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Professional Cards.
M. L. JOHNSON,
T TOBNKY-AT-LAW,
CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA.
Office: cast side public square, next door to
Roberta’ Livery Stable. apr29
T. W. MILNER. J. w. HARRIS, JR.
MILNER St HARRIS,
ATTO RNEYS-AT-LAW ,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
Office on West Main Street. j ul >' 18
R. W. MUKPHEV,
ATTORNKY-AT* L, jL W ,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
OFFICE (up-stairs) in the briek building, cor
ner of Main A Erwin streets. J ul >’l B_-_ 8 _-_
W. T. WOFFORD,
a t t oknky-at-law,
—AND—
dealer in REAL ESTATEi
( VSS STATION, BARTOW COUNTY, GA.
JNO. L. MOON. DOUGLAS WIKLE.
MOON & WIKLE,
Attorneys-at-Law,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
in Hank Block, over the Postoffice.
J. M. NEEL.
H. B. TKIFPK.
TBIPTE St NEEL,
A. TT’OR NK Y 9-A. r r-Ii Aw,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
WILL PRACTICE IN ALL THE COURTS,
both State and Federal, except Bartow
county criminal court, J. M. Neel, alone, will
practice in said last mentioned court. Office in
northeast corner of court house building. ieb27
K. D. GRAHAM. A. M. FOUTE.
GRAHAM & FOUTE,
ATT O RN E YS -.A. T-L A
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
Practice in all the courts of Bartow county, the
Superior Courts of North-west Georgia, and the
Supreme Courts at Atlanta. .
Office west side public Square, up-stairs over
W W. Rich A Co’s. Store, second door south of
-Postoffice. iulylß
JAMES B. CONYERS,
attorney -a t-l. a. w
AND
Notary Public,
CARTEBVILLE, J • ‘ : GEORGIA.
(Office: Bank block, up-stairs.)
WILL PRACTICE IN THE COURTS OF
the Cherokee and adjoining circuits.
Prompt attention given to all business. Col
lections made a specialty. jnne29- ly
F. M. JOHNSON, Dentist,
(Office over Stokely A Williams store.)
Cartkrsvii/LE, Georgia,
T WILL FILL TEETH, EXTRACT TEETH,
X and put in teeth, or do any work in my line
at prices to suit the times.
Work all warranted. Refer to my pat
rons all over the county.
angle-ly. F. JOHNSON.
JOHN T. OWEN,
(At Sayre A Co.’s Drug Store,)
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
WILL sell Watches, Clocks and Jewelry.
Spectacles, Silver and Silver-Plated
Goods, and will sell them as cheap as they can
be bought anywhere. Warranted to prove as
represented. All work done by me warranted
to give satisfaction. Give me a oall. j u *y'
Traveler’s Griiide.
“ COOSA RIVER NAVIGATION.
On and after December 16th, 1878, the following
schedule will be run by the Steamers MAGNO
LIA or ETOWAH BILL:
Leave Rome Tuesday . ° a m
Arrive at Gadsden Wednesday .... bam
Leave Gadsden Wednesday 7pm
Arrive at Rome Thursday jP m
Leave Romo Friday . . 8 a
Arrive at Gadsden .Saturday 7 a m
Arrives at ti*wnsport 9am
Arrive at Rome Saturday 6pm
** ,T. M. ELLIOTT, President anti Gen’l Sup r t.
ROME RAILROAD COMPANY.
On and after Wednesday, May 19, the Rome
Railroad will run two trains daily, as follows:
MORNING TRAIN.
Leave Rome daily 8:00 am
Arrive in Atlanta at 12:36 p m
Leave Atlanta at 7:45 a m
Arrive at Rome at 11:00 a m
EVENING TRAIN.
Leave Rome daily (except Sundays) . 6:30 p m
.Arrive in Atlanta at 11:00 p m
Leavs Atlanta at 5:00 p m
Arrive at Rome 9:00 pm
Morning train connects at Kingston with trains
*©r Chattanooga and Atlanta; at Rome with
trains south on S., R. & D. Railroad.
Evening train connects at Kingston with trains
lor Atlanta. ___
EBEN HILL TER,
Jas. A. Smith, rresident.
G. P. Agt. ___
CHEROKEE RAILROAD.
On and after Monday, May 17. 1880, the train
on this Road will run daily as follows (Sunday
excepted):
PASSENGER TRAIN.
Leave Cartersville 9:50 am
Arrive at Stilesboro ....... 10:30 am
Arrive at Taylorsville 10:50 am
Arrive at Rockmart 11:45 am
Arrrive at Cedartown 1:15 p m
RETURNING.
Leave Cedartown 3:25 p m
Arrive at Rockmart 4:28 pm
Arrive at Taylorsville 5:22 p m
Arrive at Stilesboro . . . ... . . 5:47 p m
Arrive at Cartersville 6:30 pm
FREIGHT TRAIN.
Leave Taylorsville 6:00 am
Arrive at Rockmart 7:10 a m
Arrive at Fish Creek 8:25 a m
RETURNING.
Leave Fish Creek 11:10 a m
Arrive at Rockmart 12:00 m
Arrive at Taylorsville 1:30 pm
WESTERN AND ATLANTIC R. R.
The following is the present passenger sched
ule:
NIGHT PASSENGER —UP.
Leave Atlanta 8:00 pm
Leave Cartersville 4:53 pm
Leave Kingston P m
Leave Dalton I*l2 p m
Arrive at Chattanooga . . . . • • 8:47 p m
NIGHT PASSENGER —DOWN.
Leave Chattanooga 5:25 p m
Leave Dalton oiooEm
Leave Kingston ....•••••
Leave Cartersville
Arrive at Atlanta ,11.00 pm
DAY PASSENGER—UP.
Leafe Atlanta 7-MaS
Leave Cartersville 7.23 am
Leave Kingston ‘ ® “
Leave Dalton
Arrive at Chattanooga 10.56 a m
PAY PASSENGER—DOWN.
Leave Chattanooga 6:15 a m
Leave Dalton 2 : }2 am
Leave Kingston
Leave Cartersville 10:11am
Arrive at Atlanta 12:05 p m
CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION—UP.
Leave Atlanta
Arrive at Cartersville • 7:22 p m
CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION —DOWN.
Leave Cartersville . 6:05 am
Arrive at Atlanta 8:45 a m
DUFF G BEBN HOUSE,
Dalton, Ga.
THE BEST and CHEAPEST HOTEL
On the Kennesaw Route.
BREAKFAST AND SUPPER HOUSE FOR
PASSENGERS.
‘Special Attention Given to the Comfort and Con
venience of Lady Passengers and guests.
Reading and Sample Rooms for Commercial
’Travelers.
Board per day, 12.00; Meals, 60 cts.
itfeg- Railroaders. County and Stockmen, hall
fa"
VOLUME 11.
The Atlanta Constitution.
During the coming year—a year
that will witness the processf MntSfthat
non of the most interesting contest that
has ever taken place in this country-^vepr cm
zen and every thoughtful person will be com
pelled to rely upon the newspapers for informa
tion. Why not get the best < Abroad The CON
stitction is recognized, referred to and quoted
from as the leading southern journal as the or
gan and vehicle of the best southern thought an
opinion; and at home its columns are consulte 1
forthe latest news, the freshest comment, and
for all matters of special and current interest.
The Constitution contains more and later tele
graphic news than any
this particular feature will be large“dde<rl to
during the coming year. All its facilities for
gathering the latest news from all parts of_the
country will be largely supplemented. ThE
Constitution is both chronicler and commenter.
Its editorial opinions, its contributions to the
drift of current discussion, its humorous and
satirical paragraphs are copied from one end of
the country to the other. It aims always to be
the brightest and the beste-newsy, original and
piquant It aims particularly to give the news
impartially and fully, and to keep its readers; in
formed of the drift of current discussion by libe
ral but concise quotations from its contempora
ries. It aims, in short, to more than ever de
serve to lie known as “the leading southern
newspaper.” Bill Arp will continue to contrib
ute his unique lfetters, which stow in savory hu
mor week by week. “Old Si’’ will add his quaint
fun to the collection of good things, and Uncle
Remus has in preparation a series of negro myth
for 1880 will lie better than ever.
The Weklly Constitution is a carefully ed
ited compendium of the news of the week, and
contains the best and freshest matter to be found
in any other weekly from a daily office. Its news
and miscellaneous contents are the freshest and
its market reports the latest.
The Southern Cultivator.
This, the best, the most reliable and most pop
ulor of southern agricultural journals, is issued
from the printing establishment of The Consti
tution. It is still edited by Mr. W. L. Jones,
and is devoted to the best interests of the farmers
of the south. It is sent at reduced rates with the
Weekly edition of The Constitution.
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Address THE CONSTITUTION,
nov2o-tf Atlanta, Ga.
JUST OUT.
HOOD’S &RE AT BOOK
—OF THE WAP
ADVANCE and RETREAT.
Personal Experiences in the United States and
Confederate States Armies,
By General John B. Hood,
Late Lieutenant-General Confederate States
Army, published for the Hood Orphan
MEMORIAL FUND
By General C. T. Beauregard,
Yew Orleans, Louisiana, 1880.
THE ENTIRE proceeds arising from the sale
of this work are devoted to the Hood Orphan
Memorial Fund, which is invested in United
States Registered Bonds for the nurture, care,
support and education of the ten infants depri
ved of their parents last summer at New Orleans
(the meloncholy events of which sad bereave
ment are still fresh in the public mind).
The book is an elegant octavo, containing 360
pages wiih aline photograph likeness and a fine
steel engraving, made expressly for this work,
four large maps of battle fields, bound in hand
some Gray English cloth at $3.00, or in a fine
Sheep binding with marble edge, $3.50, in half
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best Levant Turkey Morocco, full gilt sides and
edges, $9.00
On the receipt from any person remitting by
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letter or by postal order, bank draft or eiieck, a
copy will immediately be sent free of postage,
registered as second class matter.
The volume is published in the best style of ty
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executed as highest specimens of art.
The author, the subject, the purpose, all alike,
render it worthy a place in every library—on ev
ery desk—or upon the book-shelf of every house
in the country.
Agents wanted in every town and county in
the United States, and a preference will be giv
en to honorably discharged veterans from the
army.
To the ladies who desire, who feel a desire to
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Memorial Fund the sale of this book among their
circle of friends, will afford an excellent way of
contributing substantial aid to so deserving
cause.
For terms, rates to agents, etc., address
with full particulars,
GEN. G.T. BEAUREGARD.
On behalf of Hood Memo* ‘RI * un( L
jjoW Orleans, La.
SCHOOL AND COUh'GE TEXT BOOKS,
PUBLISHED by
Iverson, Blakeman, Taylor & Cos.,
NEW YORK,
R. E. PARK, Genera! Agent.
THIS series comprises among others, the fol
lowing well-known
STANDARD SCHOOL BOOKS:
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Spencerian Copy Books,
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Address ROBERT E. PARK,
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Care J. W. Burke & CO., Macon, Georgia.
FORTHE CAMPAIGN -
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For The Free Press !
LIVELY TIMES AHEAD!
The great political campaign of 1880 will soon
be upon the country. The presidential, guber
natorial and congressional elections come off
this year. Every man ought to keep posted.
The FreE Press will endeavor to keep its read
ers well up with the times. We wish its friends
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Address all orders to
THE FREE PRESB,
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THE FREE PRESS.
the crisis.
A Pretty Severe Criticism on the Political
Course of Senator Brown.
To The Free Press:
Talmage tells us that the “cry of cri
sis,” has been repeated every four years,
for the last forty. That accords with the
writer’s experience without qualifica
tion. While I do not believe the ap
proaching presidential election will justi
fy the “cry of crisis,” yet, I believe,
most profoundly, that we have upon us a
domestic or local crisis. I mean the
election of Joe Brown to the federal sen
ate. Should’the people of Georgia so far
lose their senses, their self-respect, the
dignity and honor of Georgia as to elect
Brown senator, then may we look for the
disintegration of the democracy sure
enough. If men have wavered, hesita
ted and doubted the propriety and policy
of independentism hitherto, they will no
longer scruples but, with the desperation
of wounded honor, and that spirit that
springs from insulted manhood will elect
vengeance.
Do the people really know" Joe Brown’s
“true inwardness?” Have they read his
true nature as developed since 1861 ? If
not, then men are not capable of self
government, and deserved to be hectored
over by just such a man. I have no per
sonal prejudice against Brown, and if I
had, I would forbear to write a line; but
my objection to him is purely political,
and that based upon his antecedents
alone. How arp we to know men, other
than by their action, whether politically,
religiously or socially? We have the
sanction of scripture for thus judging men.
When “clothed with a little brief author
ity” in ’63-64, did he not array himself
againt the confederate congress to the
great detriment of the “lost cause?”
Did he not demoralize the people and en
courage desertion ?
If the foregoing are historic facts are
we not at liberty to inquire after the true
animus ? What motive prompted Browu
to thwart the policy and damage die
cause of the confederacy which Ho aided
to inaugurate? Was he hon<*ff? Was
he acting from convictions of duty, or
was it the outcroppings of a demoniac
revenge for not having been placed in the
executive chair of the confederacy him
self? If this was not the cause, then
please give a better, who can. lo sup
pose Brown was ignorant of the impolicy
of bis course, at that extreme conjuncture
in the affairs of the confederacy, would
be to divest him of the prestige lie has for
a superbundance of brains.
But, no sooner did the confederacy go
down, that Brown went back upon
thing he everything he ever inspired the
people to believe be possessed that was
noble and patriotic. Was he honest in
this departure? We have the right to
inquire into the public acts, and judge of
the motives of every public man; and
unless this is rigidly and fearlessly done,
the people can but expect to be imposed
upon by every adventurer.
I appeal to every thinking man, what
motive moved Joe Brown to join the radi
cal party? Colquitt says “to get the
south restored to the union.” Was it
necessary to the restoration of the south
ern states, that Georgia should be ruled
by the last rakings of creation —her labor
demoralized —her material resources par
alyzed—her credit run down to zero—her
debt run up* to fabulous figures ? As
suming that Browm did believe he could
facilitate the restoration of the south, did
he accomplish it before he knocked at the
door of the democratic party for admit
tance? Were the southern states recon
structed and remanded back to local self
government in 1872? What idea did
Greeley represent, otherthan local self
government? Then, it had not been ac
complished at that date, the time the
Brownites gives as his return to the party.
Let the truth come if the heaven’s fall.
Joe Brown had been defeated in an at
tempt to get into the United States sen
ate-had taken the chief-justiceship as
the next best in the gift of the radical
party, and when the time arrived to seize
the W. & A. railroad, he did so in as
much haste as he went to Washington
“lately”. Brown, in common with all
scallawags, went for money , and hence,
we hear no more of him, politically, until
quite “lately.” Joe very readily under
stands the situation of railroading since
the legislature appointed the commission
ers to retrench exhorbitant tariffs. He
now betakes himself to politics, ready
whatever “may turn up.”
Now, elect Joe to the senate, and by
the next presidential election—’B4 —he
will he an aspirant, no matter in what
party, on what issue or new departure;
for remember, he is a man of policy , and
a policy man, devoid of principle, moral
or political. Suppose Brown should be
elected president in ’B4, as some ardently
desire? Could he keep quiet with for
eign nations or with the thirty-eight
states? If so, his nature will have to
urge a radical change. Those who know
Joe Brown, know him to be a dangerous
man—a man of vaulting ambition, and
as unscrupulous as Grant, Napoleon or
the Czar.
This may provoke a smile from some,
and extort the expression visionary.
Suppose I should have opposed Joe
Brown’s election during the late war,
predicting his opposition to the confed
erate congress—his defection in Georgia’s
extremity—that he would go back on ev
ery noble patriotic sentiment, that was
ever imputed to him. Then you would
have smiled derisively and cried, “away
with such fanaticism!”
There are not wanting men, who, walk
ing in Joe’s shadow, obsequeously obey
ing his every behest, that are so com
pletely dead to every honorable impulse,
as to confess that their polities are all in
their pockets —that a man is a fool that
goes into politics with any object.
CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 1, 1880.
They admire Joe for his admirable ad
dress In appropriating to himself political
elements of power. This is “policy.”
If his radicalism was all “policy,” then
he acted in bad faith tow ards the republi
cans. Admitting all that Gen. Evans
and others claim for Brown’s strategy
policy, was it not superlative duplicity?
The arguments adduced by Colquitt
proves too much on the moral and reli
gious hypothesis, Let the Brownites
take either horn ot the dilemma, and he
has proved himself a bad man , one that
cannot be relied upon in any emer
gency.
Tell me not of brains, for h—l is full
of brains. Talk of integrity , a quality,
an attribute to which Brown is a stranger.
If Joe Brow n must be coimted among
democrats, let him take a back seat.
Joshua.
WINFIELD SCOTT HANCOCK.
Hlt Ancestry, Early Life and Services.
General Hancock bears a family name
which long before his birth had been
made celebrated in revolutionary an
nals. To this family belonged John
Hancock, of Massachusetts, the first,
signer of the declaration of independ
ence. In the great struggle for human
liberty and the deliverantte of rnan from
the old thraldom of kings more than one
ancestor of our subjects, maternal as well
as paternal took part. That W infield b.
Hancock should be a lovtr of his coun
try is a matter of inheritaice.. That he
is a man who, although a soldier by pro
fession, holds the lavv and the constitu
tion above the sword, is an honorable and
patriotic fMturo of his character W tUCIi is
his own. His name shines, therefore,
with no reflected lustre from the past.
General Hancock was born in Mont
gomery county, Pennsylv&m i. His fa
ther, who was a native of the same coun
ty, participated in the war of 1812, and
afterwards became a lawyer of promi
nence. The date of General Hancock s
birth was February 14, 1824. His early
education was received in an academy in
Norristown, whore he spent the first
years of his youth. He possessed, as a
schoolboy, those traits which sometimes
foretell future eminence. Studious and
thoughtful, he laid the foundations of a
great career.
Entering West Point at 16, he grad
uated with credit to himself on the 30th of
June, 1844. The close of the Mexican
war—in which he had distinguished him
self at Contreras, Cherubusco, Molino del
Rey and at the capture of the City of
Mexico—found him a second lieutenant
of infantry. From 1848 to 1861 he serv
ed in various capacities in the military
service. In 1861, when the war betweee
the United States and the Confederatn
States broke out, he was stationed at Los
Angeles, Cal. He offered his services
first to his native state of Pennsylvania
and then to the federal government. The
latter accepted them. General Scott or
dered him to Washington and Presulen-
Lincoln commissioned him a brigadier
general of volunteers September 23d.
General Hancock’s command was com
posed of four regiments —from Pennsyl
vania, New York, Vermont and Wiscon
sin respectively. With these troops he
repaired with the army of the Potomac
to the Peninsula towards the end of
March, 1862, when General McClellan
began his ineffectual campaign against
Richmond from that direction. His bri
gade took part in a number of skirmishes
and partial engagements that preceded
the battle of Williamsburg on the sth of
May. It distinguished itself on that day,
General Hancock assuming personal
command and leading a charge. This
sharing the danger of his men was one
of the features of his military career; he
never was unwilling to lead on occasions
when his presence was needed to encour
age his troops, and both as brigadier
general and major-general he gave to his
soldiers the inspiriting lesson of example
and emulation. But all General flan
cock’s courage and skill could not alter
the decrees of fate. He retired with the
rest of the army of the Potomac from the
long-continued, bloody and disastrous
seven days’ fight, leaving Richmond in
the hands of her valiant defenders, but
enjoying for himself the enviable con
sciousness of having deserved well of his
country. The testimony to his devotion
was shown when, after the battle of Mal
vern Hill, General McClellan recom
mended that he be promoted to the rank
of major-general of volunteers; and at
the same time his services in this most
active of campaigns were further reward
ed by his obtaining the successive bre
vets of major-lieutenant-colonel and colo
nel in the regular army.
The months of August and September,
1862, found General Hancock with his
brigade at Centreville, serving under
Pope. He fought at South mountain and
again, on September 17th, at Antietam.
In this battle tell the general command
ing the first division of the second army
corps. During the progress of the battle
General Hancock was appointed to the
command of the division, and thus began
his connection with the second corps, of
which, in the course of time, he became
the commander.
He was commissioned major-general of
volunteers in the month of November,
and at the head of his division, he par
ticipated in the battle at Fredericksburg
on December 13th; here he was slightly
wounded. He shared in the defeat of
Hooker at Chancellorsville in 1863, and
his division did effectual service in stay
ing the ill fortunes of the day by protect
ing the rear of the retreating union troops.
In”the month of June of the same year
he was assigned to the command of the
second army corps.
We next hear of Hancock at the great
battle of Gettysburg which, by some
northern authorities is held to have been
the pivotal conflict of the war. The re
treating union forces were stayed at
this point by his advice, and here it was
that General Meade, who was in general
command, determined to make a stand
against General Lee’s pursuing army.
On the first day of the battle, July 1, he
was in immediate command until the ar
rival of Meade. On the second day his
corps did exceptional service and was
engaged with General Longstreet’s corps.
He had command of the left centre of
the union army and before the close of
the day he was severely wounded. In
consideration of his services in these bat
tles congress voted him a resolution of
thanks.
It was not until the opening of the
campaign of 1864 that his wounds allowed
him again to see active service. Up to
March of that year he was on sick leave,
and was engaged in recruiting the Second
army corps. With the opening of the
campaign he was in the field under Gen
eral Grant, and in command of this corps.
He was present at the battles of the Wil
derness, Spottsylvania Court House,
North Anna, and the second battle of
Cold Harbor. He participated in the
operations around Petersburg until June
19th, until he was once more compelled
to retire from service for awhile, owing
to his wounds breaking out anew.
General Hancock’s last military com
mand was an important one. He was de
tached from the army of the Potomac on
the 26th of November and was ordered
to Washington. In a short while he
was placed at the head of a corps of vet
errns numbering 50,000. His headquar
tejs were at Winchester, Va., and his en
tire command, in which was included
the army of the Shenandoah, numbered
100,000 men. The surrender at Appo
mattox, however, made further service
in the field unnecessary.
He was still at Winchester when the
murder of President Lincoln occurred.
Summoned to Washington, which city
was included in his military division, lie
was ordered to remain there by Presi
dent Johnson until order should replace
the excitement caused by the assassina
tion of the president. It was in his ca
pacity as military head of the division
that he was compelled to look on and
witness the murder of the unfortunate
Mrs. Surratt, by order of a military com
mission. But to his credit be it said that
he made every effort consistent with his
position and duties, to save the life of this
victim convicted under martial law.
Mrs. Surratt and her companions were
executed July 8, 1860. When Mrs. Sur
ratt’s daughter, at his suggestion, en
deavored to reach the ear of President
Johnson to intercede for her mother’s
life, General Hancock assisted her to the
extent of his ability in carrying out her
wishes. But in vain he hoped for a par
don for Mrs. Surratt, through the pray
ers of the unfortunate woman’s daughter,
and on the day of the execution he sta
tioned mounted soldiers on the line from
the white house to the arsenal grounds,
where the execution was to take place, so
that if the pardon were granted, even at
the last moment, he should know it
promptly and 111 Hun to s<tve Mis. Sur
ratt from the halter. No messenger of
mercy came, and the indelible disgrace
was attached to the government of the
United States of hanging a womau inno
cent of crime.
Later in July, General Hancock was
transferred to the middle department.
His headquarters were at Baltimore. He
remained in command of this department
until July, 1866, when he was put in
command of the department of Missouri.
About the same time he was made ma
jor-general in the regular army, having
already been breveted to the same grade
for “gallant and meritorious conduct at
Spottsylvania.” While in the west he
conducted several campaigns against
hostile Indians in the Indian Territory,
Kansas and Colorado. His subsequent
commands have been those of Louisiana
and Texas, of Dakota and of the de
partment of the east —the last his present
charge with headquarters on Governor’s
island.
We have shown above the record that
General Hancock has made for himself
qs a soldier, but it is not as a soldier that
the presidency of the United States will
be conferred on him. The eyes of thou
sands of his fellow countrymen are
turned to him because, being a soldier
himself, he has stood boldly and bravely
forward in emergencies in defense of the
civil war when threatened in time of
peace by the military law. While in
command of the military division of Lou
isiana and Texas, with headquarters at
New Orleans, in November, 1867, he
found himself met by difficulties arising
out of the results of the war. With ad
mirable tact and a keen sense of justice
to the laws of the country as well as- to
the people of Louisiana and Texas, lie
reconciled the differences that had pre
viously prevailed and which had had
their origin in the abominable carpet-bag
governments that since the close of the
war had blighted those states. Instead
of an oppressor, the Louisianians and
lexans found in him a governor inspired
by motives of the purest patriotism and
of the highest justice. On assuming
command,, November 29, 1867, he issued
his well-known “General Order, No. 40,”
in whiUh he laid down his programme as
governor of the district. This document
was a revelation to an oppresssed, robbed
and humiliated people. In it he ex
pressed his conviction that the people of
Louisiana and Texas desired peace, and
he declared his purpose to ensure it, by
allowing the civil authorities to carry out
the civil laws. There was everything in
this “Order” to produce a profound sense
of gratitude in the hearts ot those to
whom it was addressed. Following it
came for awhile the blessings of peace
and prosperity, and but for the fact that
the administration at Washington re
moved General Hancock from his sphere
of just and beneficent government the
period of misrule in Louisiana and Texas
would have come to an end ten years ago.
How honestly, how impartially and how
prudently he conducted the affairs of
those two states is shown in the case of
his controversy with the carpet-bag so
called Governor Pease, of Texas. This
individual had abitrarily removed the
judges and county officers whom he found
in office and had appointed his own crea
tures to fill their places.
General Hancock’s first act on assum
ing command was to redress the injustice
that had been done to the people of Tex
as, and in his “General Order No. 40” he
repaired the wrong that Pease had com
mitted. He declared that “the right of
trial by jury, the habeas corpus, the lib
erty of the press, the freedom of speech,
the natural rights of persons, and the
rights of property, should be respected”
—noble sentiments that have never been
forgotten by the American people. Again
in a letter to Pease, he said tha*, “On
them (the laws of Texas and Louisiana),
as on a foundation of rock, reposes al
most the entire structure of social order
in these two states. ******
The just course of Geueral Hancock in
the south offended the carpet-baggers and
their radical friends in congress endeav
ored by hostile legislation, directed
against him, either to have him retired
from the military service or make his
position as commander of the fifth mili
tary district irksome and embarrassing.
Finally the issue of obeying a wrong or
resigning his governorship was present
ed to him. He chose the latter course,
and in a letter to a friend, in which he
spoke of his difficulties, he said: “Noth
ing can intimidate me from doing what
I believe to be honest and right.” He
made application to be relieved from his
command on February 27, 1868, a victim
of radical partisanship, whose name had
become a tower of strength in the land.
General Hancock was brought out in
1868 as a candidate for the democratic
nomination for the presidency. In the
national convention of that year he re
ceived 144)4 votes. Again, in 1876, he
received at the St. Louis con\ention sev
enty-five votes for the same nomination.
It will be seen, therefore, that he has a
presidential record which does not lack
the important element of the confidence
of hundreds of thousands of his fellow
citizens in his availability as the man to
lead the democracy to victory. It may
be remarked, in conclusion, that he has a
large following throughout the country,
and that he was the choice of Louisiana
aud Texas and of several other districts
in other southern states for president.
TILDEN’9 LETTER.
An Able and Patriotic Letter from the
“Sage of Grammercy Park.*’
New York, June 18, 1880.
To the Delegates from the State of New
York to the Democratic National Con
vention:
Your first assembling is an occasion on
which it is proper for me to state to you
my relation to the nomination for the
presidency, which you and your asso
ciates are commissioned to make in be
half of the democratic party of the United
States. Having passed my early years in
an atmosphere filled with traditions of
the war which secured our national in
depence and of the struggles which
made our continental system a govern
ment for the people, by the people, 1
learned to idolize the institutions of my
country, and was educated to believe it
the duty of each citizen of the republic to
take his fair allotment of care and trouble
in public affairs. I fulfilled that duty to
the best of my ability for forty years as a
private citizen. Although during all my
life giving at least as much thought and
effort to public affairs as to all other ob
jects. I have never accepted official ser
vice except for a brief period for a special
purpose, and only when the occasion
seemed to require of me that sacrifice of
private preferences to public interests.
My life "has been substantially that of a
private citizen. It was, I presume, the
success of the efforts in which as a pri
vate citizen I had shared to overthrow
the corrupt combination then holding
dominion in our metropolis, and to puri
ty the judiciary which had become its
tool, that induced the democracy of the
state in 1874 to nominate me for govern
or. This was done in spite of the pro
tests of the minority that the part I had
borne in these reforms had created antag
onisms fatal to me as a candidate. I telt
constrained to accept the nomination as
the most certain means of putting the
power of the gubernatorial office on the
side of reform and of removing the im
pression, wherever it prevailed, that the
faithful discharge of one’s duty as a citi
zen, is fatal to his usefulness as a public
servant. The breaking up of the canal
ring, the better management of our pub
lic ivorks, the large reduction of taxes
and other reforms accomplished during
my administration, doubtless occasioned
my nomination for the presidency by the
democracy of the union, in the hope that
similar processes would be applied to the
federal government, From the responsi
bilities of such an undertaking, appalling
as it seemed to me, I did not feel at liber
ty to shrink. In the canvass which en
sued, the democratic party represented
reform in the administration of the fed
eral government and the restoration of
our complex political system to the pure
ideas of its founders. Upon these issues
the people of the United States, by a ma
jority of more than a quarter of a mil
lion, chose a majority of the electors to
cast their votes for the democratic candi
dates for president and vice president.
It is my privilege here to say that I was
nominated and elected to the presidency,
absolutely free from any engagement in
respect to the exercise of its powers or
the disposal of its patronage. Through
the whole period of my relation to the
presidency, I did everything in my pow
er to elevate and nothing to lower the
moral standards in competition of par
ties. By what nefarious means the basis
for a false count was laid in several of the
states, I need not recite. These are now
matters of history about which whatever
diversity of opinion may have existed in
either of the great parties of the country
at the time of then- consummation, has
since practically disappeared. I refused
to ransom from tne returning boards of
southern states documentary evidence by
the suppression of which and by the sub
stitution of fraudulent and forged papers,
a pretext was made for the perpetuation
of the false count. The constitutional
duty of the two houses of congress to
count the electoral votes as cast and to
give effect to the will of the people as ex
pressed by their suffrages, was never ful
filled. An electoral commission for the
existence of which I have no responsibili
ty, was formed and to it the two houses
of congress abdicated their duty to make
the count by a law enacting that the
count of the commission should stand as
final unless overruled by the concurrent
action of the two houses. Its false count
was not overruled owing to the complici
ty of the republican senate with the re
publican majority of eight to seven. The
electoral commission counted out the
men elected by the people and counted in
the men not elected by the people. That
subversion of the election created anew
issue for the decision of the people of the
United States, transcending in importance
all questions of administration. It in
volves the vital principle of self-govern
ment through elections by the people.
The immense growth of the means of cor
rupt influence over the ballot box, by
which it is at the disposal of the party
having possession of the executive ad
ministration, had already become a pres
ent evil and great danger, tending to
make elections irresponsible to public
opinion, hampering the power of the peo
ple to change their rulers and enabling
men holding the machinery of the gov
ernment to continue and perpetuate their
power. It was my opinion in 1876 that
the oppesition attempting to change the
administration, needed to include at
least two-thirds of the voters at the open
ing of the canvass in order to retain a
majority at the election. If, after such
obstacles had been overcome and a ma
jority of the people ha J v oted to change
the administration of their government,
the men in office could still procure a
false count founded upon fraud, perjury
and forgeries, furnishing a pretext for
documentary evidence on which to base
that false count, and if such a transaction
were not only successful, but if, after the
allotments of its benefits were made to its
contrivers, abettors or apologists by the
chief beneficiary of the transactions, it
were condoned by the people, a practical
destruction of elections by the people, a
would have been accomplished.
The failure to install the candidates
chosen by the people, a contingency
consequent upon no act or omission of
mine and beyond *my control, has thus
left me, for the last three years and until
now, when the democratic party, by its
delegates in the national convention as
sembled, shall choose anew leader, the
involuntary, but necessary representative
of this momentous issue, and as such de
nied the immunities of private life, with
out the powers conferred by public sta
tion, subject to unceasing falsehoods and
calumnies from the partisans of an ad
ministration laboring in vain to justify
its existence. I have nevertheless stead
fastly endeavored to preserve to the demo
cratic party of the United States supreme
issue before the people for their decision
next November, whether this shall be a
government by the sovereign people
through election or a government by dis
carded servants, holding over by force
and fraud, and I have withheld no sacri
! fiee, and neglected no opportunity, to
uphold, organize and consolidate against
the enemies of repreceutative institu
tions, the great party which alone, un-
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NUMBER 51
der God, can effectuallyresist their over
throw. Having now borne faithfully my
full share of labor and care in the public
service, and wearing the marks of its
burdens, I desire nothing so much as an
honorable discharge. 1 wish to lay
down the honors and tolls of even a quasi
part v leadership and to seek the repose
of private life. In renouncing renomi
nation for the presidency, I do so with
no doubt in my mind as to the vote of
the state ot New York or of the United
States, but because I believe it is a re
nunciation of re-election to the presiden
cy. To those who think my nomination
and re-election indispensible to an effec
tual vindication of the right of* the peo
ple to elect their rulers, violated In my
person, I have accorded as long a reserve
of my decision as possible, but I canuot
overcome my repugnance to enter into a
new engagement which involves four
years of ceaseless toil. The dignitv of
the presidential office is above a merely
personal ambition, but it creates in me
no illusion. Its value is as a great pow
er for good to the country. ’ 1 said four
years ago in accepting the nomination:
‘‘Knowing as I do, therefore, from fresh
experience how great the difference is be
tween gliding througn an official routine,
and working out a reform of systems and
policies, it is impossible for me to con
template what needs to be done in the
federal administration, without an anx
ious sense of the difficulties of the under
taking. If summoned by the suffrages
of my countrymen to attempt this work,
I shall endeavor with God’s help to be
the efficient instrument.” Such a work
of renovation after many years of mis
rule, such a reform of systems and poli
cies to which I would cheerfully have
sacrificed all that remained to me of
health and life, is now 1 fear beyond my
strength. With unfeigned thanks for
the honors bestowed upon me, with a
heart swelling with emotions of gratitude
to the democratic masses for the suppoit
they have given to the cause 1 represent
and their confidence in every emergen
cy, I remain you fellow-citizen,
[Signed] Samuel J. Tilden.
IMMIGRATION.
luterofltiiiK Letter from a Georgian in
Bremen, to Mr. Fontaine.
Hillman’s Hotel, Bremen, May 30th,
1880.— Hon. Francis Fontaine , New
York : I have your esteemed favor of the
17th, which has my best attention. I
would not be willing to take any interest
in the land trades, but would most cheer
fully render you any assistance in ray
power in trying to induce emigrants to
settle in Georgia, I see from the act of
the legislature creating the office of land
and immigration commissioner, that no
appropriation is made to pay the expen
ses of the office, or to pay your salary. It
seems to be assumed that the fees from
the registration of land, and from emi
grants registering, will be sufficient, I
feel quite sure that sufficient revenue
cannot be raised in this way to run the
office effectually. It may be well enough
tD require land owners to pay registra
tion tees, but 1 do not think it good poli
cy to impose any tax on immigrants —
they should be furnished with all infor
mation gratis. People in New York
who are out of employment may use it as
au intelligence office, but freshly landed
immigrants would rarely seek the office
if charged a fee—at least, that is my
opinion. I had seen in the papers that
tiie state had a land and immigrant com
missioner in yourself, and I had hoped
that you would be able to show good re
sults this season, but when I see that no
means are placed at your command to
accomplish them, my disappointment is
so great that 1 cannot refrain from com
menting. With SIO,OOO you could have
accomplished much this season. I be
lieve you could and would have used this
amount judiciously, and so that the state
would have been immensely benefltted.
This has been an uncommonly favorable
season for your work and it is a pity to
lose t!ie opportunity on account oi the
parsimoniousness of the legislature. I
know that some good people do not think
immigration desirable. I am notone of
therm I believe that every able and
willing worker that settles in the state is
worth at least one thousand dollars to it,
whether he brings a dollar with him or
not. I find they are rated high over
here. The loss of such people as are
goin; r over this season is as much deplor
ed here, as the gain of them should be
prized in America.
I fear that Georgia is losing her rela
tive position as compared with other
states in the union. I say that I fear she
is, I think I may -venture to say that I
know she is. She does not enjoy even a
natural growth, for many of her hardiest
and best workers are leaving her every
year, and I do not see that their places
are being supplied by new comers. There
are very few other states in the union of
which this can be said. Is it because she
is so much less favored by nature? Is it
because of some defect in the character
of her people, or i3 it want of statesman
ship? It must be one of these or all.—
But, my dear friend, I will not press
this gloomy view on -you, for I know
you would rejoice at being able to give
the old state a push forward, and if you
were supplied with a very moderate
amount of means, you could now do
it —but you have not got them.
This is the most important point on
the continent to work up tne emigrant
business. More go from here than oth
er places. They all stop here from one
to three days to equip themselves for the
vovage, and they can all be reached at
the emigrant hotels. If pamphlets
printed in German could be placed in
their hands here, setting torth the attrac
tions of Georgia, they would have time
to read them, not only here, but on the
way over. I doubt not some of them
would conclude to try their luck in Geor
gia—especialljr if you could give them
information gratis in New York. lam
not here constantly, and it is uncertain
how long I will remain. I have a friend
here, Mr. C. F. Wilmans, (a German),
formerly of Augusta, Ga. He is au ed
ucated man and would cheer!ully trans
late any pamphlet from English into
German and to help circulate it. If you
send me a pamphlet in English, if it
don’t cost too much, I will have it trans
lated and printed in German at my ex
pense from purely patriotic motives. The
translation will cost nothing and I hope
the printing will not cost more than I
am willing to give for the good the
state. I could not undertake any official
position, for my stay and presence here
is uncertain, but l think my friend, Wil
mans would even as an honorary one
without pay. I do not know of any
commissioner of emigratian here. Two
steamers sailed to-day from Bremer Hav
en to New York. I send you list of pas
sengers. I am, dear sir, yours faith
fully, _____ W ’ F ‘ H ’
The commanding general, in dis
charge of the trust reposed in him will
maintain the just power of the judiciary,
and is unwilling to permit the civil au
thorities and laws to be
military interference.— Hancock'& New
Orleans order. December sth 1876,
1
