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About The Weekly banner-watchman. (Athens, Ga.) 1886-1889 | View Entire Issue (March 19, 1889)
THE BANKER-WATCHMAN, ATHENS, GEORGIA, MARCH 19, 1889. THE HOUSE OF HAPSBURG. The Old Chateau Where the Name Firfl. Originated Is Still Standing. Every reader knows that the reigning family of Austria is known as the House <of Hapsburg, but Very few probably know that the name is derived from the old chateau of Habsbourg, In Switzer land, which is an abbreviation of' Ha- bichtsbourg, which means the castle of the hawks. The old chateau, built THE OLD HAFSBUUG CHATEAU, nearly nine centuries ago, is still stand ing, and the walls are in such |>erfect preservation that it might be restored and modernized. But it does not belong to the reigning houso of Austria, being the property of the canton of Argovie, in Switzerland. The traveler, proceeding up one of the broad valleys of that can ton, emerges from dense forests and sees rising above him a beautiful and com manding bill, thick set with vines, an<L on the summit is the ruined castle of Habsbourg, which was for six centuries the residence of the noble family of that name. From the windows of the old castle and the hill top around it one can look down upon the valleys of the Aar and up to the lines of the Jura mountains. The people of the neighborhood look with an almost superstitious respect upon the old castle, and the proposition of the Aus trian emperor to purchase it was indig nantly rejected, but a suggestion to the canton to present it to the Austrian im perial family on condition that it should be repaired and reserved as a place of re sort has met with some favor. The in terior is in ruins, except a single room, In which a great mass of volumes are preserved, in which successive visitors Of the last century have inscribed their names and sentiments. These volumes -contain manyyurious drawings, observa tions, quotations from the classics, invo cations, prayers, humorous remarks and all the manifestations of sentiment ■which might bo expected from tens of thousands of visitors. The philosopher has inscribed there his reflections upon the vanity of human affairs; the poet has written lines expressing his admiration of the view, and men of science or taste have expressed their appropriate senti ments. Looking down upon the valley today one can see the daily trains pass up towards the highlands, which makes the present vital, and in- the chateau he sees the Eleventh century restored. The origin of the Houso of Hapsburg can be traced back to one of the chiefs of the invading Alemanni, one of the tribes which overthrew the Roman em pire. The first to be ranked as a noble man was Ethico I, duke of Alemannia, in the Seventh century, but the', first count of Hapsburg is set down in the genealogy as Werner II, a nephew of Werner, bishop of Strasbourg. The pos sessions of the house went on growing until they were divid ed by the brothers Albert TV lection of the interna! revenue and to compel wrong doers to a ore titan pay the expenses of their prosecution by the gov ernment. In spite of his busy life in law and politics, Gen. Tracy has never outgrown his love for the country and its special features. Even when starting his pro fession and tempted to sell his farm, he steadfastly refused, preferring to econo mize in the metropolis rather than cut the tie which bound him to his birth place. As he prospered in bis vocation, he improved his home (which was and is in Owego), and bought adjacent land. Along with this he substituted the high est bred stock for the common animals of twenty-five years, and when the movement took place which imported the finest productions of the stock farms of Europe to the United States, he was one of the fast to hike part. He went so far as to surprise his neighbors Tin Tioga county, N. Y. His poultry yard contained the best Plymouth rocks and leghorns; his pens were occupied by Yorkshire prize pigs or their descend ants; his stables were filled with Jerseys and Holsteins, and his fields were tramped upon by the finest breeds of trotting horses and farm horses extant. In this work he has taken medals and received honorable mentions numberless from state and county fairs. In fact, so great is his fame in this regard in Owego that it lias obscured his renown as lawyer, judge, soldier and politician. On one occasion he drove down the main thoroughfare of that town, passing a farmer and a gentleman from New York. The latter, as the general bowed to him, said to the farmer: “There’s one of our greatest men.” “Yes,” answered the latter, “I reckon Tracy’s tlie greatest man for hogs there is in this country 1” JOHN MORLEY. O’CONNOR POWER WRITES OF THE GREAT ENGLISH RADICAL. RICHARD PIGOTT. The'Man Wlio Caused The London Times So Mucli Trouble. Richard Pigott, the now world re nowned forger, who got The London Times into such a humiliating position, has most appropriately ended his in famous life at Madrid, by firing a pistol ball into his brain. In all the history of British law courts and politics, there is no other such instance of moral degrada tion and ruin; for the other noted per jurers, like Titus Oates, were originally men of a base order, while Pigott was once a highly respected citizen of Dublin, a trusted leader among the Irish patriots, and a writer $f conceded ability. From tliat position he had sunk so low that he escaped dying in prison only by suicide. Early in life he was recognized as a power among Dublin' journal ists, and practi cally and R u- dolph III in 1232. This Rudolph was extremely popu lar among the com mon people, devoting much time to the im provement of their condition, and was the sixth bailli of Scbwytz and Untcrwald, advocate of Fribourg, and captain of the troops of Zurich, and finally on the 7th of September, 1273, the electors of the empire made his son Rudolph em peror of Germany. He conquered the great Ottocar of Bohemia, and thus laid tho foundation for the greatness of Aus tria, which was formed by a union of the old Austria, Styria and Camiola. With tho usual experience of failure of the direct lino and calling in of. heirs of collateral lines, tho successors of this Rudolph were emperors of Germany until the old German empire was dis solved, the most noted of them being Maximilian I, who (lied in 1519; the great Charles V, who abdicated in 1556, Matthias, of the Seventeenth cen -..tury, Joseph I, early in the Eighteenth century and Francis I, of Lorraine, who ■was tho husband of the celebrated Maria Theresa. In 1804 Francis II resigned the German imperial dignity and assumed the title of emperor of Austria. His suc cessor in Austria was his son Ferdinand I, who EQsigncd in 18-18, and was suo- byhis imperial crown of Austria, who lately met his death under tragic and myster ious circumstances. By a marriage with Juana, daughter of Ferdinand and Isa bella, the house of Hapsburg also as cended the throne of Spain, uniting with it the domains of the houso of Burgundy in the Netherlands, which raised the house to the highest pitch of its power. The Spanish line continued uritU it became extinct in Charles II, who was succeeded, after the long and terrible war of tho Spanish succession, by an offshoot _ of the Bourbons of France. Tho Swiss possessions, including this chateaq, were lost early in the Thir teenth century, when the Svoss con- federation was formed. With this is given a group of portraits from recent photographs —Stephanie, widow of tho crown prince; her daughter. TMzabeth; Archduke Francis, nephew •ii l e W ror Austro-Hungary, who will, if he lives, by reason of liis father’s relinquishment of all claims- to the wone^one day be ruler of the empire, pigott. controlled The Irishman and The Flag of Ire land, both ad vanced papers, and finally as pro nounced in favor of revolution as any recognized Fenian organ/ In deed, it was the reckless radicalism of his writings that first caused him to lose standing. He owned also a weekly literary paper, which was a great favorite among tlie middle ckis3 Irish. In 1867 he was more radical than ever, but on losing the con- tidence of the Irish patriots ho was soon suspected of treachery. Indeed, liis ne cessities were such that he finally took the desperate step of selling his knowl edge to the Dublin Castle authorities. For years he led that strange, restless, evasive life, of which bits here and there have been revealed, now figuring as a spy and again as a scribbler for various papers, but all tho time dealing out tlie vilest abuse of those with whom he had formerly acted. As soon as the articles on “Parnellism and Crime” began to appear in The London Times, many people in Ireland said: “It is the work of Pigott;” but the most experienced ap pear to have had no suspicion at first of forgery. In London, however, a few of the knowing ones predicted at the start that there had been forgery and that Pigott was tlio forger. His family in Ireland is quite respectable, and at one time he moved in the best society of Dublin, being also an honored man in tlie ranks of the Irish Nationalists. * His career adds an extraordinary instance to tho many treacheries by which Ire land has suffered. His Political Position—Like AU Britisb Statesmen, He Is Overshadowed by Glad stone—His Hatred of Claptrap—He is a Radical in Politics and Religion. What Cardinal Newman was to the Oxford religious movement fifty years ago, what Daniel O'Connell was to Catho lic emancipation at a still earlier period, and what John Bright was to the cause of free trade at at period much nearer our own tiffie, John Morley is to the ex isting radical movement in Great Britain. He is its most prominent leader and in terpreter. There is this important dis tinction, however, to be drawrt between him and the illustrious men with whom I have for the moment associated liis name: Tliat they created the movements which they led, whereas Mr. Morley, be fore his entrance into parliament, was only one of many equally able men whose teachings contributed to the form ation of British radicalism. lie is now recognized as its spokesman and leader. Tlie Radicals are the advanced section of the Liberal party and the political radi calism of today will be the political liberalism of the near future; hence John Morley’s position, as the leader of -the Radical wing, marks him-out as a proba ble successor to Mr. Gladstone, though Sir William Ilarcourt actually occupies the post of deputy leader of the whole party, and is the heir presumptive of tho leadership. *** Political radicalism may be defined, according to the old formula, as the gov ernment of the people, for the people, by the people; and it lias found many sup porters among those who are strongly anti-radical in other respects, and who view with repugnanco the radical creed as regards morals, or Religion, or philos ophy. Mr. Gladstone, for example, is a radical in politics only. As Mr. Gladstone saw he was to lose Mr. Chamberlain he determined to at tach Ms. Morley, and he accomplished this by making him chief secretary for Ireland and a member of the cabinet, and Mr. Morley thenceforth became his right hand man in furthering the cause of self government for Ireland. Mr. Morley has' displaced Mr. Chamberlain and succeeded to tho exact position in the Liberal party which tlie latter occu pied before lie separated from Mr. Glad stone. Whether ho will retain his popu larity with tlie masses is a question which depends on bis willingness to adopt the ever changing principles or theories of the democracy. one fa ••oring coercion and led by Mr. Forster, and one opposing coercion, of which Mr. Chamberlain was the leader. Thanks to the daily onslaughts of Tlie Pall Mall Gazette, Mr. Chamlwrlain’s section prevailed and Mr. Forster re signed. Mr. Morley was known to have been-.the author of the attacks on Mr. Forster’s policy, and as tlioy were supposed to have been inspired by Mr. Chamberlain the former’s entrance into parliament was watched with great in terest The first impression he created was not favorable, owing to a delivery which want of practice in public speak- | ing had left defective; but tlu* matter of what he said soon compelled attention, and those who had read his books came to be as much interested in bis speech they had been in liis writing. His adhesion to Mr. Gladstone's home rule policy could surprise no one who was acquainted with his earlier views about Ireland. mould be mild, prompt, and pleasant, with no griping or purgative ef fects. It should also in cite the liver to action, aid digestion, and re lieve tho kidneys. like nothing else. Compound Is a perfect laxative, and cures consti pation where all other remedies fau. “As a gentle laxative, Paine’s Celery Com pound Is surely without a peer. 1 think I ought to know, since I have tried remedy after reme dy for about five or six years and have found nothing tbatequalsltln my caseofcostlvcness.” J. B. Jenkins, Teachpr, Cloyd’s Creek, Tenn. . Paine’s Celery C0D8tl Patea “ Paine’s Celery Compound is pleasant. As a laxative it leavi*^ I sired. I have great confidence i n Ut , tev ^ Albeet Leonard, ' Journal qfPcdagogy^ “For two or three years i sufror^ , every night .with severe pains ^ are now regular, and I have h-a those pains since using one bottle <•? Paine’s Celery Compo„ a F. G. SncKNET, Druggist. i !ar ,,, U| Moral: Use Paine’s Celery Comncm, ruining the Intestinal tract with a - tive pills. *1.00. Six for $3.00. Wells, Richardson & Co., Burling Strange us it may appear, it is never theless true that Mr. Chamberlain won his way to a position in the Liberal party second only to that of Mr. Gladstone himself, by advocating the doctrines of Mr. Henry George concerning land, and by declarations iii favor of the poor which could not bo distinguished from downright socialism. Mr. George’s the ories had, at the time, attained a tem porary hold of tho English workingmen. The artisans of the towns were somehow persuaded that their interests lay not in the spread of manufactures, but in the subdivision of land, and. the improve ment of agriculture, two things which were put before them as standing in the relation of * cause and effect. Mr. Mor ley labors under tlio disadvantage of requiring a reason for every step he takes. He lacks many of th ACiaracter- istics which made Mr. Chamberlain so popular for a time, and his politics are more of the rational than the emotional order. Mr. Chamberlain did not disdain t o Chicago’s New Government Building. The cut here given represents the new appraisers’ warehouse which tlie United States government intends building in Chicago, tho appropriation was $335,- 006. Of this $75,000 was spent in en larging tho site, leaving $260,000 for the building. It is expected that this ware house will be one of the handsomest gov- NEW APPRAISER’S WAREHOUSE, CHICAGO. eminent buildings in the United States. The main features are to be in the in- tefior construction, which is.to be very handsome. The material to be used is the best brown stone. Seventeen con tractors havo put in bids, ranging from $200,000 to $250,000. Tho main govern ment structure in Chicago is the post- office building, which occupies a whole block. The appraiser's warehouse will rank next. JOHN MORLEY. humor the crowd, and though I can not say that Mr. Morley is quite incapable of en gaging in - that occupation, it i3 evidently less congenial to his mind than to that o f his former friend, the mem ber for Birming ham. Indeed, ho suffers so much, and so obviously, from c^i an occasional indulgence in claptrap, that, from the point of view of mere effect, it would bo better if he did not indulge in it at all. Mr. Morley shows more to advantage in withstanding popular pressure applied in furtherance of unreasonable demands, than he does in catering for popular ap plause on the platform. An instance of the truth of this occurred a few days ago. in Newcastle-on-Tyne, the borough which ho represents in parliament. He was waited upon by a deputation of workmen, who, in an ingenious series of questions, sought to commit him to a declaration in favor of an eight hour labor law to bo made applicable at once to all the industries of the country. He declined firmly to commit himself, and as the deputation proceeded to argue the point, ho stated a number of strong rea sons in opposition to their proposals, one of which was that an immediate diminu tioh of tlie hours of labor would result in a proportionate diminution in wages, and he was not prepared to bring about 6uch a result until he knew that the working classes themselves desired it. At a public meeting of his constituents held on tlie evening following that on which he was interviewed, his position was sustained by an unanimous vote of confidence. Mr. Morley is the first instance in Eng land of a man stepping from an editor’s desk to a seat in the cabinet. In France such a transition is common enough; thefe authors and journalists in far greater number than any other class of the community occupy the official places which in England are reserved chiefly for successful barristers and wealthy country gentlemen. It was in tho col ttmns of The Pall Mall Gazette that Mr. Mdrley, by liis strenuous opposition to the Irish administration of the late Mr. Forster, first made his mark in politics. In Mr. Gladstone's cabinet at that time there were Relieved to be. two ^parties, It is now some ten years since I first made the acquaintance of Mr. Morley. lie was then living at Berkeley Lodge, Putney, a western suburb of London. He had invited me there to luncheon,.and the conversation turned on parliament ary affairs, of which I had then five years’ personal experience as a member of tlie 1 umse. I remember he questioned me particularly as to the position and prospects of certain prominent members, not yet in the front rank, and wound up by propounding a series of objections to borne rule, which he invited me to an swer. I responded to tlie best of my abil ity, and, at bis request, embodied ray answers in an article for The Fortnightly Review, of which bo was then editor. The article, entitled “Fallacies Concern ing Home Rule,” duly appeared, and I believe this was the first time that an in fluential English magazine lent its col umns to the advocacy of what was then a very unpopular cause in England. Mr. Morley was born in 1838, so that lie has just turned 50. He went to Cheltenham to school., and afterwards to Lincoln col lege, Oxford, at neither of which did he, like others who have risen, give signs of his future greatness. The Union at Ox ford is a debating society in which many English statesmen first distinguished themselves as public speakers, but Mr. Morley did no^shine even here, and when he capio to London to try his luck with letters his future was as uncertain as it could well be. He wrote for The Literary Ga-. zetto, and eventually for The Satur day Review, though, as he lias himself told me, article after article was, re turned to him before ho discovered what was suRabie and acceptable. Ho read law with bis friend, Mr. Frederick Har rison, traveled in America to study democratic institutions, and became editor of Tho Fortnightly in succession to George Henry Lewes. His works on Voltaire. Diderot and Rousseau, on Ed mund Burke and on Richard Cobden, show his great capacity for what may be called philosophical biography, but lie attains his highest eminence as a literary critic, in which character he is scarcely inferior to Mathew Arnold him self. The failing health of Mr. Ashton Dilke led to his retirement, in February, 1833, from the representation of New castle-on-Tyne, and Mr. Morley, after a vigorously contested election, was re turned to parliament for the vacant seat. In three years from that time lie entered Mr. Gladstone's cabinet, becoming a right honorable and chief secretary for Ireland, without filling any intermediate office or undergoing any of that official training in a subordinate department of the government which was at one time considered essential to the attainment of high office. As hi3 assumption of office was simultaneous with, aud the result of, Mr. Gladstone’s adoption of home rule, he was received in Ireland by the popular party with [joyful ac clamation, and liis administration had none of the difficulties to encounter which have proved insufferable to so many English statesmen. The govern ment of which lie was a member lasted only a few months, for the home rule bill, which it was formed to carry, was rejected by the house of commons, and subsequently by a majority of the Brit ish electorate, 60 that Mr. Morley had no opportunity of showing his skill as an administrator. Of liis methods as a poli tician no candid opponent can complain. He always fights fair; no striking below the belt, no personal abuse, no calumini- ous inuendo, defaces his controversial style, and, though liis doctrines and sen timents are warmly combated by the opposite party, tho devotion of his own ardent followers is fortified by the re spect and admiration of his adversaries, Like every one of the lieutenants of Mr. Gladstone he is of course overshadowed by his great leader, but. his presence in the front rank gives peculiar confidence to liis party as regards their future lead ership. The newspapers of all shades of opinion agreed, with a remarkable ab sence of professional jealousy, in ap proving of Mr. Morley’s elevation to cabinet rank. » * * I cannot, perhaps, better conclude this sketch of the distinguished statesman than by quoting the address which he issued to the electors of Newcastle-on- Tyne, on I1I3 appointment to office, and which is a model of brevity, simplicity and directness: “Gentlemen—The queen has been pleased to approve, on the recommenda tion of Mr. Gladstone, of my appoint ment to the office of chief secretary for Ireland. I regret that this will impose upon you the necessity of a new election but I confidently believe that in accepting a responsible post, in a time of public perplexity, I shall have your hearty ap proval and support I should have been unworthy of the high spirit of my con stituents if I had shrunk from a task, however arduous, which wa# pressed upon me as'a public duty by the illustri ous statesman who is again at the head of national affairs. “I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your faithful servant, JohnMoeley.” I will only add that Mr. Morley, who DIAMOND am q. J. O’FARRELL. w , MAURICE JANk- O’FARRELL & JANK0WE1 (41 Clayton Street, Hodgson Bros. Old Stand.) We have just opened a laige and completen of Furniture of all styles and prices. We guara our goods to be tlie best on the market and our are low to suit the times. Anything not in stock will be ordered from C logue on short notice. We will also sell on the Im ment Plan. W. G. Lowry & C< (At Crawford’s Old Stand.) 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