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About The free press. (Cartersville, Ga.) 1878-1883 | View Entire Issue (July 1, 1880)
bates of subscription. One copy one year. - - - - |2 00 One copy six One copy three mouths, ... 60 CLUB RATES. Five copies one year, • - - - $8 75 Ten copies one year, .... 15 00 Twenty copies one year, ... 25 00 Fifty copies one year, .... 60 00 To be pai<l for invariably in advance. All orders for the paper must be addressed to THE FREE PRESS. Professional Cards. M. L. JOHNSON, T TOBNKY-AT-LAW, CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA. Office: cast side public square, next door to Roberta’ Livery Stable. apr29 T. W. MILNER. J. w. HARRIS, JR. MILNER St HARRIS, ATTO RNEYS-AT-LAW , CARTERSVILLE, GA. Office on West Main Street. j ul >' 18 R. W. MUKPHEV, ATTORNKY-AT* L, jL W , CARTERSVILLE, GA. OFFICE (up-stairs) in the briek building, cor ner of Main A Erwin streets. J ul >’l B_-_ 8 _-_ W. T. WOFFORD, a t t oknky-at-law, —AND— dealer in REAL ESTATEi ( VSS STATION, BARTOW COUNTY, GA. JNO. L. MOON. DOUGLAS WIKLE. MOON & WIKLE, Attorneys-at-Law, CARTERSVILLE, GA. in Hank Block, over the Postoffice. J. M. NEEL. H. B. TKIFPK. TBIPTE St NEEL, A. TT’OR NK Y 9-A. r r-Ii Aw, CARTERSVILLE, GA. WILL PRACTICE IN ALL THE COURTS, both State and Federal, except Bartow county criminal court, J. M. Neel, alone, will practice in said last mentioned court. Office in northeast corner of court house building. ieb27 K. D. GRAHAM. A. M. FOUTE. GRAHAM & FOUTE, ATT O RN E YS -.A. T-L A CARTERSVILLE, GA. Practice in all the courts of Bartow county, the Superior Courts of North-west Georgia, and the Supreme Courts at Atlanta. . Office west side public Square, up-stairs over W W. Rich A Co’s. Store, second door south of -Postoffice. iulylß JAMES B. CONYERS, attorney -a t-l. a. w AND Notary Public, CARTEBVILLE, J • ‘ : GEORGIA. (Office: Bank block, up-stairs.) WILL PRACTICE IN THE COURTS OF the Cherokee and adjoining circuits. Prompt attention given to all business. Col lections made a specialty. jnne29- ly F. M. JOHNSON, Dentist, (Office over Stokely A Williams store.) Cartkrsvii/LE, Georgia, T WILL FILL TEETH, EXTRACT TEETH, X and put in teeth, or do any work in my line at prices to suit the times. Work all warranted. Refer to my pat rons all over the county. angle-ly. F. JOHNSON. JOHN T. OWEN, (At Sayre A Co.’s Drug Store,) CARTERSVILLE, GA. WILL sell Watches, Clocks and Jewelry. Spectacles, Silver and Silver-Plated Goods, and will sell them as cheap as they can be bought anywhere. Warranted to prove as represented. All work done by me warranted to give satisfaction. Give me a oall. j u *y' Traveler’s Griiide. “ COOSA RIVER NAVIGATION. On and after December 16th, 1878, the following schedule will be run by the Steamers MAGNO LIA or ETOWAH BILL: Leave Rome Tuesday . ° a m Arrive at Gadsden Wednesday .... bam Leave Gadsden Wednesday 7pm Arrive at Rome Thursday jP m Leave Romo Friday . . 8 a Arrive at Gadsden .Saturday 7 a m Arrives at ti*wnsport 9am Arrive at Rome Saturday 6pm ** ,T. M. ELLIOTT, President anti Gen’l Sup r t. ROME RAILROAD COMPANY. On and after Wednesday, May 19, the Rome Railroad will run two trains daily, as follows: MORNING TRAIN. Leave Rome daily 8:00 am Arrive in Atlanta at 12:36 p m Leave Atlanta at 7:45 a m Arrive at Rome at 11:00 a m EVENING TRAIN. Leave Rome daily (except Sundays) . 6:30 p m .Arrive in Atlanta at 11:00 p m Leavs Atlanta at 5:00 p m Arrive at Rome 9:00 pm Morning train connects at Kingston with trains *©r Chattanooga and Atlanta; at Rome with trains south on S., R. & D. Railroad. Evening train connects at Kingston with trains lor Atlanta. ___ EBEN HILL TER, Jas. A. Smith, rresident. G. P. Agt. ___ CHEROKEE RAILROAD. On and after Monday, May 17. 1880, the train on this Road will run daily as follows (Sunday excepted): PASSENGER TRAIN. Leave Cartersville 9:50 am Arrive at Stilesboro ....... 10:30 am Arrive at Taylorsville 10:50 am Arrive at Rockmart 11:45 am Arrrive at Cedartown 1:15 p m RETURNING. Leave Cedartown 3:25 p m Arrive at Rockmart 4:28 pm Arrive at Taylorsville 5:22 p m Arrive at Stilesboro . . . ... . . 5:47 p m Arrive at Cartersville 6:30 pm FREIGHT TRAIN. Leave Taylorsville 6:00 am Arrive at Rockmart 7:10 a m Arrive at Fish Creek 8:25 a m RETURNING. Leave Fish Creek 11:10 a m Arrive at Rockmart 12:00 m Arrive at Taylorsville 1:30 pm WESTERN AND ATLANTIC R. R. The following is the present passenger sched ule: NIGHT PASSENGER —UP. Leave Atlanta 8:00 pm Leave Cartersville 4:53 pm Leave Kingston P m Leave Dalton I*l2 p m Arrive at Chattanooga . . . . • • 8:47 p m NIGHT PASSENGER —DOWN. Leave Chattanooga 5:25 p m Leave Dalton oiooEm Leave Kingston ....••••• Leave Cartersville Arrive at Atlanta ,11.00 pm DAY PASSENGER—UP. Leafe Atlanta 7-MaS Leave Cartersville 7.23 am Leave Kingston ‘ ® “ Leave Dalton Arrive at Chattanooga 10.56 a m PAY PASSENGER—DOWN. Leave Chattanooga 6:15 a m Leave Dalton 2 : }2 am Leave Kingston Leave Cartersville 10:11am Arrive at Atlanta 12:05 p m CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION—UP. Leave Atlanta Arrive at Cartersville • 7:22 p m CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION —DOWN. Leave Cartersville . 6:05 am Arrive at Atlanta 8:45 a m DUFF G BEBN HOUSE, Dalton, Ga. THE BEST and CHEAPEST HOTEL On the Kennesaw Route. BREAKFAST AND SUPPER HOUSE FOR PASSENGERS. ‘Special Attention Given to the Comfort and Con venience of Lady Passengers and guests. Reading and Sample Rooms for Commercial ’Travelers. Board per day, 12.00; Meals, 60 cts. itfeg- Railroaders. County and Stockmen, hall fa" VOLUME 11. The Atlanta Constitution. During the coming year—a year that will witness the processf MntSfthat non of the most interesting contest that has ever taken place in this country-^vepr cm zen and every thoughtful person will be com pelled to rely upon the newspapers for informa tion. Why not get the best < Abroad The CON stitction is recognized, referred to and quoted from as the leading southern journal as the or gan and vehicle of the best southern thought an opinion; and at home its columns are consulte 1 forthe latest news, the freshest comment, and for all matters of special and current interest. The Constitution contains more and later tele graphic news than any this particular feature will be large“dde<rl to during the coming year. All its facilities for gathering the latest news from all parts of_the country will be largely supplemented. ThE Constitution is both chronicler and commenter. Its editorial opinions, its contributions to the drift of current discussion, its humorous and satirical paragraphs are copied from one end of the country to the other. It aims always to be the brightest and the beste-newsy, original and piquant It aims particularly to give the news impartially and fully, and to keep its readers; in formed of the drift of current discussion by libe ral but concise quotations from its contempora ries. It aims, in short, to more than ever de serve to lie known as “the leading southern newspaper.” Bill Arp will continue to contrib ute his unique lfetters, which stow in savory hu mor week by week. “Old Si’’ will add his quaint fun to the collection of good things, and Uncle Remus has in preparation a series of negro myth for 1880 will lie better than ever. The Weklly Constitution is a carefully ed ited compendium of the news of the week, and contains the best and freshest matter to be found in any other weekly from a daily office. Its news and miscellaneous contents are the freshest and its market reports the latest. The Southern Cultivator. This, the best, the most reliable and most pop ulor of southern agricultural journals, is issued from the printing establishment of The Consti tution. It is still edited by Mr. W. L. Jones, and is devoted to the best interests of the farmers of the south. It is sent at reduced rates with the Weekly edition of The Constitution. Terms of Subscription : Paily Constitution, $lO a year. “ “ $5 for six months. “ “ $2.50 for three months. Weekly “ *1.50 a vc>- “ “ $1 for six months. “ “ Clubs of 10, $12.50 a year. “ “ “ 20, S2O a year. Southern Cultivator, $1.56 a year. “ “ Clubs of 10, $12.50 a year. “ “ “ 20, S2O a year. Weekly Constitution and Cultivator to same address, $2.50 for one year, Address THE CONSTITUTION, nov2o-tf Atlanta, Ga. JUST OUT. HOOD’S &RE AT BOOK —OF THE WAP ADVANCE and RETREAT. Personal Experiences in the United States and Confederate States Armies, By General John B. Hood, Late Lieutenant-General Confederate States Army, published for the Hood Orphan MEMORIAL FUND By General C. T. Beauregard, Yew Orleans, Louisiana, 1880. THE ENTIRE proceeds arising from the sale of this work are devoted to the Hood Orphan Memorial Fund, which is invested in United States Registered Bonds for the nurture, care, support and education of the ten infants depri ved of their parents last summer at New Orleans (the meloncholy events of which sad bereave ment are still fresh in the public mind). The book is an elegant octavo, containing 360 pages wiih aline photograph likeness and a fine steel engraving, made expressly for this work, four large maps of battle fields, bound in hand some Gray English cloth at $3.00, or in a fine Sheep binding with marble edge, $3.50, in half bound Morocco, Library style, $4.00, or in the best Levant Turkey Morocco, full gilt sides and edges, $9.00 On the receipt from any person remitting by mail or express, or the amount in a registered letter or by postal order, bank draft or eiieck, a copy will immediately be sent free of postage, registered as second class matter. The volume is published in the best style of ty pography, on elegant paper, with illustrations executed as highest specimens of art. The author, the subject, the purpose, all alike, render it worthy a place in every library—on ev ery desk—or upon the book-shelf of every house in the country. Agents wanted in every town and county in the United States, and a preference will be giv en to honorably discharged veterans from the army. To the ladies who desire, who feel a desire to express their sympathy with the Hood Orphan Memorial Fund the sale of this book among their circle of friends, will afford an excellent way of contributing substantial aid to so deserving cause. For terms, rates to agents, etc., address with full particulars, GEN. G.T. BEAUREGARD. On behalf of Hood Memo* ‘RI * un( L jjoW Orleans, La. SCHOOL AND COUh'GE TEXT BOOKS, PUBLISHED by Iverson, Blakeman, Taylor & Cos., NEW YORK, R. E. PARK, Genera! Agent. THIS series comprises among others, the fol lowing well-known STANDARD SCHOOL BOOKS: New Graded Readers, Robinson’s Mathematics, Spencerian Copy Books, Well’s Scientific Works, Riddle’s Astromics. Dana’s Geology, Woodbury’s German, Kerl’s Grammar, Webster’s Dictionary, Swinton’s Histories, Swinton’s Word Books, Swinton’s Geographies, Pasquell’s French^ Gray’s Botanies, Bryant & Stratton’s Book-keeping, Cathcart’s Literary Reader, etc., etc. Correspondence respectfully solicited. Address ROBERT E. PARK, General Agent. Care J. W. Burke & CO., Macon, Georgia. FORTHE CAMPAIGN - Let our Friends Make up Clubs For The Free Press ! LIVELY TIMES AHEAD! The great political campaign of 1880 will soon be upon the country. The presidential, guber natorial and congressional elections come off this year. Every man ought to keep posted. The FreE Press will endeavor to keep its read ers well up with the times. We wish its friends to aid in extending its circulation and usefulness. We want it to go to every postoffice in the sev enth district. In order to do SO we call attention to our club rates: Five copies one year $ 8 75 Ten copies one year 15 00 Twenty copies one year 25 oo Fifty copies one year 50 00 All orders must be accompanied with cash. Above rates apply to shorter periods than a 5 C Now, let our friends go to work and help us in promoting the good cause. Address all orders to THE FREE PRESB, CarterHViUe, Ga. THE FREE PRESS. the crisis. A Pretty Severe Criticism on the Political Course of Senator Brown. To The Free Press: Talmage tells us that the “cry of cri sis,” has been repeated every four years, for the last forty. That accords with the writer’s experience without qualifica tion. While I do not believe the ap proaching presidential election will justi fy the “cry of crisis,” yet, I believe, most profoundly, that we have upon us a domestic or local crisis. I mean the election of Joe Brown to the federal sen ate. Should’the people of Georgia so far lose their senses, their self-respect, the dignity and honor of Georgia as to elect Brown senator, then may we look for the disintegration of the democracy sure enough. If men have wavered, hesita ted and doubted the propriety and policy of independentism hitherto, they will no longer scruples but, with the desperation of wounded honor, and that spirit that springs from insulted manhood will elect vengeance. Do the people really know" Joe Brown’s “true inwardness?” Have they read his true nature as developed since 1861 ? If not, then men are not capable of self government, and deserved to be hectored over by just such a man. I have no per sonal prejudice against Brown, and if I had, I would forbear to write a line; but my objection to him is purely political, and that based upon his antecedents alone. How arp we to know men, other than by their action, whether politically, religiously or socially? We have the sanction of scripture for thus judging men. When “clothed with a little brief author ity” in ’63-64, did he not array himself againt the confederate congress to the great detriment of the “lost cause?” Did he not demoralize the people and en courage desertion ? If the foregoing are historic facts are we not at liberty to inquire after the true animus ? What motive prompted Browu to thwart the policy and damage die cause of the confederacy which Ho aided to inaugurate? Was he hon<*ff? Was he acting from convictions of duty, or was it the outcroppings of a demoniac revenge for not having been placed in the executive chair of the confederacy him self? If this was not the cause, then please give a better, who can. lo sup pose Brown was ignorant of the impolicy of bis course, at that extreme conjuncture in the affairs of the confederacy, would be to divest him of the prestige lie has for a superbundance of brains. But, no sooner did the confederacy go down, that Brown went back upon thing he everything he ever inspired the people to believe be possessed that was noble and patriotic. Was he honest in this departure? We have the right to inquire into the public acts, and judge of the motives of every public man; and unless this is rigidly and fearlessly done, the people can but expect to be imposed upon by every adventurer. I appeal to every thinking man, what motive moved Joe Brown to join the radi cal party? Colquitt says “to get the south restored to the union.” Was it necessary to the restoration of the south ern states, that Georgia should be ruled by the last rakings of creation —her labor demoralized —her material resources par alyzed—her credit run down to zero—her debt run up* to fabulous figures ? As suming that Browm did believe he could facilitate the restoration of the south, did he accomplish it before he knocked at the door of the democratic party for admit tance? Were the southern states recon structed and remanded back to local self government in 1872? What idea did Greeley represent, otherthan local self government? Then, it had not been ac complished at that date, the time the Brownites gives as his return to the party. Let the truth come if the heaven’s fall. Joe Brown had been defeated in an at tempt to get into the United States sen ate-had taken the chief-justiceship as the next best in the gift of the radical party, and when the time arrived to seize the W. & A. railroad, he did so in as much haste as he went to Washington “lately”. Brown, in common with all scallawags, went for money , and hence, we hear no more of him, politically, until quite “lately.” Joe very readily under stands the situation of railroading since the legislature appointed the commission ers to retrench exhorbitant tariffs. He now betakes himself to politics, ready whatever “may turn up.” Now, elect Joe to the senate, and by the next presidential election—’B4 —he will he an aspirant, no matter in what party, on what issue or new departure; for remember, he is a man of policy , and a policy man, devoid of principle, moral or political. Suppose Brown should be elected president in ’B4, as some ardently desire? Could he keep quiet with for eign nations or with the thirty-eight states? If so, his nature will have to urge a radical change. Those who know Joe Brown, know him to be a dangerous man—a man of vaulting ambition, and as unscrupulous as Grant, Napoleon or the Czar. This may provoke a smile from some, and extort the expression visionary. Suppose I should have opposed Joe Brown’s election during the late war, predicting his opposition to the confed erate congress—his defection in Georgia’s extremity—that he would go back on ev ery noble patriotic sentiment, that was ever imputed to him. Then you would have smiled derisively and cried, “away with such fanaticism!” There are not wanting men, who, walk ing in Joe’s shadow, obsequeously obey ing his every behest, that are so com pletely dead to every honorable impulse, as to confess that their polities are all in their pockets —that a man is a fool that goes into politics with any object. CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 1, 1880. They admire Joe for his admirable ad dress In appropriating to himself political elements of power. This is “policy.” If his radicalism was all “policy,” then he acted in bad faith tow ards the republi cans. Admitting all that Gen. Evans and others claim for Brown’s strategy policy, was it not superlative duplicity? The arguments adduced by Colquitt proves too much on the moral and reli gious hypothesis, Let the Brownites take either horn ot the dilemma, and he has proved himself a bad man , one that cannot be relied upon in any emer gency. Tell me not of brains, for h—l is full of brains. Talk of integrity , a quality, an attribute to which Brown is a stranger. If Joe Brow n must be coimted among democrats, let him take a back seat. Joshua. WINFIELD SCOTT HANCOCK. Hlt Ancestry, Early Life and Services. General Hancock bears a family name which long before his birth had been made celebrated in revolutionary an nals. To this family belonged John Hancock, of Massachusetts, the first, signer of the declaration of independ ence. In the great struggle for human liberty and the deliverantte of rnan from the old thraldom of kings more than one ancestor of our subjects, maternal as well as paternal took part. That W infield b. Hancock should be a lovtr of his coun try is a matter of inheritaice.. That he is a man who, although a soldier by pro fession, holds the lavv and the constitu tion above the sword, is an honorable and patriotic fMturo of his character W tUCIi is his own. His name shines, therefore, with no reflected lustre from the past. General Hancock was born in Mont gomery county, Pennsylv&m i. His fa ther, who was a native of the same coun ty, participated in the war of 1812, and afterwards became a lawyer of promi nence. The date of General Hancock s birth was February 14, 1824. His early education was received in an academy in Norristown, whore he spent the first years of his youth. He possessed, as a schoolboy, those traits which sometimes foretell future eminence. Studious and thoughtful, he laid the foundations of a great career. Entering West Point at 16, he grad uated with credit to himself on the 30th of June, 1844. The close of the Mexican war—in which he had distinguished him self at Contreras, Cherubusco, Molino del Rey and at the capture of the City of Mexico—found him a second lieutenant of infantry. From 1848 to 1861 he serv ed in various capacities in the military service. In 1861, when the war betweee the United States and the Confederatn States broke out, he was stationed at Los Angeles, Cal. He offered his services first to his native state of Pennsylvania and then to the federal government. The latter accepted them. General Scott or dered him to Washington and Presulen- Lincoln commissioned him a brigadier general of volunteers September 23d. General Hancock’s command was com posed of four regiments —from Pennsyl vania, New York, Vermont and Wiscon sin respectively. With these troops he repaired with the army of the Potomac to the Peninsula towards the end of March, 1862, when General McClellan began his ineffectual campaign against Richmond from that direction. His bri gade took part in a number of skirmishes and partial engagements that preceded the battle of Williamsburg on the sth of May. It distinguished itself on that day, General Hancock assuming personal command and leading a charge. This sharing the danger of his men was one of the features of his military career; he never was unwilling to lead on occasions when his presence was needed to encour age his troops, and both as brigadier general and major-general he gave to his soldiers the inspiriting lesson of example and emulation. But all General flan cock’s courage and skill could not alter the decrees of fate. He retired with the rest of the army of the Potomac from the long-continued, bloody and disastrous seven days’ fight, leaving Richmond in the hands of her valiant defenders, but enjoying for himself the enviable con sciousness of having deserved well of his country. The testimony to his devotion was shown when, after the battle of Mal vern Hill, General McClellan recom mended that he be promoted to the rank of major-general of volunteers; and at the same time his services in this most active of campaigns were further reward ed by his obtaining the successive bre vets of major-lieutenant-colonel and colo nel in the regular army. The months of August and September, 1862, found General Hancock with his brigade at Centreville, serving under Pope. He fought at South mountain and again, on September 17th, at Antietam. In this battle tell the general command ing the first division of the second army corps. During the progress of the battle General Hancock was appointed to the command of the division, and thus began his connection with the second corps, of which, in the course of time, he became the commander. He was commissioned major-general of volunteers in the month of November, and at the head of his division, he par ticipated in the battle at Fredericksburg on December 13th; here he was slightly wounded. He shared in the defeat of Hooker at Chancellorsville in 1863, and his division did effectual service in stay ing the ill fortunes of the day by protect ing the rear of the retreating union troops. In”the month of June of the same year he was assigned to the command of the second army corps. We next hear of Hancock at the great battle of Gettysburg which, by some northern authorities is held to have been the pivotal conflict of the war. The re treating union forces were stayed at this point by his advice, and here it was that General Meade, who was in general command, determined to make a stand against General Lee’s pursuing army. On the first day of the battle, July 1, he was in immediate command until the ar rival of Meade. On the second day his corps did exceptional service and was engaged with General Longstreet’s corps. He had command of the left centre of the union army and before the close of the day he was severely wounded. In consideration of his services in these bat tles congress voted him a resolution of thanks. It was not until the opening of the campaign of 1864 that his wounds allowed him again to see active service. Up to March of that year he was on sick leave, and was engaged in recruiting the Second army corps. With the opening of the campaign he was in the field under Gen eral Grant, and in command of this corps. He was present at the battles of the Wil derness, Spottsylvania Court House, North Anna, and the second battle of Cold Harbor. He participated in the operations around Petersburg until June 19th, until he was once more compelled to retire from service for awhile, owing to his wounds breaking out anew. General Hancock’s last military com mand was an important one. He was de tached from the army of the Potomac on the 26th of November and was ordered to Washington. In a short while he was placed at the head of a corps of vet errns numbering 50,000. His headquar tejs were at Winchester, Va., and his en tire command, in which was included the army of the Shenandoah, numbered 100,000 men. The surrender at Appo mattox, however, made further service in the field unnecessary. He was still at Winchester when the murder of President Lincoln occurred. Summoned to Washington, which city was included in his military division, lie was ordered to remain there by Presi dent Johnson until order should replace the excitement caused by the assassina tion of the president. It was in his ca pacity as military head of the division that he was compelled to look on and witness the murder of the unfortunate Mrs. Surratt, by order of a military com mission. But to his credit be it said that he made every effort consistent with his position and duties, to save the life of this victim convicted under martial law. Mrs. Surratt and her companions were executed July 8, 1860. When Mrs. Sur ratt’s daughter, at his suggestion, en deavored to reach the ear of President Johnson to intercede for her mother’s life, General Hancock assisted her to the extent of his ability in carrying out her wishes. But in vain he hoped for a par don for Mrs. Surratt, through the pray ers of the unfortunate woman’s daughter, and on the day of the execution he sta tioned mounted soldiers on the line from the white house to the arsenal grounds, where the execution was to take place, so that if the pardon were granted, even at the last moment, he should know it promptly and 111 Hun to s<tve Mis. Sur ratt from the halter. No messenger of mercy came, and the indelible disgrace was attached to the government of the United States of hanging a womau inno cent of crime. Later in July, General Hancock was transferred to the middle department. His headquarters were at Baltimore. He remained in command of this department until July, 1866, when he was put in command of the department of Missouri. About the same time he was made ma jor-general in the regular army, having already been breveted to the same grade for “gallant and meritorious conduct at Spottsylvania.” While in the west he conducted several campaigns against hostile Indians in the Indian Territory, Kansas and Colorado. His subsequent commands have been those of Louisiana and Texas, of Dakota and of the de partment of the east —the last his present charge with headquarters on Governor’s island. We have shown above the record that General Hancock has made for himself qs a soldier, but it is not as a soldier that the presidency of the United States will be conferred on him. The eyes of thou sands of his fellow countrymen are turned to him because, being a soldier himself, he has stood boldly and bravely forward in emergencies in defense of the civil war when threatened in time of peace by the military law. While in command of the military division of Lou isiana and Texas, with headquarters at New Orleans, in November, 1867, he found himself met by difficulties arising out of the results of the war. With ad mirable tact and a keen sense of justice to the laws of the country as well as- to the people of Louisiana and Texas, lie reconciled the differences that had pre viously prevailed and which had had their origin in the abominable carpet-bag governments that since the close of the war had blighted those states. Instead of an oppressor, the Louisianians and lexans found in him a governor inspired by motives of the purest patriotism and of the highest justice. On assuming command,, November 29, 1867, he issued his well-known “General Order, No. 40,” in whiUh he laid down his programme as governor of the district. This document was a revelation to an oppresssed, robbed and humiliated people. In it he ex pressed his conviction that the people of Louisiana and Texas desired peace, and he declared his purpose to ensure it, by allowing the civil authorities to carry out the civil laws. There was everything in this “Order” to produce a profound sense of gratitude in the hearts ot those to whom it was addressed. Following it came for awhile the blessings of peace and prosperity, and but for the fact that the administration at Washington re moved General Hancock from his sphere of just and beneficent government the period of misrule in Louisiana and Texas would have come to an end ten years ago. How honestly, how impartially and how prudently he conducted the affairs of those two states is shown in the case of his controversy with the carpet-bag so called Governor Pease, of Texas. This individual had abitrarily removed the judges and county officers whom he found in office and had appointed his own crea tures to fill their places. General Hancock’s first act on assum ing command was to redress the injustice that had been done to the people of Tex as, and in his “General Order No. 40” he repaired the wrong that Pease had com mitted. He declared that “the right of trial by jury, the habeas corpus, the lib erty of the press, the freedom of speech, the natural rights of persons, and the rights of property, should be respected” —noble sentiments that have never been forgotten by the American people. Again in a letter to Pease, he said tha*, “On them (the laws of Texas and Louisiana), as on a foundation of rock, reposes al most the entire structure of social order in these two states. ****** The just course of Geueral Hancock in the south offended the carpet-baggers and their radical friends in congress endeav ored by hostile legislation, directed against him, either to have him retired from the military service or make his position as commander of the fifth mili tary district irksome and embarrassing. Finally the issue of obeying a wrong or resigning his governorship was present ed to him. He chose the latter course, and in a letter to a friend, in which he spoke of his difficulties, he said: “Noth ing can intimidate me from doing what I believe to be honest and right.” He made application to be relieved from his command on February 27, 1868, a victim of radical partisanship, whose name had become a tower of strength in the land. General Hancock was brought out in 1868 as a candidate for the democratic nomination for the presidency. In the national convention of that year he re ceived 144)4 votes. Again, in 1876, he received at the St. Louis con\ention sev enty-five votes for the same nomination. It will be seen, therefore, that he has a presidential record which does not lack the important element of the confidence of hundreds of thousands of his fellow citizens in his availability as the man to lead the democracy to victory. It may be remarked, in conclusion, that he has a large following throughout the country, and that he was the choice of Louisiana aud Texas and of several other districts in other southern states for president. TILDEN’9 LETTER. An Able and Patriotic Letter from the “Sage of Grammercy Park.*’ New York, June 18, 1880. To the Delegates from the State of New York to the Democratic National Con vention: Your first assembling is an occasion on which it is proper for me to state to you my relation to the nomination for the presidency, which you and your asso ciates are commissioned to make in be half of the democratic party of the United States. Having passed my early years in an atmosphere filled with traditions of the war which secured our national in depence and of the struggles which made our continental system a govern ment for the people, by the people, 1 learned to idolize the institutions of my country, and was educated to believe it the duty of each citizen of the republic to take his fair allotment of care and trouble in public affairs. I fulfilled that duty to the best of my ability for forty years as a private citizen. Although during all my life giving at least as much thought and effort to public affairs as to all other ob jects. I have never accepted official ser vice except for a brief period for a special purpose, and only when the occasion seemed to require of me that sacrifice of private preferences to public interests. My life "has been substantially that of a private citizen. It was, I presume, the success of the efforts in which as a pri vate citizen I had shared to overthrow the corrupt combination then holding dominion in our metropolis, and to puri ty the judiciary which had become its tool, that induced the democracy of the state in 1874 to nominate me for govern or. This was done in spite of the pro tests of the minority that the part I had borne in these reforms had created antag onisms fatal to me as a candidate. I telt constrained to accept the nomination as the most certain means of putting the power of the gubernatorial office on the side of reform and of removing the im pression, wherever it prevailed, that the faithful discharge of one’s duty as a citi zen, is fatal to his usefulness as a public servant. The breaking up of the canal ring, the better management of our pub lic ivorks, the large reduction of taxes and other reforms accomplished during my administration, doubtless occasioned my nomination for the presidency by the democracy of the union, in the hope that similar processes would be applied to the federal government, From the responsi bilities of such an undertaking, appalling as it seemed to me, I did not feel at liber ty to shrink. In the canvass which en sued, the democratic party represented reform in the administration of the fed eral government and the restoration of our complex political system to the pure ideas of its founders. Upon these issues the people of the United States, by a ma jority of more than a quarter of a mil lion, chose a majority of the electors to cast their votes for the democratic candi dates for president and vice president. It is my privilege here to say that I was nominated and elected to the presidency, absolutely free from any engagement in respect to the exercise of its powers or the disposal of its patronage. Through the whole period of my relation to the presidency, I did everything in my pow er to elevate and nothing to lower the moral standards in competition of par ties. By what nefarious means the basis for a false count was laid in several of the states, I need not recite. These are now matters of history about which whatever diversity of opinion may have existed in either of the great parties of the country at the time of then- consummation, has since practically disappeared. I refused to ransom from tne returning boards of southern states documentary evidence by the suppression of which and by the sub stitution of fraudulent and forged papers, a pretext was made for the perpetuation of the false count. The constitutional duty of the two houses of congress to count the electoral votes as cast and to give effect to the will of the people as ex pressed by their suffrages, was never ful filled. An electoral commission for the existence of which I have no responsibili ty, was formed and to it the two houses of congress abdicated their duty to make the count by a law enacting that the count of the commission should stand as final unless overruled by the concurrent action of the two houses. Its false count was not overruled owing to the complici ty of the republican senate with the re publican majority of eight to seven. The electoral commission counted out the men elected by the people and counted in the men not elected by the people. That subversion of the election created anew issue for the decision of the people of the United States, transcending in importance all questions of administration. It in volves the vital principle of self-govern ment through elections by the people. The immense growth of the means of cor rupt influence over the ballot box, by which it is at the disposal of the party having possession of the executive ad ministration, had already become a pres ent evil and great danger, tending to make elections irresponsible to public opinion, hampering the power of the peo ple to change their rulers and enabling men holding the machinery of the gov ernment to continue and perpetuate their power. It was my opinion in 1876 that the oppesition attempting to change the administration, needed to include at least two-thirds of the voters at the open ing of the canvass in order to retain a majority at the election. If, after such obstacles had been overcome and a ma jority of the people ha J v oted to change the administration of their government, the men in office could still procure a false count founded upon fraud, perjury and forgeries, furnishing a pretext for documentary evidence on which to base that false count, and if such a transaction were not only successful, but if, after the allotments of its benefits were made to its contrivers, abettors or apologists by the chief beneficiary of the transactions, it were condoned by the people, a practical destruction of elections by the people, a would have been accomplished. The failure to install the candidates chosen by the people, a contingency consequent upon no act or omission of mine and beyond *my control, has thus left me, for the last three years and until now, when the democratic party, by its delegates in the national convention as sembled, shall choose anew leader, the involuntary, but necessary representative of this momentous issue, and as such de nied the immunities of private life, with out the powers conferred by public sta tion, subject to unceasing falsehoods and calumnies from the partisans of an ad ministration laboring in vain to justify its existence. I have nevertheless stead fastly endeavored to preserve to the demo cratic party of the United States supreme issue before the people for their decision next November, whether this shall be a government by the sovereign people through election or a government by dis carded servants, holding over by force and fraud, and I have withheld no sacri ! fiee, and neglected no opportunity, to uphold, organize and consolidate against the enemies of repreceutative institu tions, the great party which alone, un- BATES OF ADVERTISING. Advertisements will be inserted at the rates of One Dollar per inch for the first insertion, and Fifty Cents for each additional insertion. RATES. Stack. 1 mo. 8 mos. 6 mos. 1 year One inch, Ifw #SOO #7 50 #lO 00 Two inches, 876 750 12 50 IS 00 Three inches, 500 10 00 17 50 25 00 Four inches, #25 i2 60 22 60 82 00 Fourth column 750 h* 00 00 40 (X) Half column, 15 00 25 00 40 92 ,99 22 One column, 20 00 40 00 60 00 100 00 NUMBER 51 der God, can effectuallyresist their over throw. Having now borne faithfully my full share of labor and care in the public service, and wearing the marks of its burdens, I desire nothing so much as an honorable discharge. 1 wish to lay down the honors and tolls of even a quasi part v leadership and to seek the repose of private life. In renouncing renomi nation for the presidency, I do so with no doubt in my mind as to the vote of the state ot New York or of the United States, but because I believe it is a re nunciation of re-election to the presiden cy. To those who think my nomination and re-election indispensible to an effec tual vindication of the right of* the peo ple to elect their rulers, violated In my person, I have accorded as long a reserve of my decision as possible, but I canuot overcome my repugnance to enter into a new engagement which involves four years of ceaseless toil. The dignitv of the presidential office is above a merely personal ambition, but it creates in me no illusion. Its value is as a great pow er for good to the country. ’ 1 said four years ago in accepting the nomination: ‘‘Knowing as I do, therefore, from fresh experience how great the difference is be tween gliding througn an official routine, and working out a reform of systems and policies, it is impossible for me to con template what needs to be done in the federal administration, without an anx ious sense of the difficulties of the under taking. If summoned by the suffrages of my countrymen to attempt this work, I shall endeavor with God’s help to be the efficient instrument.” Such a work of renovation after many years of mis rule, such a reform of systems and poli cies to which I would cheerfully have sacrificed all that remained to me of health and life, is now 1 fear beyond my strength. With unfeigned thanks for the honors bestowed upon me, with a heart swelling with emotions of gratitude to the democratic masses for the suppoit they have given to the cause 1 represent and their confidence in every emergen cy, I remain you fellow-citizen, [Signed] Samuel J. Tilden. IMMIGRATION. luterofltiiiK Letter from a Georgian in Bremen, to Mr. Fontaine. Hillman’s Hotel, Bremen, May 30th, 1880.— Hon. Francis Fontaine , New York : I have your esteemed favor of the 17th, which has my best attention. I would not be willing to take any interest in the land trades, but would most cheer fully render you any assistance in ray power in trying to induce emigrants to settle in Georgia, I see from the act of the legislature creating the office of land and immigration commissioner, that no appropriation is made to pay the expen ses of the office, or to pay your salary. It seems to be assumed that the fees from the registration of land, and from emi grants registering, will be sufficient, I feel quite sure that sufficient revenue cannot be raised in this way to run the office effectually. It may be well enough tD require land owners to pay registra tion tees, but 1 do not think it good poli cy to impose any tax on immigrants — they should be furnished with all infor mation gratis. People in New York who are out of employment may use it as au intelligence office, but freshly landed immigrants would rarely seek the office if charged a fee—at least, that is my opinion. I had seen in the papers that tiie state had a land and immigrant com missioner in yourself, and I had hoped that you would be able to show good re sults this season, but when I see that no means are placed at your command to accomplish them, my disappointment is so great that 1 cannot refrain from com menting. With SIO,OOO you could have accomplished much this season. I be lieve you could and would have used this amount judiciously, and so that the state would have been immensely benefltted. This has been an uncommonly favorable season for your work and it is a pity to lose t!ie opportunity on account oi the parsimoniousness of the legislature. I know that some good people do not think immigration desirable. I am notone of therm I believe that every able and willing worker that settles in the state is worth at least one thousand dollars to it, whether he brings a dollar with him or not. I find they are rated high over here. The loss of such people as are goin; r over this season is as much deplor ed here, as the gain of them should be prized in America. I fear that Georgia is losing her rela tive position as compared with other states in the union. I say that I fear she is, I think I may -venture to say that I know she is. She does not enjoy even a natural growth, for many of her hardiest and best workers are leaving her every year, and I do not see that their places are being supplied by new comers. There are very few other states in the union of which this can be said. Is it because she is so much less favored by nature? Is it because of some defect in the character of her people, or i3 it want of statesman ship? It must be one of these or all.— But, my dear friend, I will not press this gloomy view on -you, for I know you would rejoice at being able to give the old state a push forward, and if you were supplied with a very moderate amount of means, you could now do it —but you have not got them. This is the most important point on the continent to work up tne emigrant business. More go from here than oth er places. They all stop here from one to three days to equip themselves for the vovage, and they can all be reached at the emigrant hotels. If pamphlets printed in German could be placed in their hands here, setting torth the attrac tions of Georgia, they would have time to read them, not only here, but on the way over. I doubt not some of them would conclude to try their luck in Geor gia—especialljr if you could give them information gratis in New York. lam not here constantly, and it is uncertain how long I will remain. I have a friend here, Mr. C. F. Wilmans, (a German), formerly of Augusta, Ga. He is au ed ucated man and would cheer!ully trans late any pamphlet from English into German and to help circulate it. If you send me a pamphlet in English, if it don’t cost too much, I will have it trans lated and printed in German at my ex pense from purely patriotic motives. The translation will cost nothing and I hope the printing will not cost more than I am willing to give for the good the state. I could not undertake any official position, for my stay and presence here is uncertain, but l think my friend, Wil mans would even as an honorary one without pay. I do not know of any commissioner of emigratian here. Two steamers sailed to-day from Bremer Hav en to New York. I send you list of pas sengers. I am, dear sir, yours faith fully, _____ W ’ F ‘ H ’ The commanding general, in dis charge of the trust reposed in him will maintain the just power of the judiciary, and is unwilling to permit the civil au thorities and laws to be military interference.— Hancock'& New Orleans order. December sth 1876, 1
