Newspaper Page Text
VOL. VIII.
THE PRESIDENT’S LETTER.
He Formally Accept s the Nomina
tion of His Party.
,\ cu-ar am! Forcible Document in Which
;(<• Sets Forth the Principle* of
the Democratic Party.
Washington* September Bth, 1888. —
Hon. Patrick A. Collins and others, com
mittee, etc. Gentlemen: In addressing
t o you my formal acceptance of the
nomination to the presidency of the
1 uited States, my thoughts persistently
dwell upon the impressive relation of
. rh action to tin* American people,
wliose confidence is thus invited, and to
the political party to which 1 belong just
entering upon a contest for continued
supremacy.
The world does not afford a spectacle
more sublime than is furnished when
millions of free and intelligent American
citizens select their chief magistrate, and
hid one of their number to find the high
est honor and a full measure of public
duty in a ready submission to their will.
It follows that a candidate for this
hin;!i office can never forget that when
the turmoil and strife which attends the
election of its incumbent shall be heard
no more, there must be, in the quiet calm
which follows, a complete and
SOLEM X SEI > V -< '<)NSECRATION
by the people’s chosen president of
every faculty and endeavor to the ser
vice of a confiding and generous nation
of freemen. These thoughts are inten
ded bv the light of my experience in the
presidential office, which has soberly im
pressed me with the severe responsibili
ties which it imposes, while it has quick
ened icy love for American institutions
and taught me the priceless value of the
trust of my countrymen.
It is of the highest importance that
those who administer our government
should jealously protect and maintain
the rights of American citizens at home
and abroad, and should strive to achieve
for our country her proper place among
the nations of the earth ; but there is no
people whose home interests are so great,
awl whose numerous
objects of domestic concern
deserve so much watchfulness and care.
Among these are the regulation of a
sound financial system suited to our
needs, thus securing the efficient agency
of national wealth and general pros
perity; the construction and equipment
ol means of defense, to insure our na
tional safety and maintain the honor be
neath which such national safety re
poses; tin* protection of our national
domain, still stretching beyond the needs
of a country’s expansion, and its preser
vation for the settler and pioneer of our
marvelous growth; a sensible and sin
cere recognition of the value of Ameri
can labor, leading to scrupulous care
and a just appreciation of the interests
of our workingmen ; the limitation and
checking of such monopolistic tendencies
and schemes as interfere with the advan
tages and benefits which the people may
rightly claim; a generous regard and
care for our surviving soldiers and
sailors, and for the widows and orphans
of such as have died, to the end that
while oui appreciation of their services
ami sacrifices is quickened, the applica
tion of their pension fund to improper
cases may he prevented; protection
against servile immigration which in
juriously competes with our laboring
men in the field of toil, and adds to our
population an element ignorant of our
institutions and laws, impossible of as
similation with our people, and danger
ous to our peace and welfare, a strict
an i steadfast adherence to the princi
ple of civil service reform and a thor
ty>u-dt execution of the laws passed for
r” ,p ir enforcement, thus permitting to
°nr people the advantages of business
un bodkin the operation of their gov
cnuneiit; a guaranty to oqr colored citi
f,n> of all their rights of citizenship,
nmi their just recognition and encour
ngmuent in all things pertaining to that
lv inti: a; a firm, patient and humane ln
(kan policy, so that, in peaceful relations
"■i h the government, the civilization of
Indians may be promoted, with re
sulting quiet nnd safety to the settlers
ou <*ur frontiers: and tlie curtailment of
1-T. expense by the introduction of
(1 f u;it;imal methods in every depart
lr"*nt of the government.
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM INDORSED.
1 l ; e pledges contained in the platform
U'lcpted by the late convention of the
I " ; 5 ‘csal Democracy lead to the ad-
c cment of thpse objects and insure*
government—the aspirations of
' . true American citizen., and the mo
" •■>!• every patriotic a< ion and ef-
I.n ihe consciousness that much
' nmr-nt by the present adirenistm
m ■' ! submitting its record to the
3 ' he platform t hus pi. seated, with
'lmt, if I am ay ;
"and to tin* chief magistracy, there
h:l uli be u coßtiuuaude of devoted eu
1 deavor to advance the interests of the
j entire country.
Our
SCALE OF FEDERAL TAXATION
i and its consequences largely engross at
this time the attention of citizens, and
the people are soberly considering the
necessity of measures of relief.
Our government is the creation of the
people, established to carry out their
l designs and accomplish their good. It
was founded on justice, and was made
for free, intelligent and virtuous peopde.
It is only usudiil when within their con
trol, and only serves them well when
regulated and guided by their constant
touch. It is a free government because
it guarantees to every American citizen
unrestricted personal use and enjoyment
of all the reward of his toil and of all
his income, except what may be his fair
contribution to necessary public ex
penses. Therefore, it is not only right,
but the duty of free people, in the en
forcemeht of this guaranty, to insist,
that such expense should be strictly lim
ited to actual public needs. It seems
perfectly clear that when the govern
ment —this instrumentality created and
maintained by the people to do their
bidding—turns upon them, and, through
an utter perversion of its powers, ex
torts from their labor and capital a
tribute largely in excess of public neces
sities, the creature has rebelled against
its creator and the masters are robbed
by their servants.
THE COST OF THE GOVERNMENT
must continue to be met by tariff duties
collected at our custom houses upon im
ported goods, and by internal revenue
taxes, assessed upon spirituous and
malt liquors, tobacco, and oleomarga
rine.
I suppose it is needless to explain that
all those duties and assessments are
added to the price of the articles on
which they are levied, and thus become a
tax upon all those who buy these arti
cles for use and consumption. I sup
pose, too, it is well understood that the
effect of this tariff taxation is not lim
ited to the consumers of all the im
ported articles, but that the duties
imposed upon such articles permit a cor
responding increase in the price to be
laid upon domestic productions of the
same kind; which increase paid by all
our people as consumers of home pro
ductions and entering every American
home, constitutes a form of taxation as
certain and as inevitable as though the
amount was annually paid into the
hands of the tax gatherer.
These results are inseparable from the
plan we have adopted for the collection
of our revenue by tariff duties. They
are not mentioned to discredit the sys
tem, but by way of preface to the state
ment that every million of dollars col
' lected at our custom houses for duties
I upon imported articles and paid into the
public treasury, represents many millions
more, which, though never reaching the
| national treasury, are paid by our citi
zens as
INCREASED COST OF DOMESTIC PRODUCTIONS,
resulting from our tariff laws.
In these circumstances, and in view of
the necessary effect of the operation of
our plans for raising revenue, the abso
lute duty of limiting the rate of tariff
charges to the i*ecessities of the frugal
and economical administration of Hie
government, seems to be perfectly plain.
The continuance, upon the pretext of
meeting public expenditures, of such a
scaje of tariff taxation as draws from
the substance of the people a sum large
ly in excess of public needs, is surely
something which, under a government
based upon justice and which finds its
strength and usefulness in the faith and
tiust of the people, ought not to be
tolerated. While the heaviest burdens
incident to the necessities of the govern
ment arc uncomplainingly borne, light
burdens become grievous and intolerable
when not justified by such necessities.
Unnecessary taxation is unjust taxa-
I tion.
And yet this is our condition. We are
; annually collecting at our custom houses,
and by means of our internal revenue
taxation, many millions in excess of all
LEGITIMATE PUBLIC NEEDS.
.Vs a consequence, there now remains
in flu national treasury a surplus of
more than one hundred and thirty
i millions of dollars.
Xo Potter evidence could be furnished
j that the people are exorbitantly taxed.
The extent of the "superfluous of burden
indicated by this surplus will be better
appreciated when it is suggested that
s o i, surplus alone represents a taxation
ceuTiting more than one hundred and
eight thousand dollars in a country con
taining fifty thousand inhabitants.
Taxation has always been the feature of
organized government, hardest to recon
; ciie with the people’s idea, of freedom and
... . •Vh. n 1 ’.. -cuted in direct
| form nothing will arouse popular discon
tent more quickly and profoundly than
farmers, l echaides. laborers and ah our
citizens closely scan the slightest in
' i-tase in taxes assessed upon their lands
CAKTEKSVILLE. GA., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1888.
and other property, and demand a good
reason for such increase. And yet they
seem to be expected, in some quarters,
to regard the unnecessary volume of
insidious and indirect taxation visited
upon them by our present rate of tariff
duties with indifference if not with favor.
The surplus revenue now remaining in
the treasury not only furnishes conclu
sive proof of unjust taxation, but its ex
istence constitutes a
SEPARATE AND INDEPENDENT MENACE
to the prosperity of the people. This
vast accumulation of idle funds repre
sents that much money drawn from the
circulating medium of the country which
is needed in the channels of trade and
business.
It is a great mistake to suppose that
the consequences which follow the con
tinual withdrawal and hoarding by the
government of the currency of the peo
ple are not of immediate importance to
the mass of our citizens, and only con
cern those engaged in large financial
transactions.
In the restless enterprise and activity
which free and ready money among the
people produces, is found that opportu
nity for labor and employment, that
impetus to business and production,
which bring in their train prosperity to
our citizens in every station and voca
tion. New ventures, new investments m
business and manufacture, the construc
tion of new and important works, and
enlargement of enterprises already es
tablished, depend largely upon obtain
ing money upon easy terms with fair
security, and all these things are stimu
lated by the abundant volume of circu
lating medium. Every harvested grain
of the farmer remains without market,
unless money is forthcoming for its move
ment and transportation to seaboard.
The first results of scarcity of money
among the people is the
EXACTION OF SEVERE TERMS
for its use. Increasing distrust and
timidity is followed by the refusal to
loan on any terms. Investors refuse all
risk and decline all securities and in the
general fright money still in the hands
of people is persistently hoarded. It is
quite apparent that when this perfectly
natural, if not inevitable, stage is reach
ed, depression in all business and enter
prise will, as a necessary consequence, les
sen the opportunity for work and em
ployment, reduce the salaries and wages
of labor.
Instead, then, of being exempt from
the influence and effect of an immense
surplus lying idlein thenational treasury,
our wage earners and others who rely
upon tlxfr labor for support, are most
of all directly concerned in the situation.
Others seeing the approach of danger,
may provide against if, but it will find
those depending upon their daily toil for
bread unprepared, helpless and defense
less. Such a state of affairs does not
present a case of idleness resulting from
disputes between the laboring man and his
employer, but it produces an absolute
and enforced stoppage of employment
and wages.
In reviewing the bad effects of this
accumulated surplus and the
SCALE OF TARIFF RATES
by which it is produced, we must not |
overlook the tendency toward gross and
scandalous and public extravagance 1
which a congested treasury induces, nor
the tact that we are maintaining, with
out excuse, in the time of profound peace,
substantially the rate of tariff duties I
imposed in time of war, when the neces
sities of the government justified the im- ;
position of the weightiest burdens upon
the people.
Divers plans have been suggested for
the return of this accumulated surplus
to the people and the channels of trade.
Some of these devices are at variance ;
with all rules of good finance; some are j
absurd and some betray by their reckless !
extravagance the demoralizing influence
of a great surplus of public money upon
judgments of individuals.
While such efforts should be made as
are consistent with public duty and sane- \
tioned by sound judgment to avoid a
danger by the useful disposition of the
surplus now remaining in the treasury,
it is evident that if its distribution were
accomplished, another accumulation
would soon take its place if the constant
flow of redundant income was not check
ed at its source by a reform in our pres
ent tariff laws.
We do not propose to deal with these
conditions by merely attempting to
satisfy the people of the
TRUTH OF ABSTRACT THEORIES,
nor by alone urging their assent,
to a political doctrine. We
present to them the proposi
tions that they are unjustly treated in
the extent of the present federal taxa
tion. that, as a result extreme danger
exists, and that if is for them to demand
a remedy and that defense and safety
promised in the guarantee of their free
government. We believe that the same
means which are adopted to relieve the
treasury of its present surplus and pre
vent its occurrence, should cheapen to
our people, the cost o f supplying their
daily wants. Both of these objects we
seek in part to gain by reducing the pres
ent tariff rates upon the necessaries of
life.
We fully appreciate the importance to
the country of our domestic industrial
enterprises. In the rectification of the
existing wrongs, their maintenance and
prosperity should carefully, and in a
friendly spirit, be considered. Even such
reliance upon the present revenue ar
rangements as have been invited or en
couraged should be fairly and jns fly re
garded. Abrupt and radical changes
which might endanger such enteprises,
and injuriously affect the interests of la
bor dependent upon their success and
countenance, are
NOT CONTEMPLATED OR INTENDED.
But we know the cost of our domestic
manufactured products is increased and
their prices to the consumer enhanced by
the duty imposed upon the raw material
used in their manufacture. We know
that this increased cost prevents the
sale of our productions at foreign mar
kets in competition with those countries
which have the advantage of free • raw
material. We know that, confined to a
home market, our manufacturing opera
tions are curtailed, their demand for la
bor irregular and the rate of wages paid
uncertain.
We propose, therefore, to stimulate
our domestic industrial enterprises by
freeing from duty the imported raw ma
terials which, by the employment of la
bor, are used in our home manufactures,
thus rendering the markets and permit
ting an increased and steady production
with the allowance of abundant profits.
True to the undeviating course of the
Democratic party, we will not neglect the
interests of
LABOR AND OUR WORKINGMEN.
In all efforts to remedy the existing
evils, we will furnish no excuse for the
loss of employment or the reduction of
the wage of honest toil. On the contra
ry, we propose in any adjustment of our
revenue laws to concede such encourage
ment and advantage to the employers
of domestic labor as will easily compen
sate for any difference that may exist
between the standard of wages which
should be paid to our laboring men and
the rate allowed in other countries. We
propose, too, by extending the markets
for our manufacturers, to promote the
steady employment of labor, while by
cheapening the cost of the necessaries of
life, we increase the purchasing power of
the workingman’s wages and add to the
comforts of his home.
And before passing from this phase of
the question, I am constrained to express
the opinion that while the interests of
labor should be always sedulously re
garded in any modification of our tariff
laws, additional and more direct and
efficient protection to these interests
would be afforded by the
RESTRICTION AND PROHIBITION OF IMMI
GRATION
or importation of laborers from other
countries, who swarm upon our shores,
having no purpose or intent ot becoming
our fellow citizens, nor permanent inter
est in our country but crowd every field
of employment with unintelligent labor
at wages which ought not to satisfy
those who make a claim to American
citizenship.
The platform adopted by the late na
tional convention of our party contains
tfee following declaration:
“Judged by Democratic principles the
interests of the people are betrayed when
unnecessary taxation, trusts and combi
nations are permitted and fostered
which, while unduly enriching the few
that combine, rob the body of our citi
zens by depriving them, as purchasers,
of the benefits of natural competition.”
Such combinations have always been
condemned by The Democratic party.
The declar;4rion of its national eon ven
ison is sincerely made, and no member of
our party will be found excusing the ex
istence, or belittling the pernicious re
sults ot these
DEVICES TO WRONG THE PEOPLE.
Under various names they have been
punished by the Qommon law for hun
dreds of years, and they have lost none j
of their hateful features because they j
have assumed tin.* name of trusts instead I
of conspiracies. We believe that these j
trusts are the natural off-spring of a
market artificially restricted; that an
inordinately high tariff, besides furnish
ing temptation for their existence, en- ,
larges the limit within which they may |
operate against the people, and thus in- |
creases the extent of their power for j
wrongdoing. With unalterable hatred!
of all such schemes, we count the check- !
ing of their baleful operations among '
ike good results promised by revenue re- !
form.
\\ hile we cannot avoid partisan mis- i
representation, our position upon the |
question of revenue reform should be so j
plainly stated as to admit of no ini sun- !
derstaiiding.
Yv e have entered upon
NO CRUSADE OF FREE TRADE.
The reform we seek to inaugurate is
predicated upon the utmost care forth 1
established industries and enterprises, a
jealous regard for the interests of Amer
ican labor and the sincere desire to re
lieve the country from the injustice and
danger of a condition which threatens
evil to all the people ot the land.
We are dealing with no imigiuary dan
ger. Its existence has been repeatedly
confessed by all political parties, and
pledges of remedy have been made on all
sides.
Yet, when in a legislative body, where
under the constitution all remedial meas
ures applicable to this subject must
originate, the Democratic majority were
attempting with extreme moderation
to redeem the pledge common to both
parties, they were met by a determined
opposition and obstruction; and the mi
nority, refusing to co-operate in the
house of representatives or propose an
other remedy, have remitted the redemp
tion of their party pledge to the doubt
ful power of the Senate.
The people will hardly be deceived by
their abandonment of the field of legisla
tion to meet in a political convention
and flippantly declare in their party plat
form that this conservative and careful
effort to relieve the situation is
DESTRUCTIVE TO THE AMERICAN SYSTEM
of protection. Nor will the people be
misled by an appeal to prejudice con
tained in the absurd allegation that we
serve the interests of Europe, while they
will support the interests of America.
They propose in their platform to thus
support the interests of our country by
removing the internal revenue tax from
tobacco and from spirits used in the arts
and for mechanical purposes. They de
clare also that there should be such a
revision of our tariff laws as shall tend
to check the importation of such articles
as are produced here. Thus, in propos
ing to increase the duties on such arti
cles to nearly or quite the prohibitory
point, tney confess themselves willing to
travel backwards in the road of civiliza
tion and to deprive our people of the
markets for their goods, which can only
be gained and kept by the semblance, at
least, of
INTER-CHANGE OF BUSINESS.
While they abandon our consumers to
the oppression oi domestic trusts and
combinations which are, in the same
platform, perfunctorily condemned.
They propose further, to release entire
ly from import duties all foreign produc
tion (except luxuries) the like of which
cannot be produced in this country. The
plain people of the land and the poor,
who scarcely use articles of any descrip
tion produced exclusively abroad and
not already free, will And it difficult to
discover where their interests are bene
fitted in this proposition. They need in
their homes cheaper domestic necessa
ries and this seems to be entirely unpro
vided for in this proposed scheme to
serve the country. Small compensation
for this neglected need is found in the
further purpose here announced and cov
ered by the declaration, that if after tlie
changes already mentioned there still re
mains a larger revenue than is requisite
for the wants of the government, the en
tire internal taxation should be repealed
“rather than surrender any part of our
protective system.”
Our people ask relief from the undue
and unnecessary burden of tariff taxa
tion now renting upon them. They are
offered instead
FREE TOBACCO AND FREE WHISKY.
They ask lor bread and they are given
a stone.
The implicatiotk'contained in tin’s party
declaration that desperate measures are
justified or necessary to save from de
struction or surrender what is termed
our protective system should confuse no
erne. The existence of such a system is
entirely consistent with the regulation of
extent to which it should be applied, and
correction of its abuses. Of course in a
country as large as ours, with such a
wonderful variety of interests, often
leading in entirely different direction, it
is difficult, if not impossible, to settle
upon a perfect tariff plan. But in ac
complishing the reform we have entered
upon the necessity which is obvious I be
lieve we should not le content with the
reduction of revenue 1 involving the pro
hibition of importations and the re
moval of the internal tax upon whisky.
It can be better and more safely done
within the lines of granting actual relief
to the people in their means of living,
and at the same time giving an
IMPETUS TO OUR DOMESTIC ENTERPRISES
and furthering our national welfare.
If misrepresentations of our purposes
and motives are to gain credence and de
feat our present effort in this direction,
there seems to be no* reason why every
endeavor in the future to accomplish
revenue reform should not be likewise
attacked, and with like result.
And yet no thoughtful man can fail to
see in the continuance of the present bur
dens of the people, and the abstraction
by government of the currency of U •
country, inevitable distress and disaster.
All danger will be averted by timely ac
tion. The difficult;, of applying tie - rem
edy will never be less, and the blame
should not bo laid at the door of the
Democratic party if it is applied too late.
With firm faith in the intelligence and
patriotism of our countrymen, and re
lying upon the conviction that misrepre
sentation will not influence them, preju
dice will not cloud their understanding,
and that menace v,ill not intimidate
them, let us urge the people's interest
and public duty for the vindication of
our attempt to inaugurate a righteous
and a beneficent reform.
Grover Cleveland.
History of Miss Ifavevgal’s Noted Hymn.
Times of Refreshing.
Miss Havergal. one day in the spring
of 1878 (about a year before her call
home), while walking around her garden
at Leamington, said to her nurse, “I
want to tell you of the gentle way by
which the Lord led one to Himself whom
I have long known. He had for years
avoided all services. But ip the first
year of this leading he began to come to
church, sitting just inside the lobbv.
The next year he sat just inside the
church. The third year he began seat
ing those who came, and took a comfor
table seat himself. A short time after
this I went by invitation to stay with
his family. As 1 alighted from the car
riage he met me at the door and said:
“Miss Havergal, 1 hope you have come
to be a great blessing to us.’’ On his
saying that, I wont straight to my room
and asked God to give me every soul in
that house, and before I left my prayer
was answered. Ten in number, they all
became anxious about ther souls and
found peace. The night, this transpired
I was so overjoyed I could uot sleep. As
I lay awake the lines oi the hymn—
Take my life and let it be
Consecrated, Lord, to Thee;
Take my moments and my days,
Let them flow in ceaseless praise,
passed through my mind, and I put
them down in pencil. The next morn
ing I was writing to Rev. , the head
of the Irish Society, and I enclosed these
pencilled lines. He had, strange to say,
just been preparing an address on con
secration, which he delivered to several
hundred people. In the middle of his
discourse he read these lines aloud.
After the service a gentleman came to
him and asked if lie might have them
printed. He did so; and thus within
three weeks after they had passed
through my mind t housands of copies
were circulated in England and Ireland.
This Year in Georgia..
This year in Georgia there are (5,605
more voters than last year.
There are!,2l4 more white voters than
last year.
Though the number of able-bodied men
has increased, the number of workers be
tween 12 and 65 years of age has de
creased from 01,087 to 87,796.
There are 49 railroad presidents and
only 13 superintendents.
Improved land has increased 247,206
acres, and it is worth $2,141,985 more
than last year.
The value of horses, mules, sheep and
cattle has increased $999,064.
There is $33,099 less of watches,
jewelry and silverware.
There are 120,785 more dollars inves
ted in plantation and mechanical tools.
There were 699,137 dollars worth of
cotton, corn and provisions held by
farmers on April first—s337,6s7 more
than last year.
Town and city property lias increased
in value $4,400,291.
Bank shares are worth $1,358,190
*more than last year.
Merchandise is worth $545,312 more
than last year.
This is the story of the tax digests for
1888. It isa story of prosperity among'
the farmers, prosperity iy the cities and
towns; better stock, better cattle, better
tools, bettor furniture, and more com
fcJrt in all the walks of life.
E^ou U ;* Ore iitr hvei;.. ,aj!i w .
Kennesaw Gazette.
The officers of the Western A Atlantic
Railroad are receiving requests from
several sources for statistics oi the
amount of minerals moved from Bartow
county within the past three years or
more.
The com pan\ endeavors to satisfy the
questioners that the best thing to do 'is
not to bother about the matter of trans
porting the ores out of the country, but
to establish . irnac<-*s in thecouii% •
There is no better region in America
for successful iron n ami fact urir.g than
the region around Cartersviiie; but we
may add, rather in the nature of i post
script, that Bartow county is able to
supply all the furnaces that capitalists
will establish there, and at tne same
time to send out three times as u, , :h ore
per year as has previously been the east
to the furnaces in Tennessee, Alabama,
Pennsylvania and other Stales.
The members or the new iy appointed
executive committee of the
party of Barrow . <,nnt.> are re we ted
NO. It.
