Georgia Historic Newspapers

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nmMH-sny one yt\sr, - - . . fJM
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iim'iii) 1 ? throe month's - 0
club r.ytrx
i en rear, ... ta 00
Ywwty cvvi - one ye*r, - - - 35 00
. ifty ooph one year, .... 30 to
To He j- iul for lavarriaUiy in tutvauor.
I
Proil --ional < Yiinls.
. A't i.'* n. i onv11:>,
\ r r O K X K Y - A V - l - A AV
a. X. NEK!..
TRIPI’E & M. LI..
VTTORN KX’ -A. T'-L -V AV .
* t VRTKusVILLE, GA.
\\ -ILL Fit At TICE IN ALL THE COURTS,
\\ i*. ;h Mato and Federal, except Bartow
■ i v criminal court. .1. M. Neel alone will
• !. ice in -aid last mentioned eourt. Office in
,i i.enst corner of court house hnildinjr. feb27
1 VO. I . MOON. IMH'OLAS WIKLE.
MOON A WIKLE,
\ 1 I ornevs-at-L a \v,
< ARTERSVILLE. GA.
I , - Office in Bank Block, over the Postoffice.
W. T. WOFFORD,
A XT' ORNEY-AT - L A W,
AND —
DEALER IN REAL ESTATE,
. kSS ST kTIOX, BARTOW COUNTY, GA,
T. W. H. HARRIS,
is i:\ - A r -i, aW,
t ARTERSVILLE, GA.
IJB.UTH K- IN ALL THE COURTS OF
1 Bartow and adjoining counties, and will
initlifui > attend to at! business entrusted to him.
< iffice over postoffiee. deco-ly
R. W. MCEPHEY,
A T X 6 Iv X' IT, Y -AT- LA AV ,
t ARTERSVILLE, GA.
OFFICE up-stairs} in the brick building, cor
s,Cr of Main & Erwin streets. julylS.
,J. A. BAKER,
A T T O IL X E Y-AT -L A W ,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
\\"ILL practice in all the courts of Bartow
\\ and adjoining counties. Prompt atten
tion cl tnesa entrusted to nis eare.
in Bank Block over the post office.
r. I). GRAH AM. A. M. FOCTE.
OF. \n \NI & FOUTE,
ATT 01 1 X EX"S-A T-I , A AV.
( \RTERSYILLE, GA.
rustic- i•: ■: the courts of Bartow county, the
snpcii-T t of North-west Georgia, arid the
Supreme Courts at Atlanta.
< . e w si -ide public Square, up-stairs over
IV*. \V. Rich & < o's. store, second door south of
. ...ice. July 18.
V. ’ . JIILSU. J. W. HARRIS, JB.
MILNER & HARRIS,
A i 011 XEX'S -A T -LA AV ,
( ARTERSVILLE, GA.
Oil! -e ; V t Main street. julylS
F. AI. .JOHNSON, Dentist,
• Stokely & 'Williams store.)
( V HTEBSVILLE, GEORGIA.
; WILL ML . L! TIL EXTRACT TEETH,
put i,; teeth, or do any work in my lino
warranted. Refer to my pat-
P,M. .JOHNSON.
JOHN T# OWEN,
(A - . s • & Co.'s Drug Store.)
CARTEESVILLE, GA.
v flt, • Wateties, Clocks and Jewelry.
\\ i u. it-. Silver and Silver-Plated
<. , _i r t w il] -.-il them as cheap as they can
i.* UeVht an v where. Warranted to prove as
n <r'-seated Vll work done bv me warranted
to give -aiiVtai-tion. Give me a* call. jnlylH.
CHAS. B. WILLINGHAM,
Stenographic Court Reporter.
jnoME judicial circuit.]
t MIKE a CLEAN RECORD OF CASES,
taking down the testimony entire; also, ob
jections ol attorneys, rulings of the court, amt
the h rge of the court, w ithout stopping the
-ritirn —r otherwise delaying the judicial pro-
Chargec very reasonable and sat is
(action guaranteed. _ _____
■ fa rm —anrar
Traveler's G-nide. _
C OOSA RIVER NAYIGATION.
Oa and after December 16th. 1878, the following
-ehetiule will be run bv the steamers MAGNO
LIA or ETOWAH Blf-L:
Leave Home Tuesday Bam
Arrive at Gadsden \\ ednesday ....bam
Leave Gadsden Wednesday 7pm
Arrive at Home Thursday * p in
Leave Home Friday .Bam
\rrive at Gadsden Saturday <am
Arrives at Green'port 9am
Arrive at Home'•aturday 6pm
.1. M. ELLIOTT. President and GenT Sup t.
ROME RAILROAD COMPANY.
On and after Sunday, June 3rd, trains on this
Road will run as follows:
I>AY TRAIN —KYBBY DAY.
Leave Rome . . ® a m
Arrive at Rome 12:00 m
SATCBDAY EVENING ACCOMMODATION.
T>eave Rome :00 p m
Arri ve at Home 8:00 p m
( IIEROKE E R AILRO AD.
On ami after Monday. April 7, 1879, the train
on this Road will run daily as follows (Sunday
excepted):
GOING WEST. Arrive. Leave.
Cartersville 2 :30 p m
-tilesGmi 3:20 pm .Li, pm
Taylorsville 3:45 pm 4:o„pra
Roikmart 5:00 pm
GOING EAST. „ _
Rook mart 6:00 am
TarlorvYilie * ..... 6:50 am 7:15 am
-tile-boro 2 -Warn 7:45 am
Cartereville 8:15 am
WILLIA M M AClt AE, Suj/t.
WESTERN AND ATLANTIC R. R.
Yhß following is tlic present &ch6<I
MGHT TABBKSfGMR —t’P*
I.cave Atlanta *355?
1 .i ve Carter *vi He p m
ive
i a. e * P “
Arrive at Chattanooga p m
NIGHT PASSENGER —DOWN.
1/ Chat’aic,ga pin
.
i , . , , . , . . . . B;o9pm
• • Can- P 1,1
. rive at Atlanta .-00 p m
DAY PASSESGEB—VP.
I ave Atlanta 5:20 am
ir.vi viiie ....••*• i : -* iani
:slave K>njr ton ‘ :i j! ‘ 4
.arrive at Chasusnooga a m
rAY V A• ENOEB —DOWN.
Vrrive atCarii" rice * . . . • < :58pm
CARTWMVIIXB ACC 0 >O4OI, A T ION —DOWN,
i.. L. ),n < 111 ill.lt, iuoprJetoir.
( CONVENIENT TO THE DEPOT, AND ITS
\ / tables supplied wUtftbc, very best the mark
••riuc.wG. * nog*.
COL €ll not.si:,
(Kingston, Georgia.)
rpHIS LARGE AND COMFORTABLE
1 House i-* tow keptbv W. W. Rainey. The
traveling public will find good, plain accommo
datior,g. Parties wishing board through the
newer will Had Kingston one of the healthiest
and quietest localities in Upper Georgia. Three
qr four familtea can get comfortable rooms in
view of trains. Terms very reasonable,
f)y&. W. VV. RAfNEV.
VOLUME I.
ROME'S FOURTH.
To Tht Fro Press':
It had been fully twenty years since
the national .birth-lay was celebrated bv
thepe.ipleof Floyd. Not that the j>eo
ple off lovd bad forgotten the thousand
glorious incidents that hang about “the
fourth.*" Nor had they come to consider
: hem unworthy of preservation; hut the
pomp and hilarity of the ancient
‘‘fourth'* seemed incongruous to a peo
ple that mourned. Its pomp and hilari
ty ha<i given place for solemn reflec
: i'di-: retleetions mingled with i any re
grets iudeed, but not one thought that
disregarded the high distinction of the
day on which great principles, that had
ever been ignored by rulers and law ma
kers, were first promulgated, so as to
five promise of universal adoption.
But, by time is sorrow healed, and oft
we learn to bless the providence that
made us weep. The habiliments of
mourning are at length changed for the
gaudy apparel of mirth, and joy becomes
more demonstrative because so long con
fined. This figure faintly illustrates how
tlie “fourth of July” spirit in otir
midst, though never dead, has been for a
a time prevented, and hints at the cause
of that extreme interest which was man
ifested.
All the preparations were most extrav
agant. The Home Light Guards, one of
the finest military organizations of the
state, first excited the alarm of the pru
dent, by proposing to collect on that day
at Rome, the military of the state. The
citizens on masse proclaimed it a holiday,
and invited the near and the remote
neighbor to lay aside all work and once
more shout together over achievements
of our fathers.
Capt. John Milledge, of Atlanta, was
chosen to read the “Declaration of In
dependence.” The fact that Senator
Morgan, of Alabama, was selected to de
liver the oration, proved that the fourth
iid not propose to be child’s play, and
;'SStired all that whatever else might hap
pen, to distinguish the davT that great
rowds would pour in from all parts of
he country. Everybody began to pre
pare. ‘.‘The fourth,” “on the fourth,”
“before the fourth,” “after the fourth,”
were stereotyped phrases that could be
intelligently represented by a— in every
conversation. A loft}' pole was erected
in the centre of Broad street, and a flag
of magnificent dimensions, presented to
lie city by Lieutenant Marshall, was to
>e hoisted at sunrise and sainted. Gov
ernor Colquitt was under promise to be
present and the excitement 'was already
begun. These weie the preparations
which put expectation on tiptoe, it only
remained to await the result,
The military companies which were to
be a prominent and appropriate feature
of the day’s programme began to arrive
>u the 2nd. First, the Griffin Light
Guards, then the Chatham Artillery and
afterwards the Gate City Guards and the
5 iovernor's Guards, from Atlanta. The
place chosen for the encampment, was a
beautiful grove in the edge of the city,
nd thither the visiting companies were
escorted by the Rome Light Guards,
i’ageantry and processions fast became
he passion of the hour, and on the eve
f the close of the 3d, the file and the
settle drum, with the heavy tread of
marshalling squadrons had awakened an
nthusiasm and foreshadowed the bril
iianev of the morrow.
The fourth dawned clearly and before
sunrise onr streets were alive with hur
rying and shouting crowds. Just as the
unclouded sun w as guilding our hill tops
slowly and majestically rose the “stars
and stripes. 1 ” The volley of musketry
and the boom of artillery that first set
;he still air in motion around them was a
Sitting salute to the national emblems,
and a thundering announcement that the
lay had began.
The procession was formed about ten
o’clock. By that that time over five
thousand people had gathered in the city
and crowds from the country in every
direction continued to pur in. All man
ner of vehicles and beasts of burden
were treading and grinding the streets
into dust. Six military companies in
full dress uniform marching to the thrill
ing music of two brass brands furnished
the pomp and parade if not the circum
-tances of war. This gorgeous pageant
-lowly moving down one street and up
another until the whole city and the vast
crowd is gathered in its wake passes in
'rand review before the governor, and
hence on to the appointed place for hear
ing the orator of the day.
In the absence of Capt. Milledge,
Judge J. W. 11. Underwood, our most
; distinguished citizen, ever zealous in the
auso of principle, of peace, and of pros
:>erity, was cliosen to read that ancient
declaration which sounded the knell of
royalty in North America. Then came
the address of Alabama’s great senator.
It was no trouble for a speaker possessing
the noble bearing, the honest counte
nance, the candid tone and the patriotic
record of Senator Morgan to lay hold of
the hearts of his audience. For over one
hour the weary throng pressed around
the stand and endured the melting heat
of the noon day sun, anxious to catch
•very word that fell from the lips of the
je*aker. The interest increased towards
the close and culminated, after a glorious
peroration of a delighted audience. The
Chatham ArtLlery then fired the nation
d salute. Thirty-eight heavy shots, that
made I tome tremble as sbe had not since
Sherman placed his heavy foot upon her.
With the exception of an amusing epi
ode in the shape of a tub race, the in
cre-t of the day here ceased except so
ar as the pushing and hurrying masses
dong the streets continued the confusion
of the day.
No people were ever happier, nor
prouder, nor more patriotic, than the
people of Itorue as they called back to
their memories, and glorified the princi
ples of-1770.
THE FREE PRESS.
HON. ROBERT TOOMBS.
Tlh- Early Tooiabses an<l Their Origin—
On the Hustings—Seut to Congress—
In the Secession Whirl—Views
on Mr. Davis—Why the
South Failed, Etc.
‘H. W. G.” in Philadelphia Times, July t>th.
Atlanta, Ga., July I.— The recent
speech made by General “Bob” Toombs
in the case of the state against ex-Treas
urer Jack Jones disclosed an alarming
condition of physical weakness on the
part of the old man eloquent, and gave
t<Ki plain evidence that his race has been
nearly run. Three or four times he had
to totter to his chair and sit down and
rest. Ilis mind is still powerful, and his
frame is massive and erect, hut it is quite
clear that he is not equal to m iny sus
tained efforts. The people of Georgia
never loved any man better than they
love General Toombs, and the signs of his
breaking down have awakened a tender
interest in him and all that to him per
tains. He is the most remarkable man
in many respects that the south ever
produced, and it is doubtful if the re
cords of a lordlier life than his can be
found in the history of our republic. He
has never moved as other men, nor work
ed by ordinary methods. He has been
lavish in his opinions, kingly in all his
ways; disdaining all expedients or de
liberations, and moving to his ambitions
with a princely assumption that has nev
er been gainsayed by the people, and sel
dom by circumstances. Senator Beck, of
Kentucky, once said to me: “I have
known most of the great men of this
country, but I have yet to see rhe man
that is, in my opinion, the equal of
Toombs.”
The life of General Toombs reads like a
romance. Ilis ancestors were English
royalists, and followed the fortunes of
Charles 11. They owned, it is said, the
retreat sought by that luckless king at
Boscabel, after the battle of Worcester.
They left England shortly after this
event and settled in Virginia. During
the revolutionary war a regiment of Vir
ginia troops was sent to Georgia, after
the losses at Savannah and Dry creek at
the request of the Georgia authorities.
The father of Gen. Toombs, then a mere
boy, was a major in the regiment. At
the close of the war the state gave to each
officer and private of this regiment a
handsome estate. Major Toombs select
ed a tract in what is now Wilkes county,
and settled down. As he was the young
er son, and the law of primogeniture,
then of force in Virginia, would have
been given him but little of his father’s
*s!.-itm In this way also came the Ter
m's Whitfield’s and many other distin
guished families to Georgia.
Robert Toombs was born in ISIO, and
is now Oh years of age. He \vn - sent to
lie university of Georgia, where he was
iistinguishe<i for his ability, and from
which he Mas expelled for fighting. He
lien went to the university of Virginia
and read law. He returned to his home
and began the practice of his profession.
Ie Mas very successful. Before he was
;:* years of age, having made $150,000 in
.Ves and profits, his income being $20,000
■r ami'-ni at least for two or three years.
When he was 27 years of age he \va<
elected to the lower house of fhe .legisla
ture. Then commenced a political ca
reer unequalled in Georgia for brilliancy.
While Stephens, Cobb and Crawford M'ere
ighting stubbornly and M’itli varying
luck, and Ben Hill, then a brilliant
youngster, was beaten at the polls, after
sweeping the hustings, Toombs took his
honors without a struggle, and as if by
divine right. He won distinction in the
legislature by breaking down an omnibus
bill granting state aid to railroads for all
sections of the state, assaulting first the
scheme to build a road to his own tOM ii.
He followed this work by taking the
finances of the state out of the hands of
the old managers, and preparing a bill
that at once sent state bank notes from
about 40 up to 100 per cent. While in
the legislature he was nominated for con
gress and made the race. Although there
was a majority of 1,500 against, and the
great McDuffie was imported to meet the
young irresistible, he carried his district
by a rousing majority. The bitterness of
Georgia politics at this period cannot be
expressed. The state was split into per
sonal factions led by Clark and Crawford,
and the feeling Mas intensely bitti-r. The
two leaders met twice on the field of
honor, and it was charged that Clark sent
a gallant young felloM' named Van Allen
to kill Crawford; who, however, fought
a duel with him. The Toombses, as did
all the imported Virginians, espoused the
cause of Crawford. The elder Toombs
had a personal encounter with Clark,
while Robert led the younger wing of
the Craw ford party through all the tur
bulent campaigns. Toombs remained in
congress eight years, and was elected to
the senate while in the house, succeeding
lion. J. McPherson Berrien. He enter
ed the senate in 1853 and Mas re-elected
in 1857. On both occasions his election
Mas virtually unanimous and Mas won
without a struggle. He was never beat
en in a popular election, and w T as in ac
tive public life from 1837, when he en
tered the legislature, until 1865, when he
escaped from New Orleans. All the time
he was a leading actor in the stirring
scenes with which he was surrounded,
and his reminiscenses and speculations as
to his colleagues and their actions are ex
ceedingly interesting. In a long talk
with your correspondent he talked freely
of the events that led up to secession—the
organization of the secession govern
ment —the causes of the failure of the
; confederacy; of his ffight after the col
lapse; of his opinions of reconstruction;
and threw- much light on these interest
ing topics. I shail let him tell these
things in his own words:
TOOMBS A UNION MAN FOR TEARS.
I have always believed in the sover
eignty of the state, but I have been very
much misunderstood on the subject of
secession. I have never believed the
j constitution of the United States was a
good one, and as an original question I
1 never would have voted tor it—hut l was
not the blatant secessionist that I have
been represented, that is, up to the time
that 1 thought there wo§ no pea' e or se
curity for my people in the union. Then
I determined to lead them out of a com
pact that was protected by nothing but
faith: was shown to have no good faith
ii kof it. My first vote was for An
: drew Jackson, but I fell out with him
about the nullification troubles. In 1850
I supported the Clay compromise very
strongly. Many of ray constituents w'ere
hot-headed then, hilt I thought the union
could be saved, and l stood by Mr. Clay.
It has never been ray custom to consult
my constituents on public matters.
When, therefore, they became angered
at my adherence to the compromise that
promised to save the union, I only stuck
to it the close MlKi saw in it a fair, liber
al, statesmanfiro to the fa
naticism of the north, ami as such l 7a
vored it. My position’ was may; an is
sue in Georgia, and a eonven#? Wat the
people was called. I came home to de
fend it. I united with How ell Cobh, who
was conspicuous just then for having re
fused to sign the “southern address,”
arm with "Alec Stephens, w ho stood upon
f ARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA. THURSDAY MORNING. JULY 17. 1879.
about the same ground I did. Mr. Cobh
ran for governor, Mr. Stephens for con
gress, and I fought, for my record.
We whipped the fire-eaters out and
carried the state handsomely. I stood
by these views of compromise in the
union .-ulrstantially, until a ter the fail
ure of the Crittenden compromise. In
the campaign of 1860, I supported Breck
enridge in that campaign. Mr. Stephens
supported Douglas, and Ben Hill sup
ported Bell. We led the three elements
in Georgia at that time. After Lincoln’s
election I saw that trouble was brewing,
but I was still unwilling to commit my
self to secession. And then, too, Iw as
not certain that Georgia could be carried
on that issue. Stephens and Hill were
both for union. I telegraphed Breeken
ridge asking him to appoint a representa
tive committee that would offer some
compromise to meet the pressing exigen
cy. He appointed on this committee,
among others, Crittenden to represent
Bell and Everett, or rather the men who
had supported them; Jeff. Davis and
myself for his friends; Seward for Lin
coln, and Douglas himself. The Crit
tenden compromise was oily red. I sup
]orted it heartily and sincerely, although
tlie sullen obstinacy of Seward had made
it almost impossible to do anything. For
supporting this compromise I was de
nounced in Georgia by Ben Hill as hav
ing betrayed my section and my people.
I didn’t mind this at all, as Ben is always
denouncing somebody or something. At
length I saw that the compromise meas
ures must fail. With a persistent obsti
nacy that I have never yet seen surpass
ed, Seward and his hackers refused every
overture. 1 then telegraphed to Atlanta,
“All is at an end. North determined.
Seward will not budge an inch. Am in
favor of secession.” Then the fight was
fairly opened. I still felt doubtful about
carrying the state. The people were de
termined against submission to the un
just encroachments of the north, hut
t here were many who favored some sort
of compromise measures; and others
who wanted to wait for co-operation,
and still others who feared to take so
desperate a step. And let me say right
here tlpit I never doubted the gravity of
the situation. The statement that I said
that I would drink all the blood that was
<pilt is one of the stereotyped lies they
have circulated about me. When I left
the senate, 1 knew it meant war, and I
said In my farewell speech that the next
time 1 looked upon Washington I thought
it would be at the head of southern
troops. You will see later how serious
I thought the war would lie. After a
heated campaign the secession conven
tion met. 1 was doubtful about the re
sult, even after 1 had looked over the
role. I felt that the current must be
turned before the voting came. I
went to work with the delegates, there
fore. Aleck Stephens thought he had
me. He said the convention would never
vote to secede. I told him I thought it
would, lie then said: “Well, if*you
will put a fair, square resolution of se
cession ana carry it, I will go with vou.
I only insist that it shall not be optivocal
iike tlie Alabama ordinance.” 1 replied :
•] do not see Aleck, how we can make se
cession more definite than by repealing
tlie act of accession. But to satisfy you
hat I am sincere, you write the resolu
tion yourself, and l w ill thea put it as
you offer it.” And he did so. I have
often laughed at him about having writ
ten the resolution of secession for Geor
gia. When it was put we carried it by
thirty-odd votes. Even after this 1 was
not satisfied that the people of Georgia
were for secession or would stand by it,
and I weitf to work to reconcile all the
elements. To show that the movement
did not mean the elevation of the Breck
enridge wing, 1 agreed to give the oppo
dtion four out of nine delegates to the
provisional congress called in Montgom
ery. This we did in good faith, and this
had very much to do with solidifying the
state. Hill and Stephens and their fol
lowers came in and the people were soon
united.
HOW' MR. DAVIS WAS MADE PRESIDENT.
“What about the Meeting in Mont
gomery ?”
“The secret history ef that meeting has
never been given. The majority of the
delegates were opposed to the election of
Mr. Davis. His own state (Mississippi)
was opposed to him, and if the vote had
been cast by delegates rather than by
states, he could never have been elected.
Carolina was for Davil all the time. He
'Liited the extreme views of that state,
and Mr. Bhett held tie delegates w r ell in
hand. Florida had only three votes.
One of these Anderson was an old school
fellow- of Davis, and Owens was a Caro
linian and under the influence of Rhett,
they out-voted the third delegate and
gave Davis the state With these two
states, each counting as much as Geor
gia, he secured the Alabama delegation
by one vote, by means of which I will
not discuss. Georgia, Mississippi and
Louisiana would ha*e preferred either
Mr. Cobb or myself, but neither of us
were candidates, and neither would con
sent to have a struggle. So they agreed
with the three states that had spoken.
Texas, informally represented, acqui
esced, and Mr. Davis Vas elected. 1 was
not on good terms with Mr. Davis. He
appointed me secretary of state and I de
clined to accept it, {referring to go at
once to the field. 1 wts urged to recon
sider, and at length I (Id so, feariiq. t j lMt
my refusal might be >on- ! “ ere(1 sig _
niff cant of a lac* ot - jf w ” s
never satisfied with nir position in the
cabinet. The trouble was that too many
of our leaders sought jlaces, when they
were needed in the field I secured our
negotiations as beligeifnts, established
relations with the unheeded southern
states, and then insistedon retiring.
By this time other starts had joined us,
and I felt that the cahimt should be re
orgai Red. I suggested to Mr/Da vis that
he ask for the resignationof all the port- !
folios, that all the latter States might be
represented. He said he disliked to do |
so, and I then said I would do it for him.
lie acquiesced in this, and I informed
the cabinet of what l haf thought of
doing and w hat I thought they should
do. It was a bombshell In the ranks.
They asked me if Mr. Davis had sent me
me to them, I then told them exactly 1
what had happened. But they declined j
to give up their places. I then resigned
and went to the field.”
WHY THE CONFEDERACY FAILED.
“What, in your opinion, vfts the cause
of the failure of the eoufedeiacy ?”
“If I had to give one act that was most
fatal, I should say the conscript act. That
demoralized the troops and the country.
There was no necessity for it, and it
sprung from Mr. Davis’s desire to have
the appointment of officers. He was
crazy over his West Point martinets, and j
when he eouid not appoint the officers of
the volunteers, he went to congress and
demanded the conscript law and got it.
1 said at the time, “The cause is lost and
this should be its epitaph: “Killed by
West Point.”’ In general terms the ab
-olute inefficiency at Richmond was the
cause of our failure. Davis is a remarka
ble character. He is a good writer, and
that is all. He was a slow man and al
ways acted rashly at last. His delay was
not caused by deliberation, hut was a
combination of variety and a refusal to
think. He is a very small military man.
His idea of war was based on the expe
rience in the Breckenridge campaign. I
told him that 90 per cent, of war was
business—that we must organize victory
rattier than trust to fighting entirely. I
urged him to send to England to buy all
rhe arms there. He ordered S.OuO rifles.
Joe Brown had more arms for a long
time than the confederacy had. Under
pretence of giving unionists time to leave
rhe south. 1 kept our ports open for 60
days. No new government ever started
with such unlimited credit as we had.
We had any amount of cotton offered us,
and urged Mr. Davis to send this to En
gland as fast as it could be carried and
buy ships and arms with it. We could
have borrowed any amount we wanted.
The first loan was $50,000, when it should
have been $5,000,000. But it seemed to
be impossible to get the government to
look at the matter in a serious light. I
advanced some $15,000 mvself for office
rent, etc. Semmes was there begging
for cotton and pledging himself to bring
hack ships and arms for every hale he
took. He finally got, I think, 300 bales.
The financial records of the confedera
cy was a failure that would have been
ludicrous had it not been so serious.
With unlimited credit, hacked by a rich
and patriotic people, and controlling the
leading staple of the world, our bills were
soon so low down that it was said the
government run the presses all day, and
the niggers run them all night. Had the
first sixty days of the confederate govern
ment been properly improved, we could
have so organized that defeat would have
been impossible. At one time it was
announced that there was an error of
$600,000,000 in the amount of bills out
and the amount on the books of the gov
ernment. There tvas never a moment
during the war when Davis actually ap
preciated the situation. Why, after the
march of the confederates from Rappa
hannock to Sharpsburg and back again,
when they had swept everything before
them, Davis thought the war over, and
actually began to quarrel about who had
whipped it. He M-as its jealous as a Bar
bary hen, and once started to have me
arrested for ridiculing him. lam thor
oughly satisfied that the establishment of >
a government under Mr. Davis was an
impossibility. Indeed, tlie fight was
haphazard from beginning to end, with
out method or statesmanship, and sus
tained only by miraculous valor, as long
as it was. The constitution was a good j
one, hut there praise of the confederate
government, as to its works, must end.”
TnE ROMANCE OF TOOMBS'S ESCAPE.
“Did you see much of Mr. Davis dur
ing the Mar?”
“Not much after I left his cabinet.
Our relationship to that time had been
pleasant enough. The confederate gov
ernment went to pieces in the little town
ai M'lfich I live. Mr. Breckenridge, Mr.
Reagan and others came to my house.
Mr. Davis stayed at a neighbor's house.
From that point each man went to save
limself. I saddled my mare, Gray Al
ice, and put out of my back gate for the
mountains. I was disguised in the most
effectual manner. I had my whiskers
painted red, and was dressed in journev
up jeans elothes. I was known as Major
Morton. 1 bought a clipper that was to
sail with me from near Columbus. I had
worked my way down the riv-r when
the Yankees captured my little ship. 1
went hack to the mountains, a id next
struck out for Mobile, where i was shel
tered by Miss Evans, the authoress of
’Beulah, “St. Elmo,” etc. From Mo
bile I went o New Orleans, and was
taken out b> a British ship. I went to
Havana, and thence to Fiance. After I
returned to America I heard that Badeau
wanted me and I went through to Cana
da, stayed there awhile and then I came
home.”
THE LAST OATH TOOMBS EVER TOOK.
“Have you ever taken the oath of
allegiance to the United States govern
ment?”
“No, sir. The last oath I took was to
the confederate states, and I shall never
take another. Ido not like the general
government and I would not consent to
serve it in any capacity. It is a tempo
rary concern*at best.' The constitution
has no power within itself to enforce it
It depends solely on the good faith of the
people, and that guarantee oannot
I'ontinue to bind together a great country
of diverse interests. I have" never really
believed since 1850 that this union was a
perpetuity. The terrible experience of
die late war will probably deter an} T fac
tion from making a row for the next few
years. Had it not been for this the west
might have precipitated a collision dur
ing the election muddle of 1876. I have
no faith in the Puritan New Englander—
the fellows that Macau ley said were op
posed to bear-baiting, not because it hurt
the bear, but because it pleased the peo
ple. As to the talk about the northern
people forgiving me, I have nothing to
say. As I haven’t forgiven them, and
don’t expect to, I am indifferent as to the
state of their feelings.”
THE GREATEST AMERICAN THAT EVER LIVEP i
“Who was the greatest man with |
whom you were thrown in public life?” !
“All in all, Mr. \\ ebstP’; was the great- ;
est ever Knew. Xot the most elo- I
( l uenf , out the greatest. Asa regulator :
of men, Clay was his superior, and on
occasions clay was as eloquent as men !
could well be.' Calhoun was the greatest
logician I ever knew. It may seem j
strange, but the two most eloquent men
I ever heard were yankees, Choate and j
Prentiss. They were incomparable.
Prentiss was the most eloquent, proba- I
bly, but Choate was the best debater. I
-aw Choate and Webster pitted once and
to Webster’s discomfiture. In those days
our statesmen were much better scholars
than they are now. There was less gen
eral education, but higher special educa
tion. The greatest southerner I ever
knew, and probably the greatest man
ever produced by the south, was Mc-
Duffie, the most eloquent southerner,
and W. C. Preston.”
“Both Carolinians?”
“Xo, sir, McDuffie was a Georgian and
Preston a Virginian. Randolph was a
remarkable man, but depended more upon
his executive unique manner than upon
his real greatness. Tazewell was one of
the most finished orators X ever heard,
and W. L. Yancey was emphatically a
first-class talker.”
“What is your opinion of the presi
dents with whom you were thrown?”
“I knew every president personally,
except Washington, Jefferson and the j
elder Adams. I saw Jackson inaugu
rated, and sat by Quincy Adam* when he
died. I was not intimate, perhaps, with
Pierce, the best gentleman of them all. 1
lie did not have any especial force, but
was clever and correct. Mr. Fillmore
was a fine scholar, and an honest man.
lie asked me to join his cabinet, and of
fered me the secretaryship of the treasu
ry. I declined to accept it, and suggest
ed Governor Jenkins, of Georgia, as a
proper man. He then offered Jenkins
the navy, which was declined. Mr. Tay
lor had already offered me the secretary
ship of war, which I declined, suggest
ing George W, Crawford, who was ap-
I pointed. Taylor was the most ignorant
president of them all. It was amazing
how little le knew. He was a soldier,
and nothing else. Van Buren wis prob
ably the most accomplished statesman,
hut he was not a broad man. He was
; shrewd rather than sagacious or wise.
Tyler was great at a female seminary
| commencement or a cow show, lie was
a pretty speaker, you know. V hen he
i was selected to go and deliver the address
of welcome to Lafayette, Webster said to
me that he never knew a man who could
make a pretty speech that was tit for
much else, and this truth, I think, goes
without exception. Tyler was very elo
quent and finished, however, old Buck
was a good president, a fine statesman
in a small way, and an unequalled leader
of small bodies of men.”
Mr. Toombs says he never said that he
would live tn call the roll of his slaves at
the foot of Bunker Hill monument, but
says “‘that was a fancy lie, started by
Jack Hales, of New Hampshire.” Once
when Mr. Toombs declined to take place
in the confederate states senate, which
was said to be open for him, a friend
said, “There are few men who have the
chance to get such a place.” “Yes,” he
replied, “and a d—d sight fewer who can
refuse them.” General Toombs was a
fine soldier and a brilliant fighter. Gen.
Longstreet once said to me: “I have seen
him in battle often, and I never saw a
braver man lead a brigade.” He is quite
wealthy, his estate being valued at proba
bly $500,000. He bought 100,000 acres of
Texas lands in the infancy of that state
at 12 or 15 cents an acre. It is now
worth from $4 to $lO per acre, but he has
sold 30.000 or 40,000 acres. llis income
from his practice has reached $40,000
per annum. He is a princely liver, but a
most careful financier. Beneath all his
apparent recklessness there is a current
of shrewd business sense that leads him
to drive a sharp trade and knit a bar
gain. Indeed, the reckless manner or
Mr. Toombs is not an index of his char
acter. In action he is really conserva
tive and prudent, and is usually a safe
adviser. There are few men who ever
so fully enjoyed the confidence of the
people as Mr. Toombs. At the close of
the war he could have had anything
within the gift of the people, and he is
still immensely popular. He is even now
pressed to take the field for governor,
but has most positively declined to do so.
His only public service since the war.
beyond work on the hustings, was to
take a seat in the constitutional conven
tion that put aside the old constitution of
1867 and made anew one. In thi- body
General Toombs was distinguished for a
very determined fight on the railroad
monopolies. He advanced the money out
of his private pocket to pay the expenses
of the convention, and the state reim
bursed him at a later period. Much of
his bitterness against the general govern
ment is thought to be feigned. IHs hopes
of political preferment died with the con
federacy; and he felt no ambition to go
back to the senate and retrace his old
time footsteps. In place of a purely per
sonal reason for remaining out of polities,
he assigns hostility to the government!
With all his recklessness he has been re
markably methodical and -ucees-iul in
the material affairs of life, and there is no
man living who. when he wore ;] L
ness, enjoyed more thoroughly the con
fidence of his people, or carried into his
retirement more of their love an I rev
erence.
WASHINGTON GOSSIP.
Washington. July 10.—A di.?:lngni<i
ed ex-confederate, now a leading -mb r
ofcongrt--. and who was an -
sonal friend of Jefferson Davis, takes
point-blank issue with some of the state
ments ascribed to Mr. Toombs in a re
cent interview with that gentleman.
This gentleman says so far from Mr.
Davis never appreciating the gravity of
the conflict between the north and the
south, he comprehended its full signifi
cance from the very beginning; that Mr.
Davis frequently said the mere winning
of victories in battle by the southern
troops could have no appreciable effect in
improving the fortunes of the south, that
the gaining of a battle was simply a re
pulse, and that the south, to make an im
pression that would tell, must either de
stroy or capture entire some of the great
armies of the north. For instance, if
McClellan’s army had been captured or
destroyed in the battles of the peninsular
it would have secured the recognition of
the confederacy by both England and
France, and most probably by Russia
also. In regard to Mr. Toombs’s asser
tion that the confederacy was “killed by
West Point,” the ex-confederate says it
is quite true that at the beginning of the
war the West Pointers in the confedera
cy placed little-confidence in the efficien
cy of volunteers, but that after two or
three battles the most distinguished of
the West Pointers in the service ot the
confederacy changed their opinions, and
averred that their volunteer troops fought
with as much matchless valor as it was
possible for regulars to do.
The policy enunciated by Mr, Ste
phens, a few days before he left this city,
as that which would guide the democra
cy in the questions to be settled in the
next presidential campaign, has made a
strong impression in administration cir
cles, and among such republican mem
bers and senators as are yet in the city.
In speaking of the questions yet un
settled, but which must be determined,
by the people of the country, Mr. Ste
phens was very emphatic in saying that
the finances, the tariff, and every other
matter of local interest would have to
give way to the issue of the power of the
federal government over the state.
New Ok leans, July B.—lt is learn*-]
that the late Mrs. Sarah A. Dorsey, of
Mississippi, who died in this city last
week, leaves a will bequeathing her
whole estate to Jefferson Davis.
In making this bequest, Mrs. Dorsey
refers to the great services and sacrifices
of Mr. Davis on behalf of the south, and
reproaches his countrymen fnr their fail
ure in gratitude and appreciation for such
services, and regrets the small contribu
tion which she is able to make ft r his re
lief.
The estate embraced in this legacy in
cludes two large plantations in the upper
part of the state, and the elegant villa at
Bauvoir, on the sea-coast, where Mr.
Davis is now sojourning, the climate and
situation of which have proved especial
ly favorable to Mr. Davis’ health, and his
present acceptation of study and labor in
preparation of his book in defense ofthe
administration of the office of president
of the confederate states. This legacy of
Mrs. Dorsey will make the circumstances
of Mr. Davis quite easy and comfortable.
Careful cotton crop reports place the
yield of that staple for the current year
at 5,150,000 hales, or 7 per-cent, larger
than last year. The average yearly in
crease in this crop for nine years past
has been 100,000'Bales; and, as the acre
age devoted to the crop yearly widens
and the methods of cultivation mprove,
the limit of cotton production in this
country is still far distant, even with the
crop 400,000 bales larger than when it
was raised by slave labor-
RATES OF ADVERTISING.
Advertisements will l*’ inserted at the rates of
One Dollar per inch lor the first insertion, ana
Fifty Cents for each additional insertion.
CONTRACT RATES.
Space. 1 mo. I 3 mos. 6 bios. j 1 year.
One inch, 42 50| |5 00 $7 50 | $lO 00
fwo inches, 375 750 IS 50 i IS 00
Three inches, 500 j 10 00 17 50 25 00
Four inches, 625 j IS 50 22 50! 32 00
Fourth column j 750 j 15 no 25 on 40 00
Half column, 15 00 j -5 00 I 40 00 1 60 Oe
One column. | 20 00 | 40 O' ; 60 i AoO_j*L
NUMBER 52.
HEALTH AND HAPPINESS.
Dr. r. O, Robertson ami the Atlanta
Institute.
In the issue of the Dispatch July Ist.
we were pained to announce that Hon.
Miles G. Dobbin?, of Carte rsville. wa
iving at the point of death. His many
warm friends in Atlanta, we know, will
Ire glad to hear that he i? now out of dan
ger, and rapidly convalescing, thanks to
the -kill of Dr. IT.l T . O. Robertson, of the
Atlanta Health Institute. Dr. Robertson
was summoned to his bedside at he 1:
moment —in fact, when all hopes for his
recovery were gone. This wondenul
but gratifying result accompli- ied by
the hvgenic mode of treatment will cer
tainly redound largely to the advantage
of Dr. Robertson, who has lately estab
lished the Atlanta Health Institute in our
city.
A Dispatch reporter, learning of his
return, called at the institute building, at
178 West Peters street. The doctor,
upon learning our errand, cheerfully
granted an interview, during which he
explained many of the leading and
strong points in the system of treatment
as practiced. That they are logical,
practical and in accord with nature will
be apparent to all who can read the fol
lowing.
Dr. Robertson, for a number of years
conducted the institute at Rowland
springs. This point being almost inac
cessible, he decided on removing to At
lanta during the spring and leasing the
handsome building at the corner of Pe
ters and Fair streets, which is immediate
ly on the summit of Castleberry Hill, it
was at once fitted up in elegant style
with every possible convenience for
practicing his theory of curing the ills
that flesh is heir to, and the comfort of
patients.
The hygienic system is based on the
following propositions:
1. All healing or remedial power is
inherent in the living system. The
“properties” of drug-medicines, as they
are called, are simply morbific effects.
2. There is no curative “virtue” in
medicines, nor in anything outside of the
vital organism.
3. Nature has not provided remedies
for disease. She has only provided eon
sequeneies or penalties for taking or do
ing things which occasion disease, the
disease itself being an effort to remove
those causes.
4. Health is found only in obedience
to the laws of the vital orgauism. Dis
ease is the result of disobedience.
5. Health is i wnnal vital action, or ac
tion in relation to things usable. Disease
is abnormal vital action, or action in re
lation to things non-usable.
6. There is no ‘‘law of cure" in the
universe; the condition of cure is obe
dience to physiological law.
7. There is one universal rule applica
ble to the treatment of all d!?e--e? by
hygienic remedies, and that •* balance
functional action. If this is done, no
"disease, however vioient. will prove fa
tal.
8. Remedial agents do not a--* on tl>o
living system, a* is taught in medical
1 i K, v * J rrs A..
the vital powers.
9. Disease i- not. as Is commonly s^p.
nnWAV'S tvi* ** pam, -!“? aa-T -a-e
a Uiiag to 06 c*r
10. Disease shonhl not !>? “curaL"
So long as the causes exist, the dise.=*-
shoald continue. But the cause of dis
ease should he removed and the patient
are 1.
11. Truly reme-lial agents are mate
rials and “influences” which have nor
mal relations to the vital organ-, and n r
drugs nor prisons, whose relations are
abnormal and anti-vital.
12. Nature’s materia medico consists of
air, light, temperature, electricity, mag
netism, exercise, rest, tood. drink, bath
ing. sleeping, clothing, mental influences,
and mechanical or surgical appliances.
13. The true healing art consists in
supplying the living system with what
ever of the above it can use under the
circumstances, and not in the adminis
tration of poisons which it must resist
and expel.
14. Drug lemelies are themselves caus
es of disease. If they cure one disease,
it is only by producing a drug disease.
Every dose diminishes the vitality of the
patient.
15. Drugopathy endeavors to restore
health by administering the poisons
which produce disease.
16. Hygeio-Therapy (erroneously call
ed “Hydropathy,” or “Water
on tho oontrury, icMAJreS the Sick tO
health by the means which preserve
health in well persons.
17. Diseases are caused by obstruc
tions; the obstructing materials being
poisons or impurities of some kind.
18. The Hygienic system removes these
obstructions and leaves the nody sound.
19. Drug medicines add to the causes
of obstruction, aud changes acute into
chronic diseases.
20. To attempt to cure diseases by add
ing to the causes of diseases, is irrational
and absurd.
21. Hygienic Medication (Hygeio-
Therapy) is not “one-ideaism,” which
professes to cure all sick persons with
“certain-baths,” or “water alone.” Nor
is it a “Cold-Water Cure,” as is errone
ously believed by many. It adopts all
the remedial appliances in oxistenee,
with the single exception of poisons.
To the careful and deep thinking read
er no more convincing evidence could be
asked regarding the correctness of this
■ theory. This is the only institution
south superintended by regular qualified
physicians of both sexes.
Dr. Robertson the physician in chief,
is ably assisted by Mrs. M. B. Robertson,
lady physician and matron, and M. F.
Horine, M. D.,-assistant physician and
manager. We have drawn this article
to some length, much more so than at
first intended, but it is even a pleasure
for us to afford the public information
that may prove beneficial as the facts as
narrated at the beginning will ever be
fluttering testimony of Dr. Robertson’s
skill.
Persons who are or may become inter
ested in this mode of treatment, are cor
dially invited to the institute. The trip
alone will repay any, for a no more pleas
ing and inviting spot exists in the city.—
Atlanta Dispatch.
The Massachusetts politicians say they
anticipate this year a more exciting gu
bernatorial campaign than was experien
ced last rear. It seems to be generally
understood that General Butler will run
again. His friends proclaim that he will
get the greenback nomination, that be
will receive the united support ofthe two
parties and will be elected. The repub
licans, to the contrary, assert that they
can beat him by a larger majority than
before. ~
The Louisiana state lottery company
having renounced the monopoly feature
of its charter, the state convention has
passed an ordinance recognizing the va
lidity of its coutraot wjtli the static.