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SOUTHERN ENTERPRISE.
LUCIUS C. BRYAN, Editor and Proprietor. \
Terms, 84.00 a year in Advance. J
Law and Medical Cards.
BRYAN & HARRIS,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
THO n V*Vlfil,E, fi t.
first door ta second story of
Stark's Confectionary.
L. C. BUY AX. u. n. HARRIS.
Mar II 11
MITCHELL & MITCHELL.
ATTORNEY* AT LAW,
THOMABVILLK, : :’ r” GEORGIA.
Office over Me lean's store—opposite
lutyre A Young's.
w. D. MITLUKLX. II G. MITCHF.t.t
June • 1
S. B. Spemieu. C- I* ilasseLl.
Spencer & Elansell,
attouxeis at law,
THOMASVILLE, GA.
Will Lrive prompt attention to all legal bu.-i
----eairiisU-<l to their care in tlie counties of
■*li So ■ ill ■ <.’ rn I'irenn
Western- ati<i Clinch, Ware ami Appling, of
4li ; Brunswick ( ireuit.
j ■ ’Office over Mes.-rs. \\ oil! & Broil a i *
Store. jrtly 4-ly
ROBERT G. MITCIIELL,
ATTO RN E Y A T hA W,
THOMASVILLE, GA.
jgtgj°Offiea over McL.vsb’s Store.**"©B
J— 24 . ; , ■ M2n
O. C RICHARDSON,
ixi iv'iuvji jl
. AX I* . •
UoUNSKLLOU AT LAW,
TIIO.UASYILLE, A.
Jnnr fl
j. it. M,M. i>. H.E. in H iu. M. l
llrs. REID & DtW ITT,
OFFER their services to the citizens of
Thomasville mid vicinity.
OFF ICE at Dr. Dc Witt'* Dm” Start
Feb Jl 8 ts
Br. T. 8. IIOPRIIVS,
OFFICE
IN NARK I,O'l’ will KIISI lF NT I!.
I . O. ARNOLD,
RESIDENT DENTIST
THOMASVILLE, GA.
Y\7 ILL l>e found at the old g ..m ■ -x,
t f stand occupied by him for * --.
the hist ten years y
Aug 23-12 u
Dr. W P. CLOWER
II WING |M*rnianently lH‘ated in Thomas
A villr, it/li-ij hie I'roA-cioiml Slrrri.
ei to the ptiMic.
I - *?'OFFICE at the Drug Store of \V. P.
Glower cY Cos.
DKXCE—the house formerly oc
cupied by Dr. Brandon. mar 11 ly
FEESH
DRUGS!
OU I*. S. BOWEIi lias just returned from
New York and Philadelphia, with a large
stock of
FHISH ill RELIABLE lUEI
Purrliased with a great deal of care from the
Lest manufacturers in the country —emhraeing I
every article in the Medical Department—
which he proposes to s.-il on as good terms as
can he had in this market.
He would cull particular attention to his
largo supply of
FANCY ARTICLES,
Such AS, Soaps, Cologne, Perfumes. Pomades,
Cosmetics. Hair and Tooth Brushes, Combs,
nil of which lie can sell at reasonable
prices, considering the quality of the articles.
He has some preparations which will restore
to the bald head a beautiful suit of hair, turn
gray hair to its healthy and natural color, and
restore the bloom of youth to the faded visaee.
He would call special attention to his large
stock of Plialou s Night Blooming Cerens, and
Laird's Bloom of Youth. (lire me a Call.
P. S. BOWER.
June 20 25-ts
APOTHECARY
HAT.T.. I
W. P. CLOWER & C0.,1
DRUGGISTS.
Have renovated and refitted the Store next
to Young's Hotel, for the purpose of es
tablishing a
First Class Drug Store.
The new firm ask for a share of patron
age, and invite the attention of the citi
zens to their well selected stock of
MetlirineK.
Fancy anti Toilet irtielcs.
Soaps it nl Per lit in cry.
Fine Green anil Biai k Teas,
Kerosine Lamps anil Oil,
DYE STI FFS.
Together with every other article usually
kept in a well appointed Drug Store.
F-gT Physicians’ Prt'scrifli-ns carefully
prepared 4-ts
Jan *2l
SUM Giro.
The undersigned having purchased the
elegant Drug Store ot Dr. Little, take
pleasure in announcing to the people of
Thomasville, and the country generally,
that they have just received a full supply
of fresh Drugs and Medicines, Paints,
‘Oils, Perfumery, Stationery, et., etc. Call
and examine for yourselves
l>y strict attention to business, court e
ous and honorable dealing with our cus
tomers we hope to merit and receive a libe
ral share of patronage.
WINN A CASSELS.
■James N. Wins,
Sami el J. Cassels.
jan 17tf
gIXTY Days from dale application will j
be made to the Court of Ordinary for !
nndes County, for leave to soil the Real Es
tate of Matthew A Jackson Vickers
„ MATTHEW VICKERS.
Jnne 20 60d AdmY 1
ADDRESS
OF THK
National Union Convention
OF
PHILADELPHIA.
j To the People of the United States:
Having mot in convention, at the
city of Philadelphia, in the State of
Pennsylvania, this 10th day of Au
gust, ISGG, as the representatives of
the people in all section?; and all the
States and Territories of the Union,
to consult upon the condition and the
want- of our common country, wc ad
! drees to you this declaration of our
principles, and of the political purpo
•m we seek to promote.
Since the meeting, of the last Na--
tional Convention, in the year 3SGO,
events have occurcd which have
changed the character, of our inter
nal politics and given the United
States a.ncw r place among the nations
of the earth. Our Government has
passed through the vicissitudes and
! the perils of civil war—a war which,
though mainly sectional in its charac
ter, has nevertheless decided political
’ differences that, from- the very begin
ning of the Government had threaten-
I ed the unity af our national existence,
and has left it's impress deep and in
effaceable upon nil the interests, the
sentiments,- and the destiny of the
Republic. While it has inflicted up
on the whole country severe losses
in life and in property, and has im
posed burdens which must weigh on
its resources for generations to come,
it has developed a degree of national
courage in the presence of national
dangers —a capacity for military or
ganization and achievement, and a
devotion on the part of the people
to the form of government which
they have ordained, and to the prin
ciples of liberty which that govern
ment was designed to promote, which
must confirm the confidence of the
uatii n in the perpetuity of its repub
lican institutions, and command the
respect of the civilized world.
Like all great contests which rotisc
the passions and test the endurance
of a nation, this war has given new
scope to the ambition of political par
ties, and fresh impulse to plans of
innovation and reform. Amidst the
chats of conflicting sentiments insep
arable from sach an era, whilo the
public heart is keenly alive to all the
passious that can sway the public
judgement and effect the public ac
tion ; while the wounds of war are
still fresh and bleeding on either side,
and fears for the future take unjust
proportions from the memories and
resentments of the past, it is a diffi
cult but an imperative duty which
on your behalf wc, who arc here as
s moled, have undertaken to per
form.
For the first time, aflcr six long
years of alienation and of conflict, wc
have come together from every State
and every section of our laud, as
citizms of a common country, under
that flag, the symbol again of a com
mon glory, to consult together how
best to cement and perpetuate that
Union which is again the object of
our common love, and thus secure the
blessings of liberty to ourselves and
our posterity.
1. In the first place wc invoke you
to remember, always aud everywhere,
that the war is ended, and the nation
is at peace. The shock of contending
arms no longer assail the shuddering
heart of the Republic. The insurrec
tion against the supreme authority of
the nation lias been suppressed, and
that authoiity has been again acknowl
edged, by word and act, in every State
and by every citizen within its juris
diction. Wc are no longer required
or permitted to treat each other as
enemies. Not only have the acts of
war been discontinued, and the weap
ons of war laid aside, but the state
of war no longer exists, and the sen
timents, passions, the relations of war
have no longer lawful or rightful place
anywhere throughout our broad do
main. Wc are again people of the
United States, fellow-citizens of cnc
country, bound by the duties and ob
ligations of a common patriotism, and
having neither rights nor interests
apart from a common destiny. The
duties that devolve upon us now are
again the duties of peace, and no long
er the duties of war. Wc have as
sembled here to take counsel concern
ing ths interests of peace; *o decide
how wc may most wisely aud effectu
ally heal the wounds the war has made,
and perfect and perpetuate the benefits
it Las secured, and the blessings
which, under a wise and benign Prov
idence, have sprung up in its fiery
track. This is the work, not of pass
ion, but of calm and sober judgement;
not of resentment for past offenses
prolonged beyond the limits which
justice and reason prescribe, but of a
liberal statesmanship which tolerates
what it cannot prevent, and builds its
plans and its hopes for the future
rather upon a community of interest
and ambition than upon distrust and
the weapons of force.
2. In the next place, we call upon
you to recognize in their full signifi
cance, and to accept with all their
legitimate consequences, the political
results of the war just closed. In two
most important particulars the victory
achieved by the National Government
has been final and decisive. First,
it lias established beyond all further
controversy, and by the highest of all
human sanctions, the absolute suprem
j acy of the National Government, as
defined and limited by the Constitu
tion of the United States, and the
permanent integrity and indissolubili
ty of the Federal Union as a necessary
consequence: and, second, it has put
an end finally and forever to the ex
istence of slavery upon the soil or
within the jurisdiction of the United
States. Both These points became
directly involved in the contest, and
controversy upou both was ended, ab
solutely and finally, by the result.
3. In the third place, we deem it of
the utmost importance that the real
character of the war and the Victory
by. which it was closed should be ac
. curately understood. The war was
carried on by the Government of the
. United States in maintenance of its
o\yn authority and in defence of its
own existence, both of which were
menaced by the insurrection which it
sought to suppress. The suppression
of that insurrection accomplished that
result. The Governmcut of the Uni
ted States maintained by force of arms
the supreme authority over all the
territory and over all the States and
people within its jurisdiction which
the Constitution confers opon it; but
it acquired thereby no new power,
no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights ei
ther of territorial possession or of civ
il authority which it did not possess
before tbo rebellion broke out. All
the righful power it can ever possess
is that which is conferred upon it,
cither in express terms or by fair
and ncecssary implication, by the
Constitution of the United States.. —
i It was that power and that authority
which the rebellion sought to over
throw, and the victory of the Federal
arms was simply the defeat of that
attempt. The Government of the
United States acted throughout the
war on the defensive. It sought only
to hold possession of what w .s already
its own. Neither the war nor the
victory by which it was closed, changed
in any way the Constitution of the
United States. The war was carried
on by virtue of its provisions, and
under the limitations which they pre
scribe, and the resnlt of the war did
not cither enlarge, abridge, or in any
way change or affect the powers it
confers upon the Federal Government,
or release that Government From the
restrictions which it has already im
posed.
The Constitution of the United
States is to day precisely as it was
before the war, the “supreme law of
the land, anything in the Constitution
or laws of any State to the contrary
notwithstanding;” and to-day, also,
precisely as before the war, all the
powers not conferred by the Conatitu
tion upon the General Government,
nor prohibited by it to the States, arc
“reserved to the several States or to
the people thereof.”
This position is vindicated not only
by the essential nature of our Govern
ment, and the language and spirit of
the Constitution, hut by all the acts
and the language of our Government,
in all its departments, and at all times
from the outbreak of the rebellion to
its final overthrow. In every message
and proclamation of the Executive it
was explicitly declared that the sole
object and purpose of the war was to
maintain the authority of the Consti
tution and to preserve the integrity of
the Union ; and Congress more than
once reiterated this solemn declaration,
and added the assurance tLat, when
ever this object should he obtained,
the war should ceassc, and all the
i States should retain their equal rights
and digulty unimpaired. It is only
since the War was closed that other
j rights have been asserted on behalf
of one department of the General
Government. It has been proclaimed
by Congress that, in addition to the
powers conferred upon it by the Con
stitution, the Federal Government
may now claim over the States, the
territory and the people involved in
the insurrection, the right of war, the
right of conquest and of confiscation,
the right to abrogate all existing gov
ernments, institutions and laws, and
to subject the territory conquered and
its inhabitants to such laws, regulations
and deprivations as the legislative
departments of the Government may
sec fit to impose. Under this broad
and sweeping claim, that clause of the
Constitution which provides that “no
State shall without its consent be de
prived of its equal suffrage in the Sen
ate of the United States,has been
annulled, and ten States have been
refused, and arc still refused represen.
tation altogether in both branches of
the Federal Congress. And the Con
gress in which only a part of the
States and of the people of the Union
are rej resented has asserted the right
thus to exclude the rest from repre
sentation, and from all share in making
their own laws or choosing their own
rulers until they shall comply with such
conditions and perform such acts as
this Congress, thus composed may it
sklf prescribe. That has not only
been asserted, hut it lias been exer
cised, and is practically enforced at
the present time. Nor docs it find
any support in rihe theory that the
Tliomasville, Georgia, Thursday, August 30, 1866.
States thus excluded are in rebellion
against the Government, and are there
fore precluded front sharing its? au- ,
thority. They are not thus in rebell
ion. They are one and all in an rtti
tude of loyalty toward the Govermcnt,
and of sworn allegiance to the Consti
tution of the United States. In no
one of them is there the slightest in- j
dication of resistance to this authority. :
or the slightest protest against its just/
and binding obligations. This con’
dition of renewed loyalty has been
officially recognized by solemn procla
mation of the Executive Department.
The laws of the United States have ‘
been extended by Congress oyer all :
these States and the people thereof.
Federal Courts have been reopened, i
and Federal taxes imposed and levied,
and in every respect, except that they
arc denied representation in Congress
and the electoral college,, the States
once in rebellion are recognized as
holding the same position, as owing
the same obligations and subject to
the same duties as the other States of
our common Union.
It seems to us, in the exercise of the
calmest and most candid judgement
we can bring to the subject, that such
a claim, so enforced, idvolves as fatal
an overthrow of the the auihority of
the Constitution, and as omplctc a
destruction of the Government and
Union, as that which was sought to be
effected by the States and people in
armed insurrection against them both.
It cannot escape observation that the
power thus asserted to exclude cer
tain States from representation is
made to rest wholly on the will and
discretion of the Congress that as
serts it. It is not made to depend
upon any specified conditions or cir
cumstances, nor to be subject to any
rules or regulations whatever. The
right asserted and exercised is abso
lute, without qualification or rcstric’
tion not confined to States in rebell
ion, nor to States that have rebelled;
it is the right of any Congress in
formal possession of legislative author
ity, to exclude any State or States,
and any portion of the people thereof,
at any time, irom representation in
Congress and in the Electoral College,
at its own discretion, and until they
shall perform such acts and comply
with such conditions as it may dictate.
Obviously, the reasons for such exclu
sion being wholly within the discretion
of Congress, may change as the Con
gress itself shall change.. On.c Congress
may exclude a State from all share in
the Government lor* one Teason ; and,
that reason removed, the next Congress
may exclude it for another. One State
may be excluded on one ground to
day, and another may be excluded on
the opposite ground to-morrow. North
ern ascendency may exclude Southern
States from one Congress—the ascen
dency of Western or Southern interests
or of both combined, may exclude the
Northern or the Eastern States from
the next. Improbable as such usurp
ations may seem, the establishment of
the principle now asserted and acted
upon by Congress will render them by
no means impossible. The character,
indeed the very existence, ofCongrcss
and. the L nion is thus made depend
ent solely and entirely upon the party
and sectional exigencies or forbear
anccs of the hour.
We need not stop to show that such
action hot only finds no warrant in the
Constitution, but is at war with every
principle of our Government, and with’
the very existence of free institutions.
It is, indeed, the identical practice
which has rendered fruitless all at
tempts hitherto to establish, and main
tain free governments; in Mexico
and the States of South America.—
Party necessities assert themselves as
superior to the fundamental law, which
is set aside in reckless obedience to
their behests. Stability, whether in
the exercise of the enjoyment of power
in the administration of government
or in the cDjoymcnt of rights, becomes
impossible; and the conflict of party,
which, under constitutional govern
ments, are the conditions and means
of political progress, arc merged in
the conflicts of arms to which they
directly and inevitably tend.
It was against this peril, so conspic.
uous and so fatal to all free govern
ments, that our Constitution was in
tended especially to provide. Not only
the stability, hut the very existence ol
the Government is made, by its pro
visions, to depend upon the right and
the fact of representation. The Con
gress, upon which is conferred all the
legislative power of the National Gov
ernment, consists of two branches, the
Senate and House of Ilcpresentatives,
whose joint concurrence or assent is
essential to the validity of any law Os
these, the House of Representatives,
says the Constitution, (article 1, sec
tion 2;) “ shall be composed of mem
bers chosen every second year by the
people of the several States.’’ Not
only is the right of representation
thus recognized as possessed by all
the States and by every Stale without
restriction, qualification or condition of
any kind, but the duty of choosing
Representatives is imposing upon the
people of each and every State alike,
without distinction, or the authority to
make distinctions among them, for any
reason or upun any grounds whatever.
And in the Senate, so careful is the
Constitution to secure to every State
this right of representation, it is ex
pressly provided that no State shall,
without its consent, be deprived of its
equal suffrage ’’ in that body, even by
an amendment of the Constitution it
self. When, therefore, any State is
excluded from such representation, not
only is a right of the State denied, but
the constitutional integritv of the Sen
ate is impaired, and the validity of the
Government itself is brought in ques
tion. • But Congress at the present
moment thus excludes from represen
tation, iri both branches of Congress,
ten States ol the Union, denying them
all share in .the enactment ol .laws
by which they are to be .governed, and
all participation iiUthe election of the
rulers by which those - law? are to be j
enforced. In other words, a Congress
in which only twenty six States, are
represented, asserts the right to govern
absolutely and in. its own discretion,
a]l the thirty sis States which compose
the Union —to snake their laws and
choose their rulers, and to oxcludc
the other ten from all sliare in their’
own government until it sees fit to
admit them thereto. What is to dis
tinguish the power thus asserted and
exercised from the most absolute and
intolerable tyranny ?
Nor do these extravagant and unjust
claims on the part of Congress to pow
ers and authority never conferred upon
the Government by the Constitution,
fined any warrant in the arguments or
excuses urged on their behalf. It is
alleged.
First, That these States, by the act
of rebellion and by voluntarily with
drawing their members from Congress, |
forfeited their right of representation,
and that they can only receive it again
at the hands of the supreme legislative
authority of the Government, on its
own terms and at its own discretion.
If representation in Congress and par
ticipation in the Government were
simply privileges conferred -and held ■
by favor, this statement might have
she merit of plausibility. But repre
tcnlatiun is, under tho Constitution,
not only expressly recognized as. a
right, but it is imposed a-s a duty ; and
it is essential in both aspects to the
existence ot the Government and to
the maintcnacc of its authority. In
tree governments fundamental and
essential rights cannot be forfeited,
except against individuals by due pro- .
cess of law; nor can constitutional
duties and obligations be discarded
or laid aside. The enjoyment of rights
may be lor a time suspended by the
failure to claim them, and duties may
be evaded by the refusal to pet form
them The withdrawal of their mem
bers from Co.igrcss by the States
which resisted the General Govern
ment was among their acts of insurrec
tion—was one of the means and agen
cies by which they sought to impair
the authority and defeat the action of
the Government; and that act was
annulled and rendered void when the
insurrection was suppressed. Neither
the right of representation nor the du
ty to be represented was in the. least
impaired by the fact of insurrection ;
but it may have been that by reason
of the insurrection the conditions on
which the enjoyment of that right and
the performance td that duty for the
time depended could not be fulfilled.
This was, in fact, the case. Ah insur
gent Power, in the exercise of usurped
and unlawful authority in the tcritory
under its control, had prohibited that
allegiance to the Constitution and laws
of the United States which is made by
that fundamental law the essential
condition of representation in its gov
ernment. No man within the insurgent
States was allowed to take the oath
to support the Constitution of the Uni
ted States, and, as a necessary conse
quence, no man could lawfully repre
sent those States in the councils, of
the Union. But this was only an
obstacle to the enjoyment of the right
and to the discharge of a duty—it did
not annual the one nor the other ;and
it ceased to exist when the usurpation
by which it was created had been over
thrown, and the States .had again.re
sumed their allegiance to the Consti
tution and laws of United States.
Second. But it is asserted, in sup
port of the authority claimed by the
Congress now in possession of power,
that it flows directly from the laws of
war; that it is among the rights which
victorious war always confers upon the
conquerors, and which the conqueror
may exercise or waive in his own dis
cretion. To this we reply that the
laws in question relate solely, so far as
the rights they confer are concerned,
to wars waged between alien and in
dependent nations, and can have no
place or force, in this regard, in a war
waged by a government to suppress
an insurrection of its own people, up
on its own soil, against its authority.
If we had carried on successful war
against any foreign nation, wc might
thereby have acquired possession and
jurisdiction of their soil, with the right
to eniorcc our laws upon their people
and to impose upon them such laws
and such obligations as we might
choose. But we had before the South
ern Stales, limited only by our own
Constitution. Our laws were the only
national laws in force upon it. The
Government of the United States, was
the only Government through which
those States and their peoj le had
relations with foreign nations, and its
flag was the only flag by which they
, were recognized or known anywhere
on the face of the earth. In all these
respects, and in all other respects in
volving national interests and rights,
our possession was perfect and com
plete. It did not ueed to he acquired
but only to be maintained; victorious ,
war against the rebellion could do
nothing more than maintain it. It
could only vindicato and reestablish
the disputed supremacy of the Consti
tution. It could .neither enlarge nor
diminish ‘ tho authority which that
Constitution confers upon the Govern-,
raent by which it. was achieved. Such
an enlargement of abridgment of con
stitutional power can be effected only ).
by amendment of the Constitution it’ •
self, and such amendment can be made
only in the modes which the Constitu
tion'itself prescribes. The claim, that,
the suppression of an insurrection
against tho Government giyes addi- v
tional authority and. power to that’
Government,. especially that it cn :
larges the jurisdiction of Congress
and givps that body the’ right to ex
clude States from representation i-ri j
the national councils, without which
the nation itself can have no author]- ’
ty and no existence,’ seems to us at.
variance alike with tho principles of.
the Constitution and with the public,
salcty.
Third. Hut it is alleged that in.
certain particulars the Constitution of
the United States fails to secure that i
absolute justice and impartial equality •
which the principles of-our Govern- ’
nrent require ; that it was in these res-. ’
pects the result of compromises and
concessions to which, however necessa
ry when the Constitution was formed, .
we are no longer compelled, to submit, .
and that now, having the power
through successful war arid- just war
rant for its exercise in the. hostile j
eonducf of the insurgent the ‘
actual Government of tho United
States may impose its own conditions, i
and make the Constitution conform in
all its provisions to its own ideas of
equality and tlicrights of man. Con
gress, at its last- session, proposed
amendments to the Constitution, en
larging in some very important par
ticulars the authority of the general
government over that of the several
States, and reducing, by indirect dis
franchisement, tlic representative
power of the States, in which slavery
existed ; and it is claimed that these
amendments may be made valid as ;
parts of the original Constitution
with the concurrence of the State to
be most seriously affected by them,
or may bo imposed upon those States ;
by three-fourths of the remaining
States, as conditions of re-admission to
representation in Congress and in the
Electoral College.
It is the unquestionable right of
the people of the United States to
make such changes in the Constitution ‘
as they, upon due deliberation, may
deem expedient. But we insist that ;
they shall be made in the mode which
the Constitution itself points out —in
conformity with the letter and the
Spirit of that instrument, and with the
principles of self government and of
equal rights which lie at the basis of.
our republican institutions. We deny
the right of Congress to make these
Changes in the fundamental law, with
out the concurrence of three-fourths of
all the States, including, especially,
those to be most seriously affected by
them ; or to impose them upon States
or people, as conditions of representa
tion or of admission to any of the rights
duties or , obligations which- belong,
under the Constitution, ’ to all tlic
States alike. And with still greater •
emphasis do we-deny the right of any
portions of the States excluding the
.rest of the States from any share in
their councils,, to propose or sanction
changes in the constitution which are
to . affect permanently their political
I relations and control or coerce the
legitimate actions Os the seveial- mem-’
hers of the common Union. • Such an.
■ exorcise of power is simply a usurpa
tion; just as unwarrantable when
exercised by Northern States as it
would be as if exercised by Southern,
and not to be fortified or palliated by
anything in the past history either of
those by whom it is attempted or of
those upon whose rights and liberties,
it is to take cflect. It finds no war
rant in the Constitution. It is at
war with the fundamental principles
of our own form of government.-.-
If tolerated in one instance, it becomes
the precedent for future invasions of
liberty and constitutional right depen
dent solely upon the will of the party
in possession of power, and thus leads,
by direct and necessary sequence to
the most fatal and intolerable of all
tyrannies-—tlic tyranny of shifting and
irresponsible political factions. It is
against this, tlic most formidable of all
tlic dangers which menace the stabil
ity of free government, that the Con
stitution of the United States was
intended most carefully to provide.—
Wc demand a strict and steadfast ad
iic-icncc to its provisions. In this, and
iu this alone, can we find a basis of
permanent Union and peace,
i _ Fourth. But It is alleged in justifica
tion of tlic usurpation which wc con
demn, that tlic condition of the South
ern States and people is not. such as
i renders safe their rcadtnission to a
share in the government of the coun
try ; that they are still disloyal in sen
timent and purpose, and that neither
{the honor, tlic- credit nor the-interests
VOL. YI.—No. 35.
of the nation would be safe if they
were readmitted to a share in its couiw •
cils. Wo might reply to this :
(1.) That we have no right , for suoh
reasons, to deny to any portion of tho •
States or people rights expressly tn'-
ferred upon them by the Constitut : .a ‘
of the United States.
(J.) That so long as the acts-ar
those of loyalty—so long as they- e- .
form in all their public conduct, to - . •
requirements of tho Constitution ■ -.
laws —wc have no right to exact . -
them conformity iu their sentim a
and opinions to our own.
(3.) That wc have’ no light to o-i
• trust the purpose or the ability f \
people, of the Union to protect and
defend, under all contingencies, ai ,
by whatever means may be requiiq
its honor and its welfare.
These, would in our judgement,, .
full and conclusive answers to4he j
thus advanced for - the’ exclusion .<.
j these States from the Union, . la .
wc say further, that this plea re •
j upon, a - complete misapprehension <■-.
an unjust perversion of existing facte.
We do not hesitate to affirm,, that
there. is. no ■ section of the country •
where the Constitution and law i * tho
United-States.fiud'a more prong- i -inu
I entire obedience than in those • .
. and among those people who were
lately in arms against them;.or ft hen.
i there is less purpose .or danger v anjr.
future attempt to overthrow Llu-it ‘
authority.’ It would seem to be both
‘natural and- inevitable that in ‘Stati --
and ‘section’ po recently swept by life .
whirlwind ‘of war, where all the 01 ii
. nary modes and method's or organized
| industry have been broken . up, .and .
,j the bonds and influences'that guarau-‘
| tec social- order have been destmyi ; ■
j.—where, thousands and tens of +hoi
’ ands of turbulent spirits have -b'cj r.
suddenly, loosed from the. discipline
i war and . thrown without resources or
restraint ’ upon -a disorganized and
chaotic society, and whore the keen .
sense of defeat is added .to tho ovc: ■
throw of ambition and hope, scene.*, of
violence should defy for a time the
imperfect discipline of law, and excite
• anew the fears and forebodings ts . ...
patriotic and well disposed, it r- un
questionably true that local -di tu -•
bailees of this kind, accompanied l
more Or less of violence, do still ICC .
But they are confined entirely to”
| cities and.larger towns of the
States, where different races’ andTriUV
ests are brought move closely ia
I tact, and where passions and . i■ •
! men Is’ arc. always most easily f• •’ •
fanned into outbreak ; and even r •
they are quite as much tii .* find ‘
untimely and hurtful political.ngit’
as of any hostility on the’ part t>t
people to the authority of the N-t ; .
Government. . • •
! -Cut the can-current- 0 -timviiy of ,
best-acquainted Vfiih the condition Cj • •
] clety arid thc state of -publh <■;
• the South-—including that'of io r.r
■ tatiVcs in this convention —establishes
fact that tlic great mass of tlic Son',
people accept; With as full and sincere -.-
mission as do ihe people of the other ; :
the re-established supremacy of tho'. :
tional authority, ami are prepared, ii ‘
j most loyal spirit, and With a seal qi •
ened al.ike by theirinteresf and their ] . •
to -co-operate with othc, .States and •*-
(ions in whatever may bo necessary to .
fend the right’s, maintain the honor a ‘ .
promote tli.c welfare of our common coi-.r
iry. History affords no instance where
people so powerful in numbers, in resour
ces ahd in public spirit, after a war so lor; .
in its duration, so destructive, in its pi ■
gress, and so adverse in its issue,- liar
accepted defeat and its consequences wr •
so much of good faith as .has marked tb ■
conduct of t)ie people lately in insurrection
| against the United. States. . Beyond a- •
question this has been largely due to -
[wise generosity with ‘wbicli their cn*’ i
. surrender was accepted by the. Pre ‘ • *
‘of the United States arid the gene-.’
• immediate command of their -armie. .
to.the liberal measures-which we re ft
wairds taken lo restore order, tianqu •
and law to the States where 411 had 1
. for Ihe time'overthrown. “ No ste| C
have been better calculated to e
the respect., win the confidence, rc -.vc
patriotism and secure the pcrm.ir. ..I . •
affectionate allegiance of the people of • .
South to the Constitution ami lav, of ‘
Union than those which have been so tii
taken and so Steadfastly pursued'by • •
President of the United t'tates.. And
that confidence and loyalty have been sit •
j impaired; if the people of the South . ■
to-day less cordial to their allegiance, fhu
they were immediately'.upon - the close •
the war. wc believe it is due to the Chang
tone of the legislative department of
General Government towards thorn ; to (h
action by which Congress litis endeaVot
1 to supplant and dc-feat tho Presidci w 1
and beneficent policy of resioration,, t
their .exclusion from all part birr ion
our common Government ;• to ;:. * with
: drawal from them of rights cor.ua red an
• guaranteed by tlic Constituii'.’.i ;
evident purpose of Congresfqlh ie
rise of a usurped and unlawful authority
to reduce them from tlic rank of fceo a: ‘
equal members of a Republic of Sfa-tci •
with rights and'dignities unimpaired,
the condition of conquered e
a conquered people, in all. things subordi
nate and subject to the will of their conque -
rors ; free only to obey laws in making
which they are not allowed to shave. . .
No pCtmle has ever yet -existed,
whose loyalty and fa’th sucli trcatrricii
lontr continued would not alienate and
1 o •
impair. And the ten millions o
Americans who live in the South v.ouL •
be unworthy citizens of a free country,
degenerate sons of a heroic ancesJtr.
unfit ever to bcccnic guardians of the.
; rigjjts and liberties bequeathed to
hy tlie fathers :*nd foundera of this
Republic, if they could except, witi
uncomplaining submitsivencss, the
■ humiliations thus sought to be imposed
- uDon them, llc-cntipent of ini’i tice