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To 1)C paid for invariably in advance.
.. on j C rs Tor the paper must lie addressed to
A THE FREE PRESS.
Professional Cards.
>l. L JOHNSON,
vTT ornky-at.law,
CARTERSTILLE, GEORGIA.
()flice; east side public square, next door to
p-.isTts’ Livery Stable. ft P r29 _
: w kILNKK. J. W. HARRIS, JR.
MILNER & HARRIS,
VTTO RNEYS-AT-LAW,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
Ollice on West Main Street.
" nTw. MCRPHEY,
aTT ornby-at- law,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
aii-sl in the briek building, cor
oFFltFffi*swta streeK. )Jyl.
ner oi —— 1 r ~ l ' 1
VV. T. WOFFORD,
Aa „ I OBSKV-AT. L AW,
—AND—
. u ne aL estate,
nEALER K c
° Station, rartow^county,^
DOUGLAS WIKLE,
JSO.L. MOON.
MOON & WIKLE’
AttorneVS-at-Law,
CARTERSVILLE, GA.
iu Bank Block, over the Postoffice.
frUl 7 *
J, VI. NEEL.
K . b 'T ki "’ K ' tlu ppe & NEEL,
attornk ys-at-law,
c VRTERSVILLE, GA.
v t HI L PRACTICE IN ALL TIIE COURTS,
\\ botli state and Federal, except Bartovv
V V f e . riminal court. J. M. Neel, alone, will
' ""twi’ in said last mentioned court. Office m
Jlortfeit corner of court house building. feb27
K n.uHAIUM. A.M.POUTE.
GRAHAM & FOUTE,
vTTOHNEYS-AT-LAW,
“* CARTERSVILLE, GA.
Practice in all the courts of Bartow county, the
SiiPMior Courts of North-west Georgia, and the
Kiinrcmc Courts <vt Atlanta.
‘ Mice west side public Square, up-staira over
cr V V itich A Co’S. Store, second door south of
• *, , iuiyio#
i ’< 'dd
JAMES B. CONYERS,
qi t o ]l N K V - A T * Xj A "W
AND
Notary Public,
• : : : Georgia.
Cartksville, • • • ...
(Office: Rank block, up-stairs.)
.•Tin PRACTICE in THE COURTS OF
W the Cherokee and adjoining circuits.
prompt attention given to all Cusiness Coi
)cdinns made a jnne29 ly
F. M. JOHNSON, Dentist,
(Office over Stokely & AVilliams store.)
Cartkrsville, Georgia.
T WIN. KILL TEETH, EXTRACT TEETH,
1 and putin tooth, or do any work in my line
at prices to suit the times.
Work all warranted. Refer to my pat
rol all over the county.
uiifclS-Iy. F. M. JOHNSON.
JOHN T. OWEN,
(At Sttyrc & Co.’s Drug Store,)
(ARTERSVILLE, GA.
Tl r IIL pet! Watches, Clocks and Jewelry.
VV Spectacles, Silver and Silver-Plated
(, ,nds ami w ill sell them as cheap as they can
be bought anywhere. Warranted to prove as
represented. All work done by me warranted
m give satisfaction. Give me a,call. juiyi.
""Traveler*s Grviide.
COOSA RIVER NAVIGATION.
On and after December 16th, 1878, the following
r 'tuidulo will bo run by tbc Stc&incrs MAGNu -
HA or ETOWAH BILL:
Leave Rome Tuesday ° a m
Arrive at Gadsden Wednesday • • • • ham
Leave Gadsden Wednesday j P m
Arrive at Rome Thursday spm
Leave Rome Friday
Arrive at Gadsden Saturday 7am
Arrives at Greensport 9 am
Arrive at Rome Saturday 6pm
j. M. ELLIOTT, President and Gen’l Sup’t.
ROME RAILROAD COMPANY.
On and after Wednesday, May 19, the Rome
Railroad will run two trains daily, as follows:
MORNING TRAIN.
Leave Rome daily
Arrive in Atlanta at *;•* 1* **,
Arrive at Rome at . . . li.uuam
EVENING TRAIN.
Leave Rome daily (except Sundays) • 5:80 p m
Arrive in Atlanta at • •• ••. •.’ISES
Leavs Atlanta at twin i.
Arrive at Home • • * * P .
Morning train connects at Kingston with trains
for Chattanooga and Atlanta; at Rome with
triinK HOllth Oil S* H. & XX KftillOtUl#
Evening train connects at Kingston with trains
for Atlanta. EBEN HILLYER,
Jas. A. Smith, President.
U. P. Agt.
CHEROKEE RAILROAD.
On and after Monday, May 17. 1880, the train
on this Road will run daily as follows (Suuday
excepted):
PASSENGER TRAIN.
Leave Cartersville 9: “® am
Arrive at Stilesboro 19:30 a m
.Arrive at Taylorsville 10:50 am
.Arrive at Rockmart a m
Arrrive at Cedartown 1:15 p m
RETURNING.
Leave Cedartown 3 P m
Arrive at Rockmart
Arrive at Taylorsville 5:22 p in
Arrive at Stilesboro ....... p m
Arrh .i at Cartersville 6:30 pm
FREIGHT TRAIN.
Leave TavPrsville 6:00 am
Arrive at Roc kmart ‘ a ™
Arrive at Fisli Ct eck a m
returning.
Leave Fish Creek . ,
Arrive at Rockmart . / iISXUL,
Arrive at Taylorsville p m
WESTERN AND ATLANTIC R. R.
The following is the present passenger sched
ule:
NIGHT PASSENGER—UP.
Leave Atlanta
Leave Cartersville P nl
Leave Kingston .'. ■ 5:19 pm
Leave Dalton 7;10 pm
Arrive at Chattanooga 8:47 pm
NIGHT PAVENGER —DOWN.
Lc*ave Chattanooga • 5:25 pm
Lea y e Dalton 7:10 pm
Leave Kingston 8:39 pm
Leave •”artersvi"e iiSSSS
Arrive ui Atlanta 11.00 p m
PAY PASSENGER—UP.
Leave Atlanta 5-28 am
jc' vc V!i^ ton • r ''■ :: : . 9:2lam
■Leave Dalton ... ... io ,r Gain
Arrive at Chattanooga • *
DAY PASSBOOKS' r
Leave Chattanooga . . . ' * ' * ’ s-mam
cr'g? 110 ? fcSSS
Leave Kingston * . lojllam
Leave Cartersville / 12*05 n m
Arrive at Atlanta , . iz.wpm
CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION 1 ' IP *
Leave Atlanta *22 p m
Arrive at Cartersville *
CARTERSVILLE ACCOMMODATION DOWN.
Leave Cartersville ...••• ® a
4>*U ]?P GREEN HOUSE#
Dalton, Ga.
THE BEST and CHEAPEST HOTEL
On the Kennesaw Route.
BREAKFAST AND SUPPER HOUSE FOR
PASSENGERS.
Special Attention Given to the Comfort and Con
venience of Lady Passengers and guests.
Reading and Sample Rooms for Commercial
Travelers.
Board per day, 12.00; Meals, 50 cts.
©dS®Railroaders, County and Stockmen, half
late,
VOLUME 111.
IRON MOUNTAIN ROUTE!
THE GREAT THROUGH ROUTE
from: the south
TO ARKANSAS AND TEXAS.
THE EMIGRANT’S FRIEND.
Families intending to emigrate
to Arkansas or Texas will find the route via
POPLAR BLUFF the mo6t expedious and com
fortable.
Through Car Daily from Columbus, Ky., via
Poplar Bluff, to Texarkana, without change.
jpa^*Special attention is given to Emigrant
business, and rates are always quoted at the
lowest possible figures. Household Goods, &c.,
are carried for Emigrants on the most reasonable
terms.
FROM THE SOUTHEAST TO THE SOUTH
WEST, emigrants should always purchase their
tickets by way of Columbus or Cairo and Poplar
liluff, as this line runs no special emigrant trains
—All passengers being carried through to desti
nation on first-class express trains.
If you are going to St. Louis, Chicago,
Kansas, Colorado, lowa, Nebraska,
Wisconsin, Minnesota, Utah,
Oregon or California,
Avail yourselves of the low rates, quick time,
and superior accommodations offered by the St.
LOUIS. IRON MOUNTAIN AND SOUTHERN
RAILWAY and its connections, by purchasing
your iickets over this reliable and popular line.
For further particular information please call
upon or address either of the following named
agents. ED. F SISSON,
Southeaster Passenger Agent,
Chattanooga, Tcnn.,
P. O. Box 132.
O. W. RUGGLES,
General Ticket Agent,
St. Louis, Mo. junel7
FOR THE SUMMER!
ST. JAMES HOTEL,
CARTERSVILLE, : : • GEORGIA.
t 'IARTERSVILLE IS SITUATED AT THE
j terminus of the Blue Ridge mountains, on
the W. & A. It. R., 49 miles north of Atlanta.
GOOD WATER, FREESTONE AND
LIMESTONE.
THE NIGHTS ARE COOL AND IN
VICORATINC !
The accommodations at the St. James are un
surpassed. Every room carpeted, and spacious
verandahs, with grand views of surrounding
mountains, on every story (3) of the building.
Fine drives from, and splendid livery accom
modations in the town.
Beautiful sceuery all around Cartersville that
is pleasant and interesting.
5-20 L. C. IIOSS, Proprietor.
U. O. ROBERTSON, M. D.,
Hygienic Physician and Electro-
Therapeutist,
Begs leave to announce to the
citizens of Bartow, Gordon, Cobb, Cherokee,
and other counties of North Georgia, that for the
sake of rendering his mode of treatment more
universal and available, and the Health Institute
equally easy of access to patients in all parts of
the state, has removed from Rowland Springs to
Atlanta where he has permanently established a
Health Institute.
Tlie .A_tlaiita Health In.sti.tnte
is the only institute south superintended by reg
ularly qualified Hygienic Phyeicians, and the
only place where ail kinds of curable diseases
are scientifically treated without a particle of
medical drug in any form, and with success un
paralleled by any other known process of treat
ing diseases.
Parties who are, because of continued dosing
and drugging, considered incurable, are re
spectfully requested to visit or correspond with
us. Thousands of chrome invalids, after having
patiently tried the “deadly virtues of the (drug
ophatic) healing art” and with no other change
than that of growing continually worse and
worse, have under the Hygienic system of medi
cation, been speedily and permanently restored
to health.
For particulars, call at ATLANTA HEALTH
INSTITUTE, No. 178 W. Peters street, or address
DR. U. O. ROBERTSON
feb2o Atlanta,, Ga.
Cheapest and Best.
HOWARD HYDRAULIC CEMENT.
MANUFACTURED NEAR KINGSTON, BARTOW COUN
TY, GEORGIA.
EQUAL to the best imported Portland Ce
ment. Send for circular. Try this before
buying elsewhere.
Refers by permission to Mr. A. J. West, Presi
dent Cherokee Iron Company, Cedartown, Ga.,
who has built a splendid dam, (cost $7,000.) using
this cement and pronouncing it the best he ever
used. Also refer to Gen. Wm. Mcßae, Superin
tendent W. & A. Railroad Company, who has
been using it for piers of bridges and culverts on
his railroad, for two years; also to Capt. John
Post'ell, C. E. Also to John Stone, Superinten
dent of Bartow Iron Company, Bartow, Ga., who
has built several large reservoirs with it, which
are perfect; to Messrs. Smith, Son & Bro., of
Rome, who have made a splendid pavement
with it; to Capt. M. B. Grant, or Mr. Gilbert
Butler, of Savannah, who have used it with
great success in stucco work, or Major Bryan,
of Savannah, Mr. J. J. Cohen, of Rome, to
Messrs. Grant, Jacksonville, Ala., who have
used it for fountains, pavements, fish ponds, cel
lar floors, etc. T. C. Douglass. Superintendent
East River Bridge, New York, who pronounces
it equal to the best Imported Portland Cement.
Address G. 11. WARING, Kingston, Ga.
sepl2-ly.
fine photographs
A SPECIALTY
At Young’s Grallex*y>
Shorter Bldck, Rome, Ga.
HE WILL ENDEAVOR TO OBTAIN JUST
such pictures as his patrons may desire.
He has lately added many accessories and other
convenient and appropriate arrangements for
children. Copies any and all sorts of old pic
tures to any size desired, and any kind of pic
tures wanted, and at just half the prices charged
by traveling agents. He warrants perfect satis
faction to all. , „ , ..
Frames for photographs of every desirable
character, at very low prices. Uses nothing but
fine glass in his frames. J lll *’ 2 -
WOFFORD ACADEMY
MALE AND FEMALE.
THE SUMMER AND FALL TERM OF THIS
populor institution will commence on July
sth when parents are requested to enter their
Ch \Vorn)i4' r Acadmny is beautifully located at
Cass Station, W. & A. R. R., five miles north of
Cartersville. Its advantages, social and moral,
arc unexceptional. Healtliy, pleasant and free
from all temptation, well supplied with church
es and under the influence of a good community.
Board can be had with good families, or with the
itrincinal, at very reasonable rates. Address
1 PROF. MATTHEW MARSHALL,
Principal.
iulyl-tf Cass Station, Ga. _
THKO. E. SMITH. j - w • PRITCHETT.
SMITH PRITCHETT
REAL ESTATE AGENTS,
Propose to buy and sell all kinds
of Real Estate in Cartersville and Barton
countv, on commission. They have on hand for
sale several desirable farms located in different
darts of the county# _ ..
They respectfully solicit business of all par
tieri desiring to sell or buy town property or
f'u mirg lands. Their terms will be reasonable.
Officein Planters’ and Miners’ yank, Cartors
ville, Ga. „ —-
THOMPSON’S
Restaurant and Ladies’ Cafe,
( 4 Whitehall St., James Block)
ATLANTA, : j f : GEORGIA ’
Great Reduction In Prices.
Meals at all Hours of the Day at 35 cts.
ICE CREAMS AND ALL THE DELICACIES
OF THE SEASON.
The ladies’ cafe is elegantly fitted up and is
one of the popular resorts for 10 T DnMPSON,
jtprl?
THE FREE PRESS.
LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE
From Our Presidential Nominees, Han
cock and English.'
New York, July 30.—The following
i is General Hancock’s letter of aceep
| tance:
Governor’s Island, New York City,
July 29. —Gentlemen: I have the honor
to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
of July 13, 1880, apprising me formally,
of my nomination to the office of presi
dent of the United States by “the nation,
al democratic convention” lately assem
bled in Cincinnati, I accept the nomina
tion with grateful appreciation of the con
fidence reposed m me. The principles
erunciated by the convention are those I
have cherished in the past and shall en
deavor to maintain in the future.
The thirteenth, fourteenth and fif
teenth amendments to the constitution
of the United States, embodying the re
sults of the war for the union, are invio
lable. If called to the presidency I should
deem it my duty to resist, with all of my
power, any attempt to impair or evade
the full force and effect of the constitu
tion, which, in every article, section and
amendment, is the supreme law of the
land. The constitution forms the basis of
government of the United States. Pow
ers granted by it to legislative, executive
and judicial departments, define and lim
it the authority of the general govern
ment. Powers not delegated to the
United States by the constitution, nor
prohibited by it to the states, belong to
the states respectively, or to the people.
The general and state governments, each
acting in its own sphere without trench
ing upon the lawful jurisdiction of the
other, constitute the union. This union,
comprising the general government with
general powers and the state governments
with state powers for purposes local to
states, is a polity, the foundations of which
were laid in the prfoundest wisdom.
TLtfl is the union our fathers made and
which lias been so respected abroad and
so beneflcient at home. Tried by blood
and fire it stands to-day a model _ form of
free popular government, a political sys
tem which, rightly administered, lias
been and will continue to he the admira
tion of the world. May we not say,
nearly in the words of Washington:
“The unity of the government which
constitutes us as one people, is justly dear
to us. It is the main pillar in the edi
fice of our real independence, the sup
port of our peace, safety and prosperity,
and of that liberty we so highly prize
and intend at every hazard to preserve.”
But no form of government, however
carefully devised —no principles, howev
er sound —will protect the rights of the
people unless their administration is
faithful and efficient. It is a vital prin
ciple in our system that neither fraud
nor force m usf be'allowed to subvert the
rights of the people. When fraud, vio
lence, or incompetency controls, the no
blest constitutions and wisest laws are
useless. The bayonet is not the lit in
strument for collecting the votes of free
men. It is only bv a fall vote, a free bal
lot and a fair count that the people can
rule in fact, as required by the theory of
our government. Take this foundation
away and the whole structure falls.
. Public office is trust, not a bounty be
stowed upon the bolder. No incompetent
or dishonest person should ever be en
trusted with it, or if appointed, they
should be promptly ejected. The basis
of substantial, practical civil service re
form must first be established by the
people in filling elective offices. . If they
fix a high standard of the qualifications
for office, and sternly reject the corrupt
and incompetent, the result will be de
cisive in governing the action of the ser
vants whom they entrust with the ap
pointing power.
The war for the union was successful
ly closed more than fifteen years ago.
All classes of our people must share alike
in the blessings of union, and are equally
concerned in its perpetuity and in a prop
er administration of public affairs. We
are in a state of profound peace. Hence
forth let it be our purpose to cultivate
sentiments of friendship and not animos
ity against our fellow-citizens.
Our material interests, varied and pro
gressive, demand our constant and unit
ed vigilance. A sedulous and scrupulous
care of the public credit, together with a
wise and economical management of our
governmental expenditures should be
maintained in order that labor may be
lightly burdened, and that all may be
protected in their rights to the fruits of
their own industry. The time has come
to enjoy the substantial benefits of recon
ciliation. As one people we have com
mon interests. Lot us encourage the har
mony and generous rivalry among our
own industries, which will revive our
languishing merchant marine, extend
our commerce with foreign countries,
assist our merchants, manufacturers and
producers, to develop our vast natural
resources and increase the prosperity and
hapniness of our people.
If elected, I shall with the divine favor
labor with what ability I possess, to dis
charge my duties with fidelity according
to my convictions and shall take care to
protect and defend the union, and to see
that the laws be faithfully and equally
executed in all parts of the country alike.
I will assume the responsibility, fully sen
sible of the fact that to administer rightly
the functions of the government is to dis
charge the most sacred duty that can de
volve upon an American citizen.
I am, very respectfully,
Winfield S. Hancock.
To Hon. John W. Stevenson, president;
Hon. John P. Stockton, chairman, and
others of the national democratic com
mittee.
ENGLISH’S LETTER.
lion. William H. English transmitted
the following letter of acceptance of the
nomination as candidate for vice-presi
dent to the committee of notification :
Indianapolis, July 30. —To Hon. John
\y. Stevenson, president of the conven
tion; Hon. John P. Stockton, chairman,
and other members of the committee of
notification : Gentlemen—l have now the
honor to reply to your letter of the 13th
inst., informing me that I was unani
mously nominated lor the office ot vice
president of the United States by the late
democratic national convention, which
assembled at Cincinnati.
Vs foreshadowed in the verbal remarks
made by me at the time of the delivery
of your letter, I have now to say that I
accept the high trust, with a realizing
ense of its responsibility, and I am pro
foundly grateful for the honor conferred.
[ accept the nomination upon the plat
form of principles adopted by the con
vention, which i cordially approve, and
I accept it quite as much because of my
faith in the wisdom and patriotism of the
great statesman and soldier nominated on
the same ticket for president of the
United States. His eminent services to
his country, his fidelity to the constitu
tion union and laws, his clear percep
tion of the correct principles of the gov
ernment as taught by Jefferson, his
scrupulous care to keep the military in
strict subordination to the civil authori-
CARTERSVILLE, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, AUGUST 5, 1880.
ties, his high regard for civil liberty, per
sonal rights and the rights of property,
his acknowledged ability in civil as well
as military affairg, and his pure and
blameless life all point to him as a man
worthy of the confidence of the people.
Not only a brave soldier, a great com
mander, a wise statesman and a pure pa
triot, but a prudent, painstaking, practi
cal man of unquestioned honesty; trust
ed often with important public duties,
faithful to every trust, apd in the full
meridian of ripe and vigorous manhood,
he is, in my judgment, eminently fitted
for the highest position on earth—the
presidency of the United States. Not
only is he the right man for the place,
but the time has come when the best in
terests of the country require that the
party which has monopolized the execu
tive department of the general govern
ment for the last twenty years should be
retired. The continuance of that party
in power four years longer would not be
beneficial to the public or in accordance
with the spirit of our republican institu
tions. The laws of entail have not been
favored in our system of government.
The perpetuation of property or place in
one family or set of men has never been
encouraged in this couutry, and the great
and good men who formed our republi
can government and' its tiaditions wisely
limited the tenure of office, and in many
ways showed their disapproval of long
leases of power. Twenty years of con
tinuous power is long enough, and has
already led to irregularities and corrup
tions which are not likely to be exposed
under the same party that perpetrated
them. Besides, it should not be forgot
ten that the last four years of power held
by that party were procured by discredit
able means and held in defiance of the
wishes of a majority of the people. It
was a grievous wrong to every voter and
our system of self-government, which
should never be forgotten or forgiven.
Many of the men now ifi office were put
there because ot the corrupt partisan ser
vice in thus defeating Airly and legally
the expressed will of tfrie majority and
hypocrisy of professions of that party in
favor of the civil service reform was
shown by placing such men in office and
turning the whole board of federal office
holders loose to influence elections. The
money ol the people taken out of the
public treasury by these men for the ser
vices often poorly performed, or not per
formed at all, is being used in vast sums,
with the knowledge and presumed sanc
tion of the administration, to control
elections and even members of the cabi
net are strolling about the country mak
ing partisan speeches, instead of being in
their departments at Washington, dis
charging the public duties for which they
are ■ paid by the people. But with all
their cleverness and ability, a discrimi
nating public will no doubt read between
the lines of their speeches that their para
mount hope and aim is to keep them
selves or their satellites lour years longer
in office. That perpetuating "the power
of chronic federal office-holders four
years longer will not benefit'the millions
of men and women who hold no office,
but earn their daily bre#d by honest in
dustry, is what the same discerning pub
lic will no doubtfully understand as they
will also that it is because of their own
industry and economy ans God’s bounti
ful harvests that the if compara
tively prosperous, andjjfiot because of
anything code By rfieswTedei-ttl office
holders. The country is comparatively
prosperous not because of them, but in
spite of them.
This contest is in fact between people
endeavoring to regain the political ppwer
which rightfully belongs to them and to
restore the pure, simple, economical con
stitutional government of our fathers on
one side, and a hundred thousand federal
office-holders and their backers, pamper
ed with place, and power, and determined
to retain them at all hazards on the oth
er. Hence, the constant assumption of
new and dangerous powers by the gen
eral government under the rule of the re
publican party. The effort to build up
what they call a strong government, the
interference with home rule and with the
administration of justice in the courts of
the several states, the interference with
elections through the medium of paid
partisans, federal office-holders interested
in keeping their party in power and car
ing more for that than for fairness in
elections; in fact, the constant encroach
ments which have been made by that
party upon the clearly reserved rights of
the people and of the states will, if not
checked, subvert the liberties of the peo
ple and the government of limited pow
ers created by the fathers and end in a
great consolidated central government,
strong indeed for evil and the overthrow
of republican institutions. The wise
men who framed our constitution knew
the evils of strong government and of
long continuance of political power in
the same hands. They knew there was
a tendency in this direction in all gov
ernments and a consequent danger to re
publican institutions from that cause and
took pains to guard against it. The ma
chinery of a strong centralized general
government can be used to perpetuate the
same set of men in power from term to
term, until it ceases to be a republic, or
is such only in name, and the tendency
of the party now in power in that direc
tion, as shown in various ways, besides a
willingness recentty manifested by a
large number of that party to elect a
president for an unlimited number of
terms, is quite apparent, and must satis
fy all thinking people that the time has
come when it will be safest and best for
that party to be retired. But in resisting
the encroachments of the general govern
ment upon the reserved rights of the peo
ple and the states, I wish to be distinctly
understood as favoring the proper exer
cise by the general government of the
powers righteously belonging it and un
der the constitution. Encroachments
noon the constitutional rights of the gen
eral government or interference with the
proper exercise of its powers must be
carefully avoided.
The union of states under the constitu
tion must be maintained, and it is well
known that this has always been the po
sition of both the candidates on the demo
cratic presidential tickets. It is ac
quiesced in everywhere now and finally
and forever settled as one of the results
of the war. It is certain beyond all ques
tion that the legitimate results of the
war for the union will not be overthrown
or impaired should the democratic ticket
be elected. In that event proper protec
tion will be given in every legitimate
way to every citizen, native or adopted,
in every section of the republic in the
enjoyment of all the rights guaranteed
by the constitution and its amendments.
A sound currency of honest money, of
value and purchasing power correspond
ing substantially with a standard recog
nized by the commercial world, and con
sisting of gold and silver and paper, con
vertible into coin, will be maintained;
labor and the manufacturing, commer
cial and the business interests of the
I country will be favored and encouraged
in every legitimate way. The toiling
millions of our people will be protected
from the destructive competition of the
Chinese, and to that end their emigration
to our shores will be properly restricted.
Public credit will be scrupulously main
tained and strengthened by rigid economy
in public expenditures, and the liberties
of the people, and the property of the
people will be protected by a govern
ment of law and order, administered
strictly iu the interests of all the people,
and not of corporations and privileged
classes.
I do not doubt the discriminating jus
tice of the people and their capacity of
intelligent self-government, and there
fore do not doubt the success of the dem
ocratic ticket. Its success would bury
beyond resurrection, sectional jealousies
and hatreds which liave so long been the
chief stock In trade of the pestiferous
demogogues, and in no other way can
this be so effectually accomplished. It
would restore harmony and good feeling
between all sections and make us in fact
as well as in name one people. The only
rivalry then would be in a race fbr the
development of material prosperity, the
elevation of labor, the enlargement of
human rights, and the promotion of ed
ucation, morality, religion, liberty, or
der, and all that would tend to make us
qs the foremost nation on the earth in
the grand march of human progress. I
am, with great respect, very truly yours,
Wm. H. English.
DEMOCRACY VINDICATED.
Extract from a Speech of Hon. W. H.
Felton, Delivered in the House of
Representatives, in Atlanta,
January 25, 1875.
I am a democrat —not because of the
prosperity of the party, its memories or
its achievements; for I would not hesi
tate to discard it if I detected signs of ex
haustion —if it had stiffened with age, or
had become incapable of grasping or di
recting the political exigencies Of the
day.
Experience declares and demonstrates
democracy to be favorable to the mate
rial prosperity ot every citizen of this
government —enlarging the wealth and
resources of every state in the union, and
like all truth , is as fresh and vigorous in
the midst of “modern ideas” as it was in
the primitive and Better days of the re
public. Let us not, however, misinter
pret the word democracy. We mean by
its employment to designate not only a
government by the people, but a govern
ment shaped and controlled by establish
ed principles—principles which have be
come axiomatic—cardinal truths —politi-
cal dogmas, upon which we may base all
governmental action.
We must not estimate these truths by
the failures of men and parties profess
ing allegiance to them. As well might
we estimate Christianity by the frequent
ly unstable and varying action of some
of its professed disciples. There are cer
tain fixed, eternal Christian truths, ap
plicable in all ages and to all men —stand-
ards of moral admeasurement that never
change. So with these great political
standards of right and wrong. Men may
change, and organized parties, bearing
their names, may prove as unstable as
water, but these truths never dip to suit
our convenience nor to adjust themselves
to our passions or errors. Departure
from them is marked by a descending
scale of political misfortune, while adhe
rence is illustrated by a nation’s happi
ness and prosperity.
Alp. Jeflßrsoh, in his first rnfmgwwi*
address, gives us what he terms the “es
sential principles of a free government”
—the creed of our political faith —“touch-
stones” by which we “test those who
seek to serve us.” We may condense
them in his own language, as follows:
“Equal and exact justice to all men,
of whatever religious or political per
suasion.”
“The support of the state governments
in all their rights as the most competent
administrations for our domestic con
cerns and the surest bulwarks against
anti-republican tendencies.”
“The preservation of the general gov
ernment in its whole constitutional
vigor.”
“A jealous jare of the right of election
by the people.”
“Absolute acquiescence in the decisions
of the majority.”
“The supremacy of the civil over the
military authority.”
“Economy in the public expense, that
labor may be lightly burdened*”
“The arraignment of all abuses at the
bar of public opinion.”
“Freedom of religion, freedom of the
press freedom of the person under
the protection of the habeas corpus .”
“Mr. Jefferson says: “If at any time,
in moments of error or alarm, we shall
wander from them, let us hasten to re
trace our steps and regain the road which
alone leads to liberty, peace and happi
ness.”
The country has wandered from these
principles—hence our sufferings, our
losses, our political disasters.
In that inimitable description of storm
and wreck at sea, given by a sacred
writer, “when the ship was driven up
and down in Adria, and fearing lest they
should have fallen on rocks, they cast
four anchors out and wished for the day.”
As long as those anchors maintained
their hold the shipmen were of good
cheer and refreshed safely in the midst
of the tempestuous Euroclydon. “But
in a moment of error and alarm they took
up these anchors, loosed the rudder
bands, hoisted the main-sail and com
mitted themselves to the sea.” “Com
ing where two seas met the ship soon
grounded and then parted with the vio
lence of the waves.”
In this democratic platform we have
ten or twelve anchors, entering “within
the vale” of political safety, sure and
steadfast. As long as these anchors
maintained their graplings, so long the
country rode securely amid the most
tempestuous passions.
But when, in a moment of error and
alarm, the whole country cut off these
anchors, loosed the political rudder
bands, committed itselt to experiment
and adventure, soon it came to where
two seas met —northern and southern
sectionalism—and the country grounded
and parted with the violence of the
collision.
The first thought impressed upon us
by these truths —almost inspired truths,
for the very spirit of inspiration seemed
to rest upon the apostle of American de
mocracy when he wrote them —is the
thought of safety, confidence, protection.
The great barrier to our material de
velopment is the want ot confidence —a
sense ot insecurity. For more than a
dozen years no citizen has felt his politi
cal future clear or definitely determined.
He has seen some or the worst features
of the world’s political history at work
in the country, viz; Agrarianism, com
munism, social equality and centralism.
All these destructive elements are fer
menting in the body politic and disturb
ing our confidence; political fungi show
ing the disorganized, decaying and disin
tegrated condition of the country; the
business of the states disjointed; capital,
sensitive and delicate, retiring to its
vaults; no investments; no rewards to
industry; stringency and embarrassment
everywhere; bitterness in every heart;
controversies, jealousies and riotous vio-
lence in many places; the din of arms
suspended on the battle-field, but the
war continued in the cabinet and national
congress.
Why this want of confidence ? Because
these great truths of democracy have
been violated, The dominant party of
the country has been organized around
questions of “expediency,” “policy” and
“party success,” instead of being organ
ized around these essentials of a free gov
ernment.
Expediency was consulted that “office
holders” might still retain their places
and prosecute their schemes of public
plunder. These truths were ignored for
the benefit of interested partisans. Plat
forms liave been shaped and men have
been measured, not according to these
“touchstones,” but according to the test
of availability.
I repeat, I cannot recall a single politi
cal evil which has overtaken the coun
try which is not attributable to a viola
tion of some of these great principles.
The evil may seem dependent upon
some more proximate, exciting cause,
but trace it to its source, and it is the ef
fect of a violated democratic truth.
Physical disease may appear to the
superficial observer as the result of some
trivial surrounding, while the experienc
ed physician traces it back to repeated
violations of some known law of hygiene.
The empirical experimenter will seek
to restore health by palliatives, addressed
to these trivial surroundings, but the
wise and skillful practitioner seeks the
health of his patient in the restoration of
the infracted law by conformity to its
healthy requirements.
There is no prospect of permanent
prosperity in the country until there is a
perfect restoration of these violated laws.
Our duty is to retrace our steps to recover
the road that leads to prosperity.
The man who is “lost” must not ex
pect to play the engineer in surveying
and constructing “highways” tor his es
cape. Going back is his only hope for
I extrication.
Much has been said commending ad
vanced statesmanship, and I would not
utter one word disparaging a wise pro
gress. The world moves, and old theo
ries are falling before the steady progress
of mind. Intellectual sappers and mi
ners are at work, and almost every day
some old political error is exploded, and
some new truth springs from its debris.
But, with all due respect, have we not,
under the plausible phrase of advanced
statesmanship, been entirely engaged in
the work of destruction ?
Geologists tell us that the volcanic ac
tion and convulsive throes of nature
which elevate islands into continents,
have sometimes been preceeded by pe
riods of general submergence.
I would ask if the lust dozen years have
not been, in the United States, a period
of general political submergence?
But I trust the time has come when
these convulsions and national throes, by
a reversed action, shall elevate and en
large these grand old truths, and in their
rehabilitation we may find a freshness
and glory never surpassed.
Let us notice two or three of these
truths:
“The support of the state governments
in all their rights as the mcftt competent
administrators for our domestic concerns,
and the surest bulwarks against anti-re
publican tendencies.”
mm rights”— "not one violated#,
not one encroached upon—tiiese rights
being the supervision and control of
every “domestic concern,” a stranger
must-not interfere and intermeddle with
the domestic arrangements of another.
These states are the castles of American
liberty, and no outside authority must
enter them except by due process of law,
when the lover of freedom has seen and
understood the rights of the several
states, then he has marked well the bul
warks of our liberties, and can “tell the
towers thereof.”
We can imagine the shame and despair
of the old Hebrew when he saw the
“abomination of desolation,” spoken of
by Daniel, the prophet, “standing in the
holy place”—-in the very citadel of his
nation’s glory and of his personal hopes.
He knew the end had come. But who
can tell the shame and despair of every
Georgian when, some years ago, they
saw a satrap of federal domination stand
ing in the representative halls of the
state, clbthed with authority to organize
our general assembly.
But as it was, with the sufferings and
despair of the old Hebrew—the days
thereof being “shortened,” so the days
of Georgia’s humiliation have been
“shortened.”
Interference with the domestic affairs
of the states must cease. No more feder
al guards around the ballot-box, or feder
al supervision of election returns, or
federal dictation to state officials; no
more national intermeddling with the lo
cal questions of taxation, the manage
ment of state railways, nor our police
orders.
For the people of this country there
are only two alternatives, either the ab
solute sovereignty of the states over their
domestic concerns, or a centralized des
potism. Already, petitions and meas
ures are pending before congress, pro
posing to carry on the government
without the intervention of the states,
and proposing to increase executive and
federal powers. In the language of Mr.
Madison, “the consolidation of this coun
try into one simple republic would be as
inexpedient as it is unattainable.”
He who conquers Paris, governs
France. He who holds St. Petersburg
and Moscow, is the autocrat of Russia.
When Caesar held Rome in his grasp, he
was the acknowledged master of empires,
but I trust the time will never come
again when Washington shall hold in its
hands the “reserved rights” of Georgia.
While we insist upon this fundamental
democratic truth, we also give promi
nence to that other Jeffersonian axiom :
“The preservation of the general govern
ment in its whole constitutional vigor.”
There is no conflict between these appa
rently conflicting principles. Each in
its own sphere, their orbits should never
intersect, and the two should never col
lide.
We have heard of the “music of the
spheres,” a hyperbolism suggested by the
order and harmony of the heavenly
bodies, and this poetical exaggeration
should be realized in the harmony and
concord existing between the state and
general governments.
Epluribus unum must once more have
significance as well as inscription upon
our national records. Once more we
must have a union of hearts as well as a
union of states, every state propping and
sustaining the general government with
in its constitutional limits, and the gen
eral government recognizing and protect
in all the rights of its creators —the states.
Once more let us retrace our steps and
recover the road which led our fathers to
peace, liberty and happiness; then we
shall have a federal republic honored and
cherished by its citizens, and a light to
guide and encourage the oppressed of all
lands.
I repeat the thought already suggested.
The incoming house of representatives
with its democratic majority must com-
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NUMBER 3
mand the respect of the whole country
by its conservatism’.
One extreme is liable to result in the
opposite extreme. Oppression usually
terminates in retaliatory measures by the
oppressed, or in rash efforts to destroy
the memorials of their oppressors.
Charles I, by exercising the preroga
tives of the crown, gave birth to the radi
calism of Cromwell, and the puritanical
court of Ills protectorate was followed by
the unbridled licentiousness of the resto
! ration. The tyranny and religious big
i otry of the Bourbons inaugurated the
j revolution of '93. One of the first deeds
} of that frenzied multitude was the de
struction of the bastile, which they re
garded as a memorial of their oppression.
The usurpations, the mistakes and fail
ures of Napoleon 111 gave opportunity to
the commune, and o le of their first acts
oi vengeance was the pulling down of
of the Column Vendome —the splendid
memorial of victories won by the founder
of the Bonaparte family.
Let no retaliatory legislation—no act of
vengeance—mark the re-appearance of
the liberated democracy; let them pull
down no memorial of the past; let the
bastile stand; let the Column Vendome
remain, but at the same time overshadow
them with monuments of wisdom, mode
ration and justice.
There is much that is objectionable in
the legislation of the country for the last
decade, particularly offensive to the
south, but we had better submit for a
time to the “evils we know” than hazard
“evils we know not of.” There are
“foul blots” upon the legislation of the
country. If the democracy brings the
country back to general prosperity, re
stores confidence, gives protection to
capital and labor, and sends the glow of
thrift through all our industries, then I
believe these blots will wisely and grad
ually disappear in the universal happi
ness.
ROMAN GLUTTONY.
With the empire began the epoch of
splendid gluttony, which lias no parallel.
The history of the.Csesars, with some ex
ceptions, is the narrative of a continual
orgie. Take the notorious group at ran
dom Commodus, Caligula, Tiberius,
Verus, Vitellius, Nero, Ileliogabulus,
Domitian. These men spent their lives
in a round of monstrous debaucheries.
The day and the night, we are assured,
were not long enough for their revels.
Verus, the-first to increase the number
of guests from nine to twelve, prolonged
his suppers throughout the night. Nero
sat at table from midday to miunight,
Tiberius spent two days and a night at
the festive board. They had huge appe
tites—not only the gigantic Maximin,
who devoured forty pounds of flesh-meat,
and drank five gallons of wine at a meal,
hut finical dandies, like Commodus, who
ate evenJn the hath; Vitfellius, who
ceased eating only while he slept; Domi
tian, who ate “out of his hand” to stay
his stomach in the intervals of regular
repast; Heliogabalus was perhaps the
most elaborate, Vitellius the most ex
travagant in his daily fare. The latter
squandered in seven months £7,000,000,
chiefly on his table. The total staggers
belief; hut let us examine the figures on
the other side. The Roman epicure is
reported to have paid £OS or so for a mul
let; a brace of pigeons cost £1 123. At
an entertainment given' to Vitellius by
his brother, 2,000 of the rarest fish, and
7,000 of the most curious birds were,
.served up. One individual spent £s#ooo
on a single dish, made of the tongues of
the .costliest singing birds. The Roman
bon vivant , supping on the brains of pea
cocks and pheasants, the tongues of
nightingales, and the roes of the most
delicate fishes, swallowed thousands of
pounds at a meal, and we need only mul
tiply the individual expense by the num
ber of guests to form a notion of the cost
of a high-class dinner in the days of the
Caesars. A supper in the Apollo meant
one or two thousand thrown to the pur
veyors. But the emperors were certain
ly the most reckless in the profligacies of
the table. Seneca and Tacitus are
among the authorities who tell us that
Heliogabalus spent £20,000 on one sup
per; that Nero, master of “the House of
Gold,” ate a dish which cost over £30,-
000, and drank a bumper still more pre
cious. It is asserted, further, that the
Emperor Verus treated twelve friends to
a feast which cost £46,000 ; and Seneca
is responsible for the statement that Ca
ligula spent £BO,OOO on a supper. The
magnificence of the emperors was imita
ted, if not equalled by citizens, like the
Apicil, like the actor and his son
Ciodius, like Vedius Pollio, who fattened
his lampreys on the flesh of murdered
slaves. These, we know, were brave
days for the players; but the
comedian must have had a solid private
fortune, for the Garrick of his age, the
great Roscius, made but £50,000 a year
of his profession, an income which would
hardly clear half a dozen barely decent
suppers to illustrious patrons.— Tinslet/s ,
Magazine.
GEORGIA MILITARY INSTITUTE.
Four e’elock Thursday evening the ex
cadets assembled at the court house and
was called to order by Prof. H. D. Ca
pers of this place. Capt. John Milledgo
was made chairman, and R. H. Atkinson,
secretary.
R. A. Bacon, chairman, of committee
on business, reported resolutions looking
to the reorganization of the institute ana
organizing the ex-cadets into an associa
tion for that purpose.
The following permanent officers of the
association were elected:
President—John Milledge, of Atlanta.
Vice Presidents—Gen. R. H. Ander
son, of Savanuah; Hon. T. W. Milner,
of Bartow; Frank Jones, of Early;
Judge 11. D. D. Twiggs, of Augusta;
and Maj. C. M. Wiley, of Bibb.
Secretary and Treasurer—R H Atkin
son, of Atlanta.
The following committee on eonstitr*
tion and by-laws was appointed : W. P.
McClatchey, W. I. Clarke and R. A. Ba
con.
The meeting was ordered to be held in
Atlanta during the fair week in October.
Several communications were received
from ex-cadets expressing hearty sympa
thy with the objects of the meeting.
A letter from Dr. Eben Hillyer invited
the association to use its influence to
have the institution located at Rome. He
pledged the people of that city give their
encouragement and their money to se
cure the success of the effort. An invi
tation to meet there also was extended.
Dr. B. L. Mclntosh, of Early, presided
at the conclusions of the proceedings.
The association returned its thanks to
the citizens of Marietta.
The ex-cadets were tendered a hop at
Nichols’ hall at night, which was largely
attended. The banquet was also a pleas
ant feature of the occasion. •
It would indeed be quite gratifying to
us if some tangible plan, susceptible of
results, could be adopted, whereby the
institute could be re-established. Our
citizens feel deeply interested in the mat
ter and would aid to the best of their
ability.— Marietta Journal.