went mad over the oxtravagent stories told of inexhaustible wealth, among the distant wilds of the Pa cific coast, of untold treasures hiddon away in tlie dark canons and valleys of the unex plored interior, of rivers rolling over sands of gold, and of solid recks and mountains of the shining ore. ‘lnc rush of the Northorn multi tudes to realize the golden vision that rose up before them like the mirage in the desert be fore the eyes of thirsting travelers, was such as the world has seldom seen. Thousands sac rificed their property and comfortable homes to swell the tide of lialf-crazcd humanity which year aftor year set steadily towards tho new El Dorado; and squalid poverty, misery, degradation and crime, often ending in violent or shameful death, which for a long time everywhere alxiunded in California, wero tho sad consequences of the frenzy which had turned the heads of half the na tion. A most note-worthy and satisfactory evi dence of the popular disposition of tho North to work up an excitement to tho exploding point, and make a nine day’s wonderof every thing susceptible of such distinction, is to be found in the extraordinary publicity given in Ncw r York to every nasty and scandalous af fair that may arise to outrage propriety and decency. In that city it seems necessary to sustain the public taste for newspaper read ing by furnishing the particulars—the most circumstantial details —of all shocking mur ders, rapes, cases of criin. con., and other crimes, and thorefore wc find very frequently the columns of tho llorald, Tribune, Express, Times,* etc., almost entirely taken up with the nauseous details of the worst crimes named in the decalogue. We trust that tho time may he far in tho future when tho moral tastes of tho Southern public shall become thus vitiated, and, indeed, wc know that Southern society, as now* constituted, admits of no such possibility.— N. O. Crescent. In Seuylkill county, Pennsylvania, there are four hundred and twenty steam engines employed iu raising coal, draining mines, manufacturing, and other purposes. ‘ SHORT CROP”- SAVANNAH REPUBLICAN. The Savannah Republican likens the ap prehension of a short cotton crop, now goner . ally felt and expresse l throughout the cotton ! producing section, to tho cry of “wolf’ in a j iunuiiar table. To some extent we agree with our cotemporary as to the applicability of the story to the disposition of tho planter to cry “short crop,” while upon the correctness of the moral which the fable is intended te con vey, our views are entirely coincident. If the apprehensions were never expressed except upon reliable and truthful grounds, the cred ibility of such testimony would, of course, be greatly enchanced. That the fears at present entertained, however, are just and well-form ed—(which tho Republican seems to doubt) — that there is a ‘wolf this time , wc are well satisfied. In order to make a good yield, it is necessary that the cotton plant should retain and perfect the fruit, or a large portion of it, which comes upon it in the months of July and Augusts Those are, in the consideration of all planters, the cotton-making months.— The reported condition of the crop in tho great West, is general rumor, which we have no means of authenticating; but we do know that in Eastern and South-Eastern Alabama and in Western and South-Western Georgia, the rust has almost entirely obliterated every trace of the August fruit. This disaster at tacked the plant in tho latter part of July, and the rapidity with which it has spread finds, perhaps, no parallel in former years.— Its appearance was anticipated from the fact that grass, corn, and almost every species of vegetation suffered from it, but the extent of the havoc it has wrought fur exceeds our most sanguine calculations. The editor of tho Savannah Republican made a visit, in a late spring or early sum mer months of this year, to a friend and a good farmer residing residing a short distance from this city. From his observations during that visit, we presume he imbibed a portion of his faith in an abundant crop. If he can find leis ure to repeat his visit tq the same neighbor hood, he will now see a very different pros pect : and if he will come only twenty miles further west, we engage to introduce him to something still more gloomy. We are included in the following remarks of the Republican. ‘Last spring, when tho prospect was so fine that none could find it in his heart to grumble, it was thought unad visablo by many to give the truth to the world, as it might affect the price.* We are ono of the many who condemned the conduct of those who insisted upon parading before the public early blooms and bolls and large cotton stalks, and we thought that a planter might employ his negroes at much more pro fitable work than scouting for cotton blossoms. The result has demonstrated the wisdom of the advice. By such pledges thoy gave assu rance of a large crop which no amount of countervailing testimony can shake. Its ef fect is perceptible in the article of the Repub lican. This treatment, however, wo believe is unfair to the planter. If he can tell the truth about ‘blooms’ and ‘bolls,’ his state ments can also be credited in respect to ‘rust’ and ‘worms/ and his evidence having been re ceived upon the former point, by our cotem porary, both rule and justice require him to accept it upon the latter, without disparaging comment.— Col. Daily Times. THE AFRICANS AND THE CARGO—THE LAW. From the following law passed in 1819, it will bo seen that it is discretionary with the- President, whether he returns the captured African: at Castle Pinkey, to Africa or leaves them within the limits of the United States. Tho law simply gives the power to the Presi dent to send the claves out of tho country without making it obligatory upon him to do so. It reads: Sec. 2, And be it further enacted, That the President of the United States be, and ho is hereby authorized to make such regulations p.nd arrangements at he may deem expedient for the safe keeping, support, and removal beyond the limits of the United States of all such negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, as may be so delivered and brought within their jurisdiction. And to appoint a prope” person, or persons, residing upon the coast of Africa, as agent, or agents for receiving tho negroes, mulattoes or persons of color, delive? ed from on board vessels seized in the prosecu tion of the slave trade by commanders of the United States’ armed vessels. The laws provide the penalty of death of those who are connected in the violation of the United States laws prohibiting the trade.— Tbo Mercury says that “their trials will take place at Columbia, before llis Honor Judge Wayne, Circuit Judge, James Conner, United States District Attorney, prosecuting officer. The Court begins to sit the 4th Monday iu November.” Speaking of the crew, the Mercury says : ‘ One is a Greek, one an Italian; some of them are Portugcso, some Spaniards and some English, Some of them talk about New* fork, but none of them now’ admit that they are Americans, or have a whereabouts in this country. These smugglers are a desperate looking set of fellow's.” The officers and crow of the Dolphin, under the laws of 1819, will receive a bounty of twenty-five dollars for each African who has been delivered to the United States Marshal. A Precedent. A writer in tho Charleston Courier, speak ing in reference to tho recent capture of the slaver, and the probable disposition of tho Africans, says : The present case is not without precedent, and the action of tho Government then, may indicate what will probably be its cmrse iu the present instance. Thirty years ago a vessel with a cargo of Africans was wrecked on Craysfort Reef.—- The Africans were landed and transferred to St. Augustine, and placed in the custody or safe keeping of the U. S. Marshal, who re* ceivcd instructions from tho Authorities at Washington to hire them out and make them defray their own expenses, until a vessel could be sent for them. They remained sometime in Florida, perhaps a year. Iu the Fall oi 1829, a vessel arrived in tho port of St. Au* gustine, as soon as the Africans ascertained the object of her coming, most of them , un* willing to leave the flesh-pots of Florida, took to the unjods, and it was with some difficulty that the Marshal could muster them for em* barkation. What rendered this very annoy* ing to him was, that having been an appoin-* tee of Mr. Adams, and General Jackson be-* ing then busily engaged in his work of “Re form,” (alias removing good officers and in very many instances filling their places with bad,) the Marshal stood a vory fair chance of feeling the sweep of the General’s broom un less he could give an account of tlie negroca under liis charge. They were finally gotten together and shipped for Liberia. What be-* came of them afterwards we had no means of kuowing. I\

Georgia Historic Newspapers

The independent South. (Griffin, Ga.) 185?-????, September 09, 1858, Image 2