Newspaper Page Text
routiv.T.
4t He comes, he comes, ihe herald ol'a noisy world."
ATTACK ON TIIE CITADEL OF ANTWERP.
Bciclicm, Lead Quarters of Marshal Gerard—Tues
day, 12 o'clock.—Tnc French opened tlicir batteries on
the Citadel this morning at 11 o'clock. The first sa
lute was*from 87 pieces. Chasse instantly returned the
fire, and both parties are now actively engaged. The
road from Antwerp to Mabries was lined (this morning)
with hundreds of miserable w retches, up to tlicir knees
in mud, dragging their sobbing infants in hand barrows
through a pelting rain—women w ith tender infants at
their breasts, fulling down from fatigue and hunger—
the aged and bed-ridden supported on hurdles! About
40 carts laden with women and children, entered Ma
lices this morning at 9 o’clock.
'The fire of the French commenced from the centre
battery and Fort .Montebe 110. The first volley took ef
fect on the embrasures of the Lunette St. Laurent.
GENERAL A TTACK !
Antwerp, Tuesday, eleren o'clock. —A cannon shot
from the fort Montebello, followed by a dreadful detona
tion, learns us that parliamentary sent to the citadel
brought back an evasive answer. Along the whole line
shots succeed each other with extreme rapidity—the
enemy replies with vigor—the sight is horrible, yet
magnificent. lam in the town, which is almost deser
ted—the few persons I meet express the greatest anxie
ty ; evciy moment we expect to sec .bomb shells and
balls shower into this unfortunate town. . T ' v »v becomes
more lively as the firing increases. It is impossible to
describe the effect which is felt in the midst of the brisk
cannonading from 200 pieces.
SIEGE OF TIIE CITADEL.— Ist BULLETIN.
December 4,3 o’clock-
During last night ami in the early part of this morn
ing, several hattcT.es which had not been furnished, re
ceived their cannon.
At 20 minutes past 11 the signal was given, and the
Sring commenced from the centre of the works, anrl
immediately the whole of the batteries were unmasked.
The castle of Fort Montebello also fired upon the cita
del. The cannon arc served by French artillerymen.
The citadel returned Ihe fire, though rather slowly.—
At 3 o’clock neither shot nor shell had fallen on the city.
However, every precaution had been taken and eve
ry preparation made in case of the worst. The Bel
gian artillerymen arc at their cannon, ready to reply in
an instant to any attack made o:i the city from the citi
del.
The Dutch shipping have made no movement.
UHAPELLE, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Staff.
The signal office stationed on the tower of the
cathedral reported, at 2 o'clock, that disorder ap
peared to prevail in the citadel.
Three o'clock. — llopc brightens up a little. —
For the last four hours firing has not ceased upon
any side, and the town has no accident as vet to
deplore. Chasse replies by a shower of bomb-shells
to the multiphcated discharges of our artillery ; he
seems to make the most of mortars. However, we
have already obtained some advantage ; three pie
ces have been dismounted at Lunette St. Laurent,
upon Which our troops principally direct tlicir fire,
and it is easy to perceive a conflagration in the cita
del, caused no doubt, by our shells.
Four o’clock, afternoon.— Firing continues,
and is kept up with greater vigor by the besiegers.
TIIE FRENCH ARMY.
Berchem, Dec. 4.
The night passed off quietly, the citadel continu
ing to send occasionally some shot and shells, which
generally have done but little mischief. The roads
being torn up. have become altogether impassable,
notwithstanding the fascines that were laid upon
them, and it was found impossible to bring the can
non by that way. In an instant the resolution was
taken to cut the trench, and to carry the 16 pieces
which remained to he placed by a road which bor
dered on the glacis of the citadel. It was hoped
that the Dutch not expecting such a daring attempt,
might not* perceive them, and at the worst if they
were seen it was only some men lost. This bold
plan was executed with equal courage and success.
The sentinels on the citadel perceived if, and in an
instant a number of bullets and balls were let fly.—
Some men and horses were killed and wounded, but
nevertheless the guns were carried forward, and in
less than three hours the batteries No. 7 and 8, being
the last, were fully armed.
At 10 o’clock th.e Marshal mounted his horse and
rode to the lines. At 11 the signal was given to
dire.
11 o'clock.—At this moment the Marshal, stand
ing in the battery of the centre, No. 5, having beside
him the Commandment of Artillery and engineers,
his aids-de-camp, and a great number of offices, who
were anxious to be present, gave the original.
The battery No. 5 fired the first shot, which was
received with a thousand cries, repeated through the
xvhole line, of “ Vive le Iloi.” At the same mo
ment, as if an echo, the fire of the other batteries an
swered to that of No. 5. The spcctaslc was grand.
The Marshal and his staff proceeded from battery
to battery, encouraging the troops by his presence.
Each captain of artillery, fearlessly seated on the
parapet of his battery, gave orders for the successive
discharges of each gun, and coolly watched the ef
fect of tnc bullets, stating to his men, a “little high
er,” or a “little lower,” in order to make the fire
more effective.
In the twinkling of an eye the parapets of the cit
adel, which had been crowded with Dutch officers,
were deserted, and not one of them to be seen. One
could so well follow the course of the balls from Fort
Montebello that the earth of the parapets might
have been seen flying about every time they were
struck.
The citadel returned the fire but slowly. The
discharges had not been much more frequent than
they were for the last few days.
1 o’clock.
Three pieces in the citadel have been dismounted
not a person is seen on the parapets. Several of our
shot have struck a large barrack in the citadel ; we
do not perceive that it was yet on fire. Every one
is astonished at the slight resistance made by Chles
see.
From a third Edition of the Standard-.
We have just received, by express, the Brussels
papers of W ednesday. At four o’clock on Wed
nesday morning the cannon continued roaring in
cessantly.
Three o’clock.— she firing continues. Brussels
is completely calm, and very tew arc listening to the
firing.
Four o clock.—A courier has just reached the ho
tel where lam residing from Antwerp. He says!
that the French have lost already more than 10t)9
men.
Tnn Times orncc, 1 o'clock,a. in.
ANTWERP,
W ednesday, Dec. 5, 12 o'clock. The cannona
ding has continued since yesterday briskly enough,
yet not with the force which some js-rsons expected.
Some of the batteries on the French side have dis
tinguished themselves by the accuracy of their fire:
i utliers are said to have pointed too high, so that some
] shells and balls passed over the citadel, and fell into
the Scheldt. It was hence imagined that those shots
wore directed to sink the gun-boats in the river, but
none of them have taken effect.
Fort Montebello, which is an advanced work of
I the town, and which is in tiie hands of the French
j what those of St. Laurent and Kiel were in the
| hands of the Dutch, lias fired yesterday and this day
against the bastion of the citadel called Paeddo.
The number of guns employed by the French are
now officially stated to be 60 cannons, of various
calibre, and 22 mortal's and howitzers. Some ot
i the latter are described as being let oft last night,
j not in the curve usually formed, but triangularly,
which mode of firing is said to have produced much
execution in Fort St. Laurent. The chief fire of the
citadel, as far as I could see from an elevated situa
tion, has been literally directed towards the batteries
in front of Fort Kief. Forts St. Laurent and Kiel
have been silent since yesterday evening.
The citadel already shows extarnal marks of the
injuries it suffers. A fire broke out in one of the
buildings at half-past 3 o’clock, the smoke of which
continues.—l saw among many shells that fell in it
one hurst and break off a considerable portion of the
corner of the gable of one of the large buildings. Its ;
fire is rather slack, and the defence is imagined to be |
weak; hence some persons oppose.that in two or J
three days Gen. Chasse, will threaten to burn the I
town unless he be permitted to retire, when the
French will be compelled to allow him to withdraw
with the honors.
1 o’clock,
The firing has been brisk on both sides during the
lasi hour. J have no means of learning the loss of
the French since yesterday, hut up to Monday I
have been assured that the killed and wounded did
not exceed 25 men.
Som# persons who feared that this- siege would
become a long business now think differently, as
Forts St. Laurent and Kiel continue totally silent.
The forts in the city are preparing more and more
to repel any attack on it. The citadel suffers con
siderably.
2 o'clock.
The frigates Comet and Eurydice and the corvet
te Proserpine are now stated to attack Fort St. Ma
riae which defends itself with vigour.
Tuesday, 3 o'clock, P. M.
People here do not know what to make of Chas
se—The military men, French, English, and Belgi
an, are totally at a loss to account for his conduct
on any of the recognized principles of attack and
defence of a fortress. He ought, they say, to have
fired from the first, and if he had, with the number
of cannon at his command, used only ordinary exer
tions, he might have delayed the completion of the
works in front of him for many days, and even then
they could not have been completed but with the
loss ol 2,000 men. A courier lias just arrived here
from Antwerp and up to his departure the whole
number put hors de combat from th.e commence
ment, did not, I understand, amount to as many
hundreds.
Chasse had not fired upon the city, as he promis
he would do if he were fired upon from the batteries
oi Fort Montebello. This, however, is less account-,
able than the other parts of his conduct; for it is
more than probable that he has more guns opposed
to him than hs can answer, and he must see the
common sense of not adding about 150 more (mor
tars included) to their number, which must inevita
bly be the case if he fires on the citv.
POLITICAL.
g- " ' ' - 1 ' ■ - ' .
“Th» price of Liberty, is eternal vigilance.”
CIOTEKffOR’S iUEgSACSE.
From the Ricilmond Whio.
Transmitting Resolutions of the Legislature of South
Carolina.
The following Message from the Governor, covering
Resolutions of South Carolina, proposing a Convention
of the States, was transmitted to both Houses of the
General Assembly yesterday:
Executive Department, /
Jan. 25tb, 1833. $
To the Senate and House of Delegates :
I have received from the Governor of the Common
wealth of South Carolina, Resolutions adopted bv the
General Assembly of that State, with a request to lay
them before you: they are accordingly herewith com
municated.
The resolutions refer fothceall of a General Conven
tion of tho State* of this Confederacy, to take into consid
eration the subject of the disputed powers of the Fede
ral Government, and to adjust thorn in a manner that
may in future preclude doubt, and prevent that Govern
ment from the exercise of power? which some of the
States of this Confederacy believe to ho unwarranted by
tiie Constitution which created it.
The lowering aspect of our public affairs at this mo
meat, caused by the usurpations of tho federal govern
ment, .which now exercises powers never intended lobe
granted to it, and by arbitrary means attempts to deprive
sovereign States of any remedy for wrongs, injuries and
oppressions, induces a conviction that no means could
lie better devised for allaying the general discontents of
the people, and of calming the rising indignation of a
brave and generous public, which lias ever been watch
ful and jealous of its liberty, than by again bringing to
gether, in general convention, the original parties to the
compact or constitution, thereby affording a fit and prop
er opportunity for the co-states to determine what pow
er it is their sovereign will to permit their agents to ex
ercise, and of marking outso distinctly, the limits of tho
Federal Government, that none hereafter may have the
temerity to pass the boundary prescribed.
We are called upon by our sister State, who lias suffer
ed much fiom theexeieise of unconstitutional power by
that government, to unite in accomplishing this gre.it
object.
A general convention would be so fully able, and so
well calculated to restore harmony to onr confederacy,
by adjusting and finally settling ail the doubtful or dis
puted powers, that no effort should bo left untried to ad
vance so desirable a result, and thus to regain the happy
confidence which ali heretofore reposed in tha perma
nency of our institutions.
The times are perilous, thequerjion momentous, and
looks far into the future,and on the wisdom of your de
cision, so far as we are concerned, may probably depend
the peace, the liberty, and the happiness of our country.
We have long regarded as the citadel of our liberty
the sovereignty of those states, which could be interpos
ed to save a suffering and oppressed people from tlia un
just exactions of an unconstitutional act, which cannot
be law; and the right of each state, as a sovereign par
! i v to the compact, having no superior, to judge for itsalf
of the infractions of the constitution, as well as the mode
and measure of redress.
But if the power lately seined upon by the federal
government,and promulgated as rightfully belonging to
it be permitted, sanctioned or sustained by the slates of
tliisconfcdcracy, this commonwealth, upon, which de
pends our fredouaand our existence a* an independent
stale, will he entombed in the cemetery of republics ;
iimi the will of an irresponsible majority, ortho fiat of
' the President br-onias the charter of our liberty, thus
substituted fur the constitution. These states then be
come the vassals ofa despotic poser, with no rights left
them but the right to complain, a right which despotism
cannot take from the vilest malefactor chained to the
floor of tiie dungeon.
Many of the states of this confederacy, one by one,
declared their independence of Gn at Britain, because
they would rio longer submit to the illegal and uncon
stitutional exactions of that country, and made common
cause against her as a common enemy.
Willing to justify themselves to the worlJ, their dele
gates in Congress were afterwards instructed as dele
gates of the several powers then associated for common
defence, to sanction a Declaration of Independence by
tiiat body. This act, vve are now told in terms admit
ting of too little doubt, yielded up the sovereignty of
these States, which now compose “asmgle nation.”
This doctrine, and this claim to power is an outrage
upon our institutions, and the bitterest satire upon the
revolution : that the very Declaration of Independence
itself, which blazoned forth our liberty full to the gaze
of an admiring world, as our fathers believed, should now
be produced, as the. bond which.binds their children as
slaves to a majority in Congress, and to a President,
elected by a college, of electors representing that major
ity, who are not, and cannot be responsible to them : and
over whose will there is no control, are claims which
cannot be admitted. Thus all the safe-guards of liberty,
which our fathers thought they bad constructed with so
much prudence, wisdom and patriotism, would be brok
en to pieces and. dissolved by this boundless and ingul
fing claim to power, which that Government has exhibi
ted to the view of astonished millions.
Claim having been made to this unlimited power for
that Government, a claim which the patriot cannot con
template without feeling an indignant horror rush upon
his mind; it becomes the part es wisdom, prudently to
take such measures as will ensure the speedy termina
tion of a pretension fraught with so much evil to the l n
ion and danger to our liberty.
The call ofa general convention of these States would
afford a proper opportunity for them to place such guards
upon their liberty, and such barriers to the encroach
merits of the federal government, as will be put to rest
forever the questions of disputed powers—the agitation
of which, have, from time to time, created much dissat
isfaction, and if persisted in, must, at no distant day, ter
minate in irrrparable injury.
At the moment when a sovereign State of this confed
eracy, exercising what she deems to be her right, has
thrown herself upon'that sovereignty, and as such, has
undertaken to judge for herself of the infractions of the
compact, and of the mode and measure of redress, we
find the President of the United States, openly laying
claim to this gigantic power, and charging a Slate with
treason against the federal government, which he claims
to be sovereign, and cdrrylug out 111" principle, seems to
endeavor to make the impression that the rights of the
States are grants of powers from tiiat government. —
When we pursue that argument to it final result, we find
ourselrcs enslaved by the declaration of our indepen
dence, with no limit to the powers of the new govern
merit but its own will, and we have no rignt left us but
the right of revolution, whilst this government claims
the antagonist right of subduing us by the sword. If
this doctrine be true —our fathers, intent upon securing
liberty for themselves and their children, greatly erred
in not declaring themselves free and independent of
their declaration of independence.
During the middle ages, the European governments
were little vise than the military commands ,of feudal
barons—the king, or great baron of all, relying upon his
military prowess, disdained to bold his power as the gift
of men, and claimed to rule by a special grant from om
nipotence. But this divine right of kings, was disputed
by tho barons of England at Renemode, and a charter
for their liberty was wrung from the king. This was
truly a great victory over tyranny, and believed to be a
discovery in government, which, at a future day com
pelled the executive, or king, to consent to act by com
pact. Yet the great discovery or improvement in gov
ernment, was reserved for our fathers, who affirmed that
sovereignty could reside alone in tho entire body of the
people, that their rulers were agents of the people, cho
sen from among tliem, to discharge certain duties re
quired of them, and at. stipulated periods, to lay down
the power which belonged alone to the people, and with
which they bad been temporarily clothed for certain
purposes—that no error might be committed, and to
prevent any from attempting to rule by military force,
they perfected their government as we heretofore have
believed, in the security of written constitutions.
All the States of this Confederacy, certainly believed
themselves sovereign, and in that capacity, and under
that belief, Virginia proceeded to form a government
for herself.anterior to the Declaration of Independence,
and existed until three years ago, under the Constitu
tion and form of Government then established, when
the sovereign people assembled in Convention, and a
mended that Constitution, which now remains the mon
ument of their sovereignty—the basis of their funda
mental laws.
How, then, is it impossible for Virginia to have re
ceived a grant of her reserved rights from the Constitu
tion of the U. State's, or the “single nation?” How tho
States could receive as a grant their reserved rights is
difficult to comprehend, but not less so, than tiiat a sove
reign State can commit treason ! As early as tho 12th
of June, i776, this State declared, that “whenever any
Government shall be found inadequate to tlitj purposes
of producing the greatest degree of happiness, a major
ity of the people hath an indubitable, unalienable and
indefeasible right, to reform, alter or abolish it, in such
manner as shall bejudged most conductive to tho public
weal.” Virginia has very lately reformed and altered
her Government, and still claims the “indubitable, una
lienable and indefeasible right to abolish it.” whenev
er the majority of ljer citizens may think proper to do
so: to reform, alter or abolish a form of government, are
the highest powers which a Sovereign State can exer
cise.
Wo have also on our statute book, a law pointing out
the mode by which a citizen may expatriate himself, and
until he avails himself of the provision of this act, in di
vesting himself of his citizenship, or ccnounces it by be
coming a citizen of another State of this Union, or the
subject of some foreign prince, ho is, wherever he may
be, a citizen of Virginia, and to her his allegiance is
due.
The constitution or compact which unites these
States, among other specified powers, has given to Con
gress the right “to establish en uniform mode of natural
ization,”and no more, because more was not necessary,
as tiie United States had no citizens on whom it could
operate: yet it was desirable that uniformity on this
subject should exist throughout the ccnfcderacy, as the
constitution provides that “the citizens of eacii State
shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities ofei
tizens of the several States,” and by virtue ot this pro
vision, a foreigner, who has been naturalized, and taken
the oath of allegiance to anyone of tliosoSlates, may, at
any time, under this constitutional provision, transfer
bis allegiance to another State.
The United States then,being only the Union of ccr.
tain interests of these sovereign Slates, intended by them
to he used for their benefit, ny agents appointed by
themselves, could not have citizens, since the fact of its
existence is the act of the citizens of the several States,
though at an early period, that government made an ef
fort to legislate over the persons of the citizens of the
States, by the passage of the alien and sedition acts,
which passed both Houses of Congress, and was approv
ed by the President. These nets met with unqualified
resistance on the part of several States, and by none
with more decision than Virginia, on whose statute book
•n law now stands, the w ritteu evidence of her protect
ing soi rreigity, and th» prrpotual monument of its
peaceful, c©aier»ative and triumphant interpoation.—
Yet the President has given us too clearly to misunder
stand that when an act has passed both Houses of Con
gress, and lias been approved by him, its constitutionali
ty cannot be questioned, and from this decision, it would
seem, there is allowed no appeal, but to humble en
treaty, and unavailing remonstrance.
This government, if it possesses the powers thus
claimed for it, is wholly without a check, unlimited in its
sway, and boundless in its power. Surely tins cannot
be the practical effect of the Government, which our la
thers established, to secure to their children the rich
heritage of liberty. If it he, the system has been mis
understood.
We had no relief from the prevailing alarms lor the
safety of our institutions, when we behold the federal
executive, upon a patient review of all those claims to
power, disregarding the sovereignty of the States, and
insisting upon executing an act of congress, which has
been declared unconstitutional, by the only tribunal on
earth, which is admitted to have authority to judge of*
its validity.
Jn a recent message to congress, the President has de
sired that body to put at his disposal, the whole army,
navy and militia force of the confederacy, to be used al
his pleasure, with authority to remove or abolish the cus
tom houses within a sovereign state, wherever and when
soever he may think proper, and require the enactment
of laws in relation to the collection of duties in that
state, to be made in cash, if he ipay deem it necessary,
which cannot be considered in conformity with that
clause of the constitution, which declares “all duties,
imposts, and excises, shall he unitorin throughout the
United States.”
>Ve are not deceived—for we cannot misunderstand
the object of those warlike recommendations. The doc
trines lately promulgated, deny any sovereignty to the
States—and State Rights, it would seem, in the opinion
of the President, are held as grants from the federal
constitution. The difficulties which State sovereignty,
and State Rights might interpose, being in this sum
mary method disposed of, the field is open to the array
of military legions, to crush by force, that which is sus
tained by justice, patriotism, and the constitution. —The
power claimed for that government makes it already
absolute—and should theCongres indulge the President
in his desires, they sanction by their vote, the creation
of a dictator.
Why should those things be? Have drawn swords
ever reconciled differences of opinion? Besides there arc
various modes by which this controversy might he adjus
ted without a resort to arms, which wisdom forbids,
palrotiism condcrns, and liberty abhors.
The courts of the country are open to all parties, where
those questions might soon he determined, and leave us
as we were,'a free and happy people, or Congress could
by the provisions of the constitution, confer on a State
within her own territory the right to lay a duty for the
benefit of the United States’Treasury—to which none
could reasonably object, since a high Tariff is claimed
to he most judicious for the Nothern States—and a low
Tariff most beneficial to the South.
But the call of a general convention of the States—
brings at once, full before all the parties to the compact,
every doubtful or disputed power of the Federal Govern
ment, in the mode pointed out by the instrument itself,
where all amendments could be made Ai disputed powers
settled, in a sprit of kindness, much more congenial to
the harmony of our institutions than that which now
seems in contemplation. This course might to be accep
table to all as it gives full assurance of peaceful days
hereafter, and restore confidence to the mind of the
patriot, already too long agitated with the foreseen
disasters of the coming conflict.
But should all prudent considerations bo disregarded,
and the federal government desecrate their power, the
hostile bayonet be levelled at the bosoms of our country
men, the days of our republic will be numbered—our
free institutions will be bitted out with the patriot blood
of brothers—the pruning hook and the ploughshare
give place to the sword and the spear, and amidst the
dire conflict of contending armies. Liberty will shriek
and depart forever! Still look onward—and there is
nothing to behold but danger and darkness.!
Should that day come, and come and it may, since
many both prudent and wise, think it for the liberty of
the people of Virginia ;—they have no assurances that
the fate which is now intended for one member of the
confederacy, may not shortly be their own. Are wc
more capable of submitting to unjust exactions and un
limited power, than others ? The president, in his recent
exposition of the Powers of the Federal Government, in
his paternal admonitions, not to the constituted author
ties of the States, but to the people of South Carolina,
has taken occasion to advert to their internal weakness
—the allusion cannot be misunderstood—though whol
ly gratuitous, and uncalled for by the occasion, it should
be promptly repelled by every State similarly situated.
Having in this indirect mode exhibited a purpose to
sustain its claim of power, rather on supposed weakness
ot the State, than on the just strength of the constitution,
it becomes the duty of the States having the same inter
est to protest, solemnly to protest against all allusions,
arguments and calculations on the part of the Federal
Government, having reference to this subject. Under
existing circumstances, however, a grave question is
presented, whether it be not more expedient, to trust
those interests to tliß justice of a patriotic and intelligent
people, rather than lay them at the mercy of a Govern
ment which seems already disposed to prejudge the
case, and to make the relations arising from them the
means of operating upon the fears of the people, and
thereby securing and making paramount its usurpations.
Your station is high and rcsonpsiblc ; to you the people
will look ; nay, do look, for security and protection,
and the maintenance of all the rights of the states.
Virginia, the land of our birth, the burial places of our
fathers, the peaceful homes of our wives and daugh
ters, awaits your decision. If pafriotism impels that
government, why not repeal at once the odious acts, which
imposes the onerous and obnoxious burdens upon the
south, and restore to us, our country, peaceful, prosper
ous and undefiled by civil war.
In conclusion as a convention of the states, seem3 to
have been intended by the framers of the constitution,
as the most eligible means of accommodating disputes
between the parties, and of setting doubtful and disputed
powers. 1 leave it to your wisdom to determine whether
the present condition of the country dors not imperatively
call for this measure. " JOHN FLOYD.
Mr. Wilde. Wo have seldom witnessedamoregen
era! or powerful excitcrqfgg in the House of Represen
tatives, than was oceas biwHy the speech of .Mr. Wilde
ot Georgia, on the subject of the Tar.ff. We, at least,
shall not be thought flatterers of that gentleman, in ex’
pressing our concurrence in his arguments and views
since they are the same for which wc have been all alone
contending; nor shall we incur the charge of panegyr
ists, in expressing our admiration of the eloquence bv
which he supported those arguments, in as much as the
same sentiment has boen expressed bv all with whom
we have met, who hoard Mr. Wilde. We would how
ever, cspcc.aHy notice one thing, in connection with
Mr. Wildes remarks: ho has proved, conclusively, to
our minds at least, that on the will of Andrew Jackson
depends the question of peace or war—patricidal war!
Ilia on his decision it depends whether the integrity of
the l. nion shall be preserved or broken. Whethct S
Carolina shad be treated with forbearance even, or at
once dealt with, (to use the language of Mr. Wildsl
by “ the k-race „f God, and gunpowder!” Whether, in
rkfend,. 1 ,1 tv?. qU, '®V° n "'n 11 I,c i “ l .i“ s,r<1 * <>r shall be
fiem "of a s e T>'" family Conner
non ot a iNew A ork vvoal-growcr, (such is ihe rumor )
and bv contrary and juggling „ n ,1,6 other side of the
LETTEB OF eOYEBTOK TOOIP,
Washington, Dec. 20, 1832.
Dear Siu : —What could have induced our peo
ple to think of holding a General Convention of the
States ? Have they resolved to enter the Lion’s
den from which no returning footsteps can ever be
seen f Is not the Constitution good enough for
them ; or is it so bad, that they would commit it to
the hands of their enemies to fashion it as they will ?
The power to make amendments was given to an
swer no such exigency ns the present— it was given
to make that instrument more perfect, when by the
workings of the government, experience having de
tected defects to be cured and evils to be remedied,
the application of it could be made by general con
currence, and without hazard to the public peace
hence it was, that so soon as it was seen that a State
might, by construction, be sued by an individual, an
amendment was proposed and carried, to correct
the evil—so too, when it became apparent that the
designation of the Electoral vote for President and
N ice-President was necessary to preserve the har
mony of the States, the States concurred in an
amendment accordingly—and so too, when a young
Prince was born of an American alliance with the
Bonaparte family, the States concurred in an amend
ment, excluding from office, any citizen who should
accept a title of nobility or honor from any Emperor,
Prince, or Foreign Power. These several amend
ments were made in the true spirit of the Constitu-*
lion. At this moment, public sentiment is favoring
two proposed amendments, which 1 think would he
an improvement of that instrument; one to limit the
President to a single term, the other to prohibit the
appointment of members of Congress to office, dur
ing the period for which they shall have been elec
ted.
Now by a sudden and very strange after thought
as it seems to me, this provision of the Constitution
is to he made applicable, in times of excitement, to
great and extraordinary exigencies; so that when
ever five or six States shall become dissatisfied with
the Constitution, they may command the rest to aa
semble in Convention to alter, new model, or amend,
it. As Ido not read any thing like this in that in
strument, and as our old Republican doctrine re
jects every power, hut that derived from its strict
letter, opposed to all construction, I cannot unite with
our fellow citizens in the call of a General Conven
tion. If the power is granted, it must be an effi
cient, not a nugatory power. The minority States
must command the majority States to assemble, and
it must he the duty of the majority States to obey
they cannot by silence, or evasion, or direct nega
tion, escape—if they refuse, if they evade, if they
arc silent, it must he shewn, how according to the
letter of the Constitution, that silence or evasion, or
negation is to be taken. Is a sovereign State com
pellable at the point of the bayonet to answer aye or
no ? And how is silence to he construed ?"It is
easy to see how a majority, claiming a given power,
may ask the minority to concur in making that pow
er more explicitly a part of the Constitution; but it is
difficult to understand how a minority, protesting
against the exercise of the power, can constrain the
majority, either to make it a part of the'Constitution
or to abandon it, unless it can be shewn that the
Constitution has so expressly provided, &c.
The Congress of the United States, supported bv
public sentiment, has for a long time, by abuses and'
usurpations, so disfigured and disgraced the Consti
tution, that if all hope of its restoration ware aban
doned, it would he matter for grave consideration,
wh ther that instrument was not utterly destroyed,
and had, in every legal and moral contemplation of
the subject, ceased to be bindingon the parties to it
It is inconceivable how. in the eye of justice, a com
pact between two or more parties could be so con
strued. as that the one party should be bound and
the other free —the immutable law is, that all arc
bound or all are free—Nevertheless a majority of
Congress, whether considered as a mere agent 1 1
carry the powers expressly delegated into effect, <r
not, have assumed the right to interpret the Const
tution at pleasure and have so interpreted it, thit
whatever is resolvable into common defence aid
general welfare, has been claimed as a fair and It
gitimate power to be exercised hv the General Got
eminent, until at last, instead of a limited govern
ment for defined purposes, we have one either
actually engrossing, or claiming to engross all the
[lowers belonging to any Government,and oven sonic
which ought not to belong to any. Now it is under
such circumstances, my good Sir, that you proptw
to go into a (’(invention of the States, cither general®
or special—if into a General ('onvention, then you®
must be prepared to receive at the hands of the ms®
joritv a consolidated government, one and indivis®
hie, a denial to the States (ifpermitted toexistJ®
all) of even the shadow of sovereignty, andofeours®
a formal reclamation of ail those rights and privilt-H
ges which, in the exchange of equivalents, you ha!®
expressly reserved as attaching essentially to your®
peculiar position and condition—ls into a special®
(’onvention, then you must he prepared for a prompi®
rejection of your amendatory [impositions (if thest®
look to a further security for your rights and inter
csts) and eventually for the re-assertion and incor-®
poration into the Constitution, of the very powers* 1 ®
long and strenuously denied by you, and so loigH
claimed and exercised by them. The indicationH
of public sentiment at this moment are unerring, tbit®
an overwhelming majority favors a consolidate!H
government: and it may behoove you in all wtsdoix®
to prepare not for an improvement of your condi^B
tion, hut for a Caesar and the purple. If
it be true, that you are to come out of a
sluirn and despoiled, it may he well to think of sons®
other and better course, hv which the perils of
day are to he turned aside. Can you think ot
better, than the old Republican land"marks,by
so for. although we have not escaped from
wo hive from shipwreck? You want no bets?®
Constitution, if the got eminent he administered a'-®
cording to its letter—no body asks more than ja-®
tice ; and justice it secures, ns i'ar as written
mentscan secure it. For all external relations,
government is stronger than the strongest in tit®
world—its strength depends not less on the
tv of the States, than on that common consent
cnlight med opinion on which all our institutions
founded, and by which they must be held
and what after'all is the foundation of these but J'**®
lice. Justice, Justice—nil that the right of
tatiou can give, it secures. Within the pale
letter of the ('(institution, the man of
is. to he sure, as much our representative in on BB
gross as the man of Georgia—beyond that pale an ■
letter, however, he is as much a stranger as the
ircsentative of Scotland or Ireland ill ,
Parliament; and tki.s is all in this respect that ''j®
could ask. Arc there no means then, by " '
( ongress can he held to the letter of the tons
ti<>n r 1 answer, no constitutional means but
ballot box, unless the power of amendment.
sensei have interpreted it. he so considered; 'j®
right et [i»titien. es r< menstrnnee, «(disrussi 1 '• gg