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Professional Cards.
M, la. J OIIN SON,
VTTOKNKY- A T - L A W ,
CARTEBBVILLE, GEORGIA.
office: east side public square, next door to
Robert*’ Livery Stable. apr29_
TANARUS, W. MILNER. i. W. HARRIS, JR.
MILNER & HARRIS,
ATTO RNEYS-AT-LAW,
CARTKRSVILLE, GA.
Office on West Main Street. jnlylß
R. tv. MUKI'HEY,
A T T ORNEY-AT - LAW,
CARTKRSVILLE, GA.
OFFICE (up-stairs) in the brick building, cor
ner of Main & Krwin atreete. julyl.
\V. T. WOFFORD,
A T T O RNEY-AT-LA AV,
—AND—
dealer in real estate,
< ASS STATION, BARTOW COUNTY, GA.
JNO.L. MOON. DOUGLAS WIKLE.
MOON & WIKLE,
Attornevs-at-Law,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
Pyv- onir.t; in bank Block, over tlie Postoflice.
K. B.THIPPK. J. M. NEEL.
TRIPPE & NEEL,
A T TORNEYS-AT-LA W ,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
WILL PRACTICE IN ALL THE COURTS,
both State and Federal, except Bartow
county criminal court. J. M. Neel, alone, will
practice in said last mentioned court. Office in
northeast corner of court house building. fcb27
j . I). graham. A. M.FOUTE.
GRAHAM & FOUTE,
AT r r OLINJO YS -A T-L A “W,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
Practice in all.the courts of Bartow county, the
Superior Courts of North-west Georgia, and the
Supreme Courts at Atlanta.
Office west side public Square, up-stairs over
\V VV. Rich ti Co’s. Store, second door south of
Postoffice. july!B.
•JAMES It. CONYERS,
ATT ORNKY - A T - L AW
AND
Notary Public,
Cartesvili.e, : : •• *• Georgia.
(Office: Bank block, up-stairs.)
W ILL PRACTICE IN TIIE COURTS OF
the Cherokee and adjoining circuits.
Prompt attention given to all business. Col
lections made a specialty. june29-ly
F. M. JOHNSON, Dentist,
(Office over Stokely & Williams store.)
CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA.
I WILL FILL TEETH, EXTRACT TEETH,
and put in*tooth, or do any work in my line
ut prices to suit the times.
Work all warranted. Refer to my pat
rons all over the county.
augls-ly. F. M. JOHNSON.
JOHN T. OWEN,
(At Sayre & Co.’s Drug Store,)
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
WILL sell Watches, Clocks and Jewelry.
Spectacles, Silver and Silver-Plated
Goods, and will sell them as cheap as they can
he bought anywhere. Warranted to prove as
represented. AVI work doue by me warranted
to give satisfaction. Giro me a call. julylS.
Traveled a Grnicle.
COOSA RIVER NAVIGATION.
On and after December 16th, 1878,the following
schedule will be run by the Steamers MAGNO
LIA or ETOW All B1LL:
Leave Rome Tiu-oday .... “ m
Arrive at Gadsden VVedhesday . ... bam
Leave Gadsden Wednesday 7pm
Arrive at Rome Thursday 6pm
Leave Rome Friday Sam
Arrive at Gadsden Saturday . . . . . 7am
Arrives at Greeusport 9am
Arrive at Rome Saturday 6pm
M . ELLIOTT, President and Gen’l Sup f t.
HOME RAILROAD COMPANY.
On and after Wednesday, May 19, the Rome
Railroad will run two trains daily, as follows:
MORNING TRAIN.
Leave Rome daily 8:00 am
Arrive in Atlanta at 12:36 p m
Leave Atlanta at 7:45 a m
Arrive at Rome at 11:00 am
EVENING TRAIN.
Leave Rome daily (except Sundays) . 5:80 p m
Arrive in Atlanta at 11:00pm
Leavs Atlanta at ?
Arrive at Rome 9:00 pm
Morning train connects at Kingston with trains
for Chattanooga and Atlanta; at Rome with
trains south on S., H. & I). Railroad. .
Evening train connects at Kingston with trains
EBEN HILLYER,
Jas. A. Smith, President.
(jJ. P. Agt.
CHEROKEE RAILROAD.
On and after Monday, May 17. 1880, the train
on this Road will run daily as follows (Sunday
excepted):
PASSENGER TRAIN.
Leave Cartersville 9:50 am
Arrive at Stilesboro 10:30 a m
Arrive au Taylorsville 10:50 am
Arrive at Rockmart 11:45 a m
Arrrive at Cedartown 1:15 p m
RETURN ING.
Leave Cedartown 8:25 p m
Arrive at Rockmart 4:28 pm
Arrive at Taylorsville 5:22 pm
Arrive at Stilesboro 5:47 pm
Arrive at Cartersville 0:30 p m
FREIGHT TRAIN.
Leave Taylorsville 6:00 am
Arrive at Rockmart 7:10 a m
Arrive at Fish Creek . 8:25 am
RETURNING.
Leave Fish Creek 11:10 am
Arrive at Rockmart 12:00 in
i Arrive at Taylorsville 1:30 pm
i WESTERN AND ATLANTIC R. R.*
■ The following is the present passenger sched
ule:
NIGHT PASSENGER—UP.
Leave Atlanta 3:00 pm
Leave Cartersville . 4:53 pm
Leave Kingston s:l9pm
Leave Dalton 7:10 p m
Arrive at Chattanooga 8:47 p m
NIGHT PASSENGER—DOWN.
Leave Chattanooga . . H . . . . 5:25 pm
Leave Dalton 7:10 p m
Leave Kingston 8:39 pm
Leave Cartersville 9:05 p m
Arrive at Atlanta 11:00 p m
DAY PASSENGER—UP.
Leave Atlanta 5:20 am
Leave Cartersville 7:23 a m
Leave Kingston 7:49 am
Leave Dalton 9:21 am
Arrive at Chattanooga 10:56 a m
DAY PASSENGER—DOWN.
Leave Chattanooga 6:15 a m
Leave Dalton 8:10 am
Leave Kingston a m
Leave Cartersville a m
Arrive at Atlanta 12:05 p m
CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION-UP.
Leave Atlanta v'.lo £
Arrive at Cartersville * ‘ 1’ ni
CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION—DOWN.
3-cave Cartersville
Arrive at Atlanta
DUFF GItEEN HOUSE,
Dalton, Ga.
THE BEST and CHEAPEST HOTEL
On the Kennesaw Route.
BREAKFAST AND SUPPER HOUSE FOR
PASSENGERS.
Special Attention Given to the Comfort and Con
venience of Lady Passengers and guests.
Reading and Sample Rooms for Commercial
'Travelers.
Board per day, $2.00; Meals, 50 cts.
Railroaders, County and Stockmen, half
fare;
VOLUME 11.
The Atlanta Constitution.
During the coming year—a year
that will witness the progress and culmina
tion of the most interesting political contest that
has ever taken place in this country—every citi
zen and every thoughtful person will be com
pelled to rely upon the newspapers for informa
tion. Why not get the best Abroad The Con
stitution is recognized, referred to and Quoted
from as the leading southern journal—as the or
gan and vehicle of the best southern thought and
opinion: and at home its columns are consulted
for the latest news, the freshest comment, and
for all matters of special and current interest.
The Constitution contains more and later tele
graphic news than any other Georgia paper, and
this particular feature will be largely added to
during the coming year. All its facilities for
gathering the latest news from all parts of the
country will be largely supplemented. The
Constitution is both chronicler and commenter.
Its editorial opinions, its contributions to the
drift of current discussion, its humorous and
satirical paragraphs are copied from one end of
the country to the other. It aims always to be
the brightest and the best—newsy, original and
piquant. It aims particularly to give the news
impartially and fully, and to keep its readers in
formed of the drift of current discussion by libe
ral but concise quotations from its contempora
ries. It aims, in short, to more than ever de
serve to be known as “the leading southern
newspaper.” Bill Arp will continue to contrib
ute his unique tetters, which grow in savofy hu
mor week by week. “Old Si” will add his quaint,
fun to the collection of good things, and “Uncle
Remus has in preparation a series of negro myth
legends, illustrating the folk-lore of the old
plantation. In every respect The Constitution
for 1880 will be better than ever.
The Weelly Constitution is a carefully ed
ited compendium of the news of the week,' and
contains the best and freshest matter to be round
in any other weekly from a daily office. Its news
and miscellaneous contents are the freshest and
its market reports the latest.
Tli© Southern Cultivator.
This, the best, the most reliable and most pop
ulor of southern agricultural journals, Is issued
from the printing establishment of The Consti
tution. It is still edited by Mr. W. L. Jones,
and is devoted to the best interests of the farmers
of the south. It is sent at reduced rates with the
Weekly edition of The Constitution.
Terms of Subscription:
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Southern Cultivator, $1.50 a year.
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Weekly Constitution and Cultivator 'to same
address, $2.50 for one year.
Address THE CONSTITUTION,
nov2o-tf Atlanta, Ga.
JUST OUT.
HOOD’SGREAT BOOK
—OFTHE WAR
ADVANCE and RETREAT.
Personal Experiences in the United States and
Confederate States Armies,
By General John B. Hood,
Tate Lieutenant-General Confederate States
Army, published for the Hood Orphan
MEMORIAL FUND
By General C. T. Beauregard,
Yew Orleans, Louisiana, 1880.
THE ENTIRE proceeds arising from the sale
of this work are devoted to the Hood Orphan
Memorial Fund, which is invested in United
States Registered Bonds for the nurture, care,
support and education of the ten infauts depri
ved of their parents last summer at New Orleans
(the meloncholy events of which sad bereave
ment are still fresh in the public mind).
The book is an elegant octavo, containing 360
pages wiili aline photograph likeness and a flic
steel engraving, made expressly for this wbrk,
four large maps of battle fields,' bound in hand
some Gray English cloth at $3.00, or in a line
Sheen binding with marble edge, $3.50, in half
bound Morocco, Library style, $4.00, or in the
best Levant Turkey Morocco, <*it sides ami
edsres. $5.00
On the receipt from any person remitting by
mail or express, or the amount in a register^ 1
letter or by postal order, bank draft or execk, a
copy will immediately be sent free ot postage,
registered as second class matter.
The volume is published in the best style of ty
pography, on elegant paper, with illustrations
executed as highest specimens of art.
The author, the subject, the purpose, all alike,
rentier it vrorthy a place in every library—on ev
ery desk—or upon the book-sb lf of every house
in the country.
Agents wanted in every town and county in
the United States, and a preference will be giv
en to honorably discharged veterans from the
army. .
To the ladies who desire, who feel a desire to
express their sympathy with the Hood Orphan
Memorial Fund the sale of this book among their
circle of friends, will afford an excellent way of
contributing substantial aid to so deserving a
cause.
For terms, rates to agents, etc., address
With full particulars,
GEN. G.T. BEAUREGARD, Pub.,
On behalf of Hood Memorial Fund,
New Orleans, La.
SCHOOL AND COLLEGE TEXT BOOKS,
PUBLISHED BY
Iverson, Blakeman, Taylor & Cos.,
NEW YORK,
R. E. PARK, General Agent.
THIS series comprises among others, the fol
lowing well-known
STANDARD SCHOOL BOOKS:
New Graded Readers,
Robinson’s Mathematics,
Spencerian Copy Books,
Well’s Scientific Works,
Riddle’s Astromics.
Dana’s Geology,
Woodbury’s German,
Kerl’s Grammar,
Webster’s Dictionary,
Swinton’s Histories,
Swinton’s Word Books,
Swinton’s Geographies,
Pasquell’s French,
Gray’s Botanies,
Bryant & Stratton’s Book-keeping,
Cathcart’s Literary Reader, etc., etc.
Correspondence respectfully solicited.
Address ROBERT E. PARK,
General Agent.
Care J. W. Burke & co., Macon, Georgia.
FOR THE CAMPAIGN.
Let our Friends Make up Clubs
For The Free Press !
LIVELY TIMES AHEAD!
The great political campaign of 1880 will soon
be upon the country. The presidential, guber
natorial and congressional elections come off
this year. Every man ought to keep posted.
The Free Fress.wM endeavor to keep its read
ers well up with the times. We wish its friends
to aid in extending its circulation and usefulness.
We want it to go to every postoffice in the sev
enth district. In order to do so we call attention
to our
club rates:
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Ten copies one year 15 00
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promoting the good cause.
Address all orders to
THE FREE PRESS,
Cartersville, Ga.
THE FREE PRESS.
OLD JAKE.
Boss—“ Well, Jake, what do you think
of the nominations?”
Jake—“ Dis DeGolyer Garfeel I ’spose
is de nag de rads hab put on de turf.
Well, boss, I am ’quainted wid his ’cord
ob ole.”
Boss—Jake, explain his connection
with Credit Mobilier, and how he came
by the title DeGolyer.”
Jake—“l can do dai most ingloriously.
Den, fust, de yanks got up a grate fraud
’nected wid de Union ’C’ifie railroad, and
to ’guise it, da called it Credit ob Mobile ,
all to fool fokes. Dis Oak Hames wuz
boss ob de machine, to get money outer
de big pocketbook ob de government dat
wuz in Garfeel’s hands. At dat time, as
it wuz in Georgy, dar wuz many fokes
fer “’veioping sorces,” and dis Oak
Hames got Colfax, Wilson, Kelly, Pat
terson and Garfeel’ to circumscribe for
stock in de Credit ob Mobile. De rads
’vestigated de case, and all ob dem,
DeGolyer, too, sed, under oaf, dat da dat
sed he had anything wid de Credit ob
Mobile wuz an uncodified liar, as Luster
says. But old Oak Hames wuz put up,
and he sed, wid de paper in his hand,
dese fellows did take stock, and dat he
paid DeGolyer Garfeel’ $329 for his di
visions ob de fraud. Dis is all history
now, and dars no use crawfishin’. De
better way is to face the music and say
you did worse dan dat. Fudder dan dat,
Poland, de boss ob de ’vestigation, ’port
ed dat DeGolyer did take shares in Oak
Hames’ fraud. Now, boss, what sort ob
oaf am dat?”
Boss —“But Judge Black, a democrat,
exculpates him in a letter to Blaine about
that time.”
Jake—“l heerd ’em read Black’s letter,
boss, but it wuz like Kobkit and Es u’s
“culpation ob Joe. It can’t hold water.
De jury ob Texas sed Currie wux crazy,
and ’sculpated him. De fokes in Atlan
ty sed Bullock wuz a saint, and ’scul
pated him, and Raincrow too. Den Joe
sed he followed what Pally Sary an’
Ivobket say an’ Esau an’ udders say.
Polly was rite. But, boss, Black’s ar
gument proved nuffin, or too much.
Black said DeGolyer had no center; he
didn’t know it wuz wrong to superscribe
in dat fraud. But DeGolyer sed, under
oaf, “I didn’t sign nuffin at all. All his
newspaper friends say he took de shares.
Den he swore a uncodified lie, as Luster
says. Dat ain’t all. His fokes in Ohio
’no-unced him, and he ’fused to argufy
de p’int befo’ de people. Dis DeGolyer
Garfeel’ ’minds me ob some fokes in
Georgy; do all de devilment da please;
make all de money; den fokes run arter
dem. Strange dat Logchain hab dropped
till Cl Uldvnviu
nab jined agin by ’storation. Well, who
next? Come in, old boys, but take off
hats and set back a little, please.”
Boss —“Tell us how he got the name
DeGolyer.”
Jake—“l can do dat most superfluous
ly. You see, boss, about ’72, when Joe
got ’verted back to ’mocracy one Chit
tenden come to Washington as agent for
one DeGolyer, dat lives in Cargo, to
make a big trade puttin’ down wood
blocks for pavin’ stones. He rit back,
“I’ve got Boss Sheppard and Gen. Gar
feel’, and de ’nexion is complete.” Den
one Parsons wuz dar as DeGolyer’s law
yer. You see, boss, no job can go widout
a lawyer. So dis Parsons got in a hurry
to come home, like Gordon, and gotGar
feeF to fix up de breef, as da call it, and
for dis da paid him $5,000. But when
Garfeel’ wuz put on de stand, Nickerson
axed him, and he sed, “I never filed a
breef nor made an agreement, but talked
wid Boss Sheppard ’bout it.” Dis
sounds like dat ’tainer to talk to Bul
lock’s democrat legislater. Det lawyers
go where da will, da take 'tainers, in
congress or in legislaters, all to kiver up
rottenness. You see Garfeel’ wuz liold
in’ de strings round de big pocket-book,
and he gin ’em $700,000 to put down
wood blocks dat cost $300,000, and now
da all rotten an’ makin’ fokes sick. Dis
Garfeel’ wuz den named DeGolyer by
de New York Sun. Dis Garfeel’ am a
bad man, kaze he takes his breefs along
to kiver up takin’ bribe, and swears to
lies for ’gagin’ in fraud.”
Boss—“ Your explanation is correct,
but what about Hancock?”
Jake—“ Now, boss, jmu’re talkin’; dat
am de man dat should have ‘been run
agin Grant in ’72, when Joe was ’verted
back to ’mocracy. I hears Brownites
hollerin’ for Hancock and vocal rights,
kase he ’fused to let de sogers meddle
wid ’lections, courts and sich in Texas
and Louisiana; dat he put de law befo’
de bayonet, called for de dury, de free
press an’ speech an’ sich, kase it wuz
’cordin’ to de constitution. Now, boss,
where wus Joe den? How can Brown
ites holler for Hancock an’ Joe bofe at
once? Joe wuz listin’ what Polly say,
and pleadin’ law in de court marshal,
takin’ ’tainers from Meade. Dar is de
lawyer agin, kiverin’ up his tracks wid
breefs and law arguments. Dese law
yers will ruin the country shore. Dis
man Hancock wouldn’t listen what Polly
say, but stuck to de law and constitution.
If Hancock wuz right an’ fokes is all
runnin’ him, da must drap Joe,
for liis ’cord gives de lie to Hancock’s
’cord.”
Boss— “ What do you think of men
anyway ?”
jake—“l’ll re-expand .to dat cata
plasm shore. If all de fokes wuz dead
’ceptin’ de editors to write de ’bituaries,
da would all be good fokes, and all take
de right-hand road and be called sheep.
But if da wuz all candidates, de editors
would tell all de bad dat da had kivered
up wid de blanket ob charity, and all
would take de left-hand road and be
called goats. But in spite ob all de rot
tenness I believe we have anew chapter
to put in history, dat de radical dog am
dead and will be buried too deep to be
CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 15, 1880.
grabbled up any more. Joe is weepin’
over de deaf ob de rads, but who knows
if he is mad or glad. Joe went to Cin
cinnati to take lessons by next time,
when he will be big Ike. Now, boss, I
must go. I’ll talk to you ’bout nigger
politicians next chance I get.
FOURTH OF JULY IN ROME.
To The Free Press:
The organized democracy interviewed
the military and found the corps ready
to boom the “day we celebrate.” They
blew the trumpet of independence in the
ears of the people, Jews, Gentiles, Turks
and Greeks, and promised a grand cele
bration. The colored population laid
down shovels and hoes and hopped in
from the country like fleas from Iflm
buctoo. Apples, peaches and black
berries were bought in by the bushel, and
all bid fair for a grand celebration. But
when the day arrived patriotic enthu-
siasm had subsided, and 10, behold! the
organized appeared on the street un
washed, uncombed and unbarbered, in
soiled clothes of black, brown and grey.
A sudden squall came scudding over the
organized when informed they would
have to buy the powder with which to
make a noise. They jumped, grumbled
and tumbled and bit their lips in fury
because the mayor and corporation re
fused to furnish the ammunition. The
Light Guards and IIHI City Cadets w r ere
ready to celebrate Gen. Hancock’s nomi
nation, and waited with calm indifler
ence the coming of ammunition. The
Cherokee Artillery w r ere eager to don
their new clothes, anJ seemed annoyed
and half-way inclined to admonish the
stingy organized for getting up a false
alarm of patriotic fire.
The military w r ere the only political
cocks willing to hurrah for Hancock with
or without powder.
Quoth the mayor, “Our business was
done at the right time, for the corpora
tion gave the snakes and toads a twist
that botheaed them like all creation.”
The captain of the organized dwindled
into insignificance when informed by his
first lieutenant, Rip Roaring Harris, that
the verb and participlcAvould be govern
ed by independent men, the proper nouns
of the city. They swore like Turks.
“Rome will murder the country if she
refuses to furnish the for the
nation’s jubilee.” But’the preaching of
the death-telling seers w r as laughed to
scorn, for Rome is determined to make
political dead-beats pay for their own
amunition when inspired with individual
gain. Oh, how we loops and geese did
cackle when we learned the cause of the
political disaster and failure of the na
tiw worth}. ihtni&h liberal to
inglorious politicians. By this example
she wdll draw honor, peace and order to
the city, and raise for the nation a prece
dent of right, light arid law. The coun
try has been down-trodden and oppress
ed by political dead-beats long enough,
and Rome will win the praise if she puts
to death the blinded bigots’ rule, and in
scribe upon her banner : No refuge here
for political dead-beats. Jaybird.
PAULDING’S PATRIOTISM.
Tlie Celebration of tlie “Glorious Fourth”
at Union Hill Church.
The “glorious fourth was duly ob
served at Union Hill church, in our sis
ter county of Paulding, on last sabbath,
by appropriate services, including an ad
dress from our young townsman, William
Callahan. After dispensing with the
preliminary services, Mr. J. E. Hunt
introduced the speaker as follows: “I
take pleasure, gentlemen and friends, in
introducing to the audience, Mr. William
M. Callahan, the speaker of the day, a
young gentleman of pure character, of
learning, and of talent—who will now ad
dress you.”
THE SPEECH.
Ladies and fellow-citizensWe read,
in the sacred scriptures, a most touching
and tnteresting history of that wonder
ful people, the Jews. For upwards of
two hundred years that noble people were
compelled, as the record informs us, to
bear the oppressive yoke of Egyptian
bondage. Like the poor, unfortunate
convicts of the present day, they were
forced by their cruel masters, who stood,
over them, lash in hand, to endure all the
toils, sufferings and wretchedness of an
nipnf
During all the long years—l say long
years, because years of suffering and toil
are long indeed— the all watchful eye of
the great “I Am” was carefully noting
the passing events in the allairs ot His
beloved people, Israel; and His great
tender heart being touched with divine
sympathy for that suffering people He
demanded their deliverance. He spoke
the word, the destroying angel was sent,
and all Israel were free. With rejoicing
hearts they marched gloriously and tri
umphantly from under the power of
their cruel oppressors.
We observe here that they could never
have wrought their own deliverance
weak as they were and destitute of the
necessary means. It was the strong arm
of Omnipotent power, which shapes, di
rects and controls not only the destinies
of individuals but those of n rt tions.
Neaily four centuries ago the great
continent of America was discovered by
Columbus, and in 1607 the first perma
nent settlement was made in what is now
known as the state of Virginia. Subse
quently other settlements were made in
Georgia, in the Carolinas, in New Eng-
land, in Pennsylvania, in New lork,
and in New Jersey. Their numbers
grew rapidly, and after the elapse ot a
few years their population had increased
largely. The lands were cleared; en
terprises of various kinds were establish
ed, the people were all laboring indus
triously and energetically to develop the
immense resources of the country; and
excepting an occasional outbreak of the
savage Indians, everything was moving
along smoothlv, and harmoniously. But
this state of things unfortunately, contin
ued only for a short time. The mother
country, seeing the prosperity of the col
onies, proposed to require her American
subjects to contribute, directly or indi
rectly, to the maintenance of the British
government; and accordingly the taxes
were demanded.
Indignant and exasperated at what
they considered so absurd a proposition
and so unjust and exactive the colonists
defiantly refused to comply with these
demands. They claimed that their Brit
ish brethren had no right whatever, to
interfere with their colonial aftairs, and
so great was their displeasure that public
meetings were called, and resolutions of
censure, rna resistence were passed and
received with enthusiasm.
This, however, allow r me to say, was
merely a pretense. They well knew
that they owed allegiance to the English
government —that they were British sub
jects. Hence, I concede, without cen
suring our forefathers, or doing them the
slightest injustice, that the British par
liament had the absolute right to levv
taxes upon their subjects everywhere, in
America as well as in England.
I repeat, there was more involved than
the mere matter of taxes. Else they
would never have precipitated the coun
try into a bloody conflict, for human life
is far more precious than any conceiva
ble pecuniary disadvantage. It was a
consideration that outweighed worlds of
wealth —one of more weight than all the
wealth of Potosi. It was liberty—politi
cal and religious liberty—‘‘the dearest
rights of man.”
Before proceeding farther I w r ill in
quire why came they hither ? Did they
come in search of wealth? No. Was
conquest their object? No. Did they
come to gratity mere curiosity? Not so.
Did they come, allow me to ask, to avoid
paying taxes in England? I presume
not. What, then? They came to enjoy
liberty—that precious boon which was
denied them iu their mother country.
Here was the great consideration, one of
infinitely more importance than all the
wealth of the w-orld.
Hither had fled the poor, monarch
ridden puritan of England and the perse
cuted Huguenot of France, who came
reluctantly to the wilds of America,
among the savage Indians, contending
against the greatest imaginable difficul
ties and disadvantages in order to enjoy
the great boon of religious freedom.
And when the tax measure w*as propos
ed, moved witn pious indignation, they
resolved on stubborn resistance, but not
resistance simply to the tax measure. It
was the monster monarchy, that vile in
stigator of persecution, that implacable
enemy to human rights and human lib
erty. Monarchy, that prolific mother of
vice, of crime and of wretchedness!
There is the whole problem elucidated.
There is the great secret uncovered.
No sooner had the British government
ordered the execution of the measure al
ready referred to than indignation meet
ings were held in all the colonics, and
active preparations were made for was
with England. The British landed upon
our shores, and the war of blood begars.
With the history of that war every
school-boy is familiar. For six long
years great conflict raged. Thousands of
precious lives were destroyed, and the
severest hardships were endured by our
Americans. Half clothed and half fed,
with the great and good Washington as
their leader, relying upon the assistance
of Divine Providence for success, our
forefatheis suffered, struggled, fought
and marched gloriously and triumphant
ly to victory. At last America was free.
and disappeared, leaving a bright and
clear sky.
The great struggle, as I have inti
mated, continued for six years. It began
with the memorable battle of Lexington,
on the 18th of April, 1775, and contin
ued until the 17th of October, 1781. The
treaty of peace, however was not signed
until the year 1883. The declaration of
independence was proclaimed Irom Inde
pendence Hall on the 4th day of July,
177 G, about one year after the beginning
of the war, and was received with en
thusiasm throughout the colonies. It
declared that the colonies were and by
right ought to be free and independent
states. This remarkable document, which
is pronounced the ablest paper ever pen
ned in America, was drawn up by that
great statesman and apostle of liberty,
Thomas Jefferson, and was signed by the
representatives of the colonies.
The most beautiful and admirable fea
ture of the revolutionary war was the
spirit of concord and unity which charac
terized the people. They were united in
heart and in hand. The “cause of Bos
ton is the cause of all” rang through the
colonies when the riot occurred in that
city, and the brave and patriotic soldiers
Georgia, New York, Virginia, Pennsyl
vania, Massachusetts and the Carolinas
marched shoulder to shoulder, fighting
in a common cause
and for a common country. Would
to God that feeling existed to-day. Would
to God that sectional strife would cease
foiever. Would to God that the bloody
chasms were filled up and a spirit of
union and fraternal love pervaded every
section of the whole country.
At the close of the war, when the long
struggle was over, it was deemed neces
sary to inaugurate anew system of re
publican government, the great boon for
which they had fought. Accordingly,
our leading statesmen and patriots,
among whom were Jefferson, Hamilton,
Madison, Monroe and Hancock, met in
convention at Philadelphia (nearly all
of the colonies represented) in May, 1787,
and after deliberating for several months
adopted with some difficulty a constitu
tion for the new republic. It was presented
to the people for ratification, and after an
exciting canvass, it was ratified by all the
states excepting Rhode Island and North
Carolina and they finally indorsed it. It
went into effect with Washington as pres
ident on the fourth day of March, 1789.
Thus, under the providence of God, the
great temple of liberty was reared, elicit
ing the wonder and admiration of the
wisest and best men of Europe, and of
the world. . .
That grand old temple, fellow-citizens,
is standing to-day. It has stood the fu
rious storms of contending factions for
more than ninety years, and though civil
war, for a time threatened its destruction
and marred its beautiful proportions,
still—thanks be to the great Ruler of men
and of nations—it stands the same grand
and noble structure as when our fathers
‘‘commanded and it stood forth.” Ihus
may it stand through all succeeding gen
erations.
The star spangled banner,
Long may it wave
Over the land of the free
And the home of the brave.
Mr. Leonard W. Jerome, a prominent
New York republican, who recently de
clared for Hancock, in a second letter,
says: “As to my support of Gen. Han
cock, I 3ee fresh evidence daily of the
propriety of my course. I have no fears
whatever of the preponderance of ‘south
ern influence,’ so loudly bewailed by the
republican papers in case of his election.
His administration will open an era of
concord and good feeling north and south.
Gen. Garfield, in addressing a crowd,
usually begins by saying that he is proud
of the opportunity to speak to “sueh
men.”
GENERAL HANCOCK.
Bright Chapter Snatched from the
Bloody Records of Reconstruction.
General Winfield S. Hancock rendered
services in the field during the war of
the highest importance to the country;
but the services he rendered after the
close of hostilities were of incalculable
value, and deserving of everlasting re
membrance. As commander of the de
partment ot Missouri (1865-’7) and of the
department of Louisiana and Texas, (18-
C7-’8) he had to deal with civil questions
requiring the best statesmanship and the
soundest judgment; and in the way in
which he dealt with them showed that
he possessed the qualities necessary for
their proper decision. In times of peril
to the constitutional rights of the states
and to the fundamental liberties of the
people, he went to the full extent of his
power in maintaining those rights and
liberties, and made for himself a record
that the American people must keep be
fore their eyes in the days that are now
upon us. We have brought together
from his orders, letters and speeches,
while commanding the department just
named, a few passages of profound, per
manent, and practical interest:
General Order, No. 40.—1. In ac
cordance with general order No. 81,
headquarters of the army, adjutant-gen
eral’s office, Washington, D. C., August
27, 1868, Major-General W. S. Hancock
hereby assumes command of the fifth
military district and of the department
com posed of the states of Louisiana and
Texas.
2. The general commanding is grati
fied to learn that peace and quiet reign
in this department. It will be his pur
pose to preserve this condition of things.
Asa means to this great end he regards
the maintainance of the civil authorities
in the faithful execution of the laws as
the most efficient under existing circum
stances. In war it is indispensable to
repel force by force and overthrow and
destroy opposition by lawful authority.
But when insurrectionary force has been
overthrown, and peace established, and
the civil authorities are ready and willing
to perform their duties, the military
power should cease to lead and the civil
administration resume its natural and
rightful dominion. Solemnly impressed
with these views, the general announces
that the great principles of American lib
erty are still the lawful inheritance of
this people and ever should be. The
right of trial by jury, the habeas corpus,
the liberty of the press, the freedom' of
speech, the natural rights of persons and
the rights of property must be preserved.
Free institutions, while they are essential
to the prosperity and happiness of the
people, always furnish the strongest in
ducements to peace and order. Crimes
and offenses committed in this district
must be referred to the consideration and
judgment of the regular civil tribunals,
and those tribunals will be supported in
their lawful jurisdiction. While the gen
eral thus indicates his purpose to respect
the liberties of the people, he wishes all
to understand that armed insurrection or
forcible resistance to the law' will be in
stantly suppressed by arms.
By command of
Major-General Hancock.
OFFENDERS 'AO AI VST ESTATE ‘ LAWS —TO
Governor Pease, of Texas. —Brevet Ma
jor-General J. J. Reynolds, commanding
district of Texas, in communication dat
ed Austin, Texas, November 19, 1867,
requests that a military commission may
be ordered “for the trial of one G. IV .
Wall.”
*****
It is true that the third section of “An
act to provide for the more efficient gov
ernment of the rebel states” makes it the
duty of commanders of military districts
“to punish, or cause to be punished, all
disturbers of the public peace and crimi
nals,” but the same power, from its very
nature, should be exercised for the trial
of offenders against the laws of the state
only in the extraordinary event that the
local civil tribunals are unwilling or un
able to enforce the laws against crimes.
At this time the country is in a state of
profound peace. The state government
of Texas, organized in subordination to
the authoritv of the government of the
United States, is in the full exercise of
its proper powers. Under such circum
stances there is no good ground for the
exercise of the extraordinary power vest
ed in the commander to organize a mili
tary commission for the trial of the per
sons named.
* * * * *
Winfield S. Hancock.
To Prevent military Interference
at the Polls. —IX. Military interfer
ence with elections, “unless it shall be
necessary to keep the peace at the polls,”
is prohibited by law, and no soldiers will
be allowed to appear at any polling place,
unless as citizens of the state they are
registered as voters, and then only lor
the purpose of voting; but the command
ers of posts will be prepared to act
promptly if the civil authorities fail to
preserve peace.
Winfield S. Hancock.
December 18, 1867.
The Military and Civil Power.—lt
must be a matter of profound regret to
all who value constitutional government,
that there should be occasions in time of
civil commotion, w T hen the public good
imperatively requires the intervention of
the military power for the repression of
disorders in the body politic and for the
punishment of offenses against existing
laws of the country framed for the pre
servation of social order, but that the in
tervention of this power should be called
for, or even suggested, by civil magis
trates, when the laws are no longer si
lent and civil magistrates are possessed,
in their respective spheres, of all the
powers necessary to give effect to the
laws, excites the surprise of the com
mander of the fifth military district.
“In his view it is of evil example and
full of danger to the cause of freedom
and good government, that the exercise
of the military powder, through military
tribunals, created for the trial of offenses
against the civil law, should ever be per
mitted when the ordinary powers of the
existing state governments are ample for
the punishment of offenders, if those
charged with the administration of the
laws are faithful in the discharge of
their duties.
“Major-General Hancock.”
Arbitrary Power Restrained by
the Constitution. —Applications have
been made at these headquarters imply
ing the existence of an arbitrary author
ity in the commanding general touching
purely civil controversies.
One petitioner solicits this action, an
other that, and each refers to some spe
cial considerations of grace or favor
which he supposes to exist, and which
should influence this department.
The number of such applications and
the waste of time they involve make it
necessary to declare that the administra
tion of civil justice appertains to the reg
ular courts. The rights of litigants do
NUMBER 51
not depend upon the views of the gener
al— they are to be adjudged and settled
according to the laws. Arbitrary pow
er, such as he has been urged to assume,
has no existanee here. It is not found in
the laws of Louisiana, or of Texas; it
cannot lie derived from any act or acts
of congress; it is restrained by a consti
tution, and prohibited from' action in
many particulars.
The major-general commanding takes
occasion to repeat that, while disclaim
ing judicial functions in civil cases, he
he can suffer no forcible resistance to
the execution of the process of the court'.
Major-General Hancock.
General Hancock in reply to Re
publican Governor Pease —My Dear
Sir: I am not a lawyer, nor has it been
my business, as it may have been yours,
to study the philosophy of statecraft and
politics. But l lay claim, after an expe
rience of half a lifetime, to some poor
knowledge of men, and some appreciation
of what is necessary to social order and
happiness. And for the future of our
common country I could devoutly wish
that no great number of our people have
yet fallen in with the views you appear
to entertain. Woe be to us whenever it
shall come to pass that the power of the
magistrate—civil or military—is permit
ted to deal with the mere opinions and
feelings of the people.
I have been accustomed to believe that
sentiments of respect or disrespect, and
feelings of affection, love or hatred, so
long as not developed into acts in viola
tion of law, were matters wholly beyond
the punitory power of human tribunals.
I will maintain that the entire freedom
of thought and speech, however acrimo
niously indulged, is consistent with the
noblest aspirations of man, and the hap
piest condition of his race.
When a boy, I remember to have read
a sjieech of Lord Chatam, delivered in
parliament. It was during our revolu
tionary war, and related to the policy of
employing the savages on the side ot
Britain. You may be more familiar with
the speech than I am. If lam not great
ly mistaken his lordship denounced the
British government—his government—in
terms of unmeasured bitterness. He
characterized its policy as revolting to
every sentiment of humanity and relig
ion ; proclaimed it covered with disgrace,
and vented his eternal abhorrence of it
and its measures. It may, I think, be
safely asserted that a majority of the
Brit'sh nation concurred in the views of
Lord Chatam. But who ever supposed
that profound peace was not existing in
that kingdom, or that government had
any authority to question the absolute
right of the opposition to express their
objections to the propriety of the king’s
measures in any words or to any extent
they pleased ? It would be difficult to
show that the opponents of the govern
ment in the days of the elder Adams, or
Jefferson, or Jackson exhibited for it
either “affection” or “respect.” You
are conversant with the history of our
past parties and political struggles touch
ing legislation on alienage, sedition, the
embargo, national banks, our wars with
England and Mexico, and cannot be ig
norant of the fact that for one party to
assert that a law or system of legislation
is . uuconstitutiouai. owwewuf
consider acts of congress unconstitutional,
oppressive or insulting to them, is ol uo
consequence to the matter in hand. The
president of the United States has an
nounced his opinion that these acts of
congress are unconstitutional. The su
preme court, as you are aware, not long
ago decided unanimously that a certain
military commission was unconstitution
al. Our people everywhere in every
state, without reference to the side they
took during the r•hellion, differ as to the
constitutionality of these acts ot con
gres. How the matter really is, neither
you nor I may dogmatically affirm.
If you deem them constitutional laws,
and beneficial to the country, you not
only have the right to publish your.opin
ions, but it might be your bounden duty
as a citizen to do so. Not less is it the
privilege and duty of any and every citi
zen, wherever residing, to publish his
opinion freely and fearlessly on this and
every question which he thinks concerns
his interest. This is merely in accord
ance with the principles of our free gov
ernment; and neither you nor 1 would
wish to live under any other. It is time
now, at the end of almostPto years from
the close of the war, we should begin to
lecoliect what manner of people we are;
to tolerate again free, popular discussion,
and extend some forbearance and con
sideration to opposing views. The max
ims that in all intellectual contests truth
is mighty and must prevail and that er
ror is harmless when reason is left free
to combat it, are not only sound but salu
tary. It is a poor compliment to the
merits of such a cause that its advocates
would silence opposition by force ; and
generally those only who are in the
Wrong will resort to these ungenerous
means. I am confident you will not com
mit your serious judgment to the propo
sition that any amount of discussion, or
any sort of opinions, however unwise
in your judgment, or any assertion of
feeling, however resentful or bitter, not
resulting in a breach of law, can furnish
justification for your denial that pro
found peace exists in Texas. Y T ou might
as well deny that profound peace exists in
New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
California, Ohio and Kentucky, where
a majority of the people differ with a mi
nority on these questions; or that pro
found peace exists in the house of rep
resentatives or the senate at Washington,
or in the supreme court, where all these
questions have been repeatedly discussed,
and parties respectfully and patiently
heard. -
Winfield S. Hancock.
DEATH OF A HOOD ORPHAN.
The Columbus Enquirer-Sun announces
the death, at Warm Springs, Georgia, on
Monday last, of Anna Gertrude Uflod-
Joseph, the infant daughter of the late
General John B. Hood, and who had
been adopted by Mr. and Mrs. Joseph, of
Columbus. The* Enquirer says: “Mrs.
Joseph went to New Orleans in Februa
ry last, and at her earnest solicitation
and the intercession of her friends in that
city, the little orphan, then seven months
old, was placed in its adopted mother’s
arms. She brought it to her husband’s
home, in this city, and nursed it with the
tender, loving kindness of a mother, but,
like the sweetest flower, it was destined
to fade in the short spring of life. From
the time the little one arrived in the city
the community felt a deep interest and
was in full sympathy with the parents in
their anxiety for its welfare. Mr. and
Mrs. Joseph had learned to love it with
parental affection, and at the time of its
death were at a watering place for the
benefit of a change of air and water. No
mother could have cherished the child
more lovingly than Mrs. Joseph. Its
spirit now rests upon the bosom of our
Savior, a seraph among the blessed.
The remains were brought to the city
and buried on yesterday afternoon at hve
o’clock, in the cemetery.
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