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TEZJJLS’
9 Advertisemen.
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ar rates.
A liberal deduction will be made up,.
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_ LAW CARDS.
J. W. H. VNI>KRWOOT». C. H. SMITH
. UNDERWOOD & SMITH.
ATTORNEYS AT LAW.
Home, G-co.,
Practice in Upper Georgia : also in the Fed
eral District Court at Marietta.
July 28, 1859. ...1y...
J. A. JKRX IS. W. A. CAMl’llKLl..
JERVIS & CAMPBELL.
ATTORN FA’S AT LAW.
MOBCtANTON. GA.
* \A7 1 Li. practice in the Superior Courts of the
’ V County of Giltner. Union aud Towns.
, March 17th 1860. ly.
C. H. SMITH,
NOTARY PUBLIC’.
Commissioner of Deeds tor Alabama ami Ten
nessee. AugL
John Taylor w. r. iiaubkr.
TAYLOR & BARBER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,!
Stxmmorville. On.
ill practice in the several counties of
North Weak r» G julj
JOHN W. XAMSEY. WM. E. LUCY.
RAMSEY & LFCY,
Attorney and Conncellors at Law,
• CENTRE, CHEROKEE CO,, ALA.
March 1 1860—ly.
VIRGIL C. COOK,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
janli. ROME, GORGIA. ly.
THOMAS J. VERDERY,
AT T O KN E V A T Is AW.
CEDAR TOWN, GA.
Will practice in the counties of Fioyd, Polk
Paulding Carroll. Haraldson. ami Cass.
ssy“ Strict attention paid to Collecting.
May 20, 1858. ly
F. C. SHROPSHIRE,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law,
ROME, GA.,
Aprils. 1858...1y
GEO. T. STOVALL,
• ATTORNEY AT LAW,
ROME. GA.
Office in back room.over Fort & Hargrove’s
store. . ap7:ly
W.B.TERHUXE,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law,
ROME, GA.
mars, 1858. ts-
EMORY F. BEST,
' ATTORNEY AT LAW ,
Rome, G-n.
Aug 9 ly-
D. S. PR INTUP,
Attorney- and Counsellor at Law
Romo, Grct.
April 16,1856. f. t
G. W. WARWICK W. PENN KBAMER.
WARWICK & KRAMER.
ATTORNEYS AT LAw. '
CartersvilU. Georgia. • juyl2
JOEL R. GRIFFIN.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
IVCaeoii, Georgia.
IX 7 ILL practice in the counties of the Macon
» « ami the adjoining Circuits. Also, in tie
Counties of West .and South-West Georgia, ac
cessible by Rail Road.
Particular personal attention given to collec-
- ting. Office with O. A. Lociiranb, Humour's
Building, 2d Street, opposite Methodist Book
Depository. Marßlß6o-ly
DENTAL CARDS.
Dr. J. T. DUANE,
RESIDENT DENTIST,
R O ME.GE O.
” Rooms over Fort & Hargrove.
HAS been engaged in the prac
tice of Dentistry in Europe
and the United States for the last '-TIjTOZP
twelve years; and will gnarentee to those that
employ Ms services, entire satisfaction, in both,
the opperative and mechanical branch of the
business.
Particular attention given to regulating chil
dren teeth. •
Ik#-All work performed at reasonable charges.
May 17, ’6O-ly.
rntin SlJppi - |iS
by
W. LANGSTON.
NO. 2 CHOICE HOTEL,
BIIOAD STREET, ROME, GEORGIA.
THE undersigned will keep a general assort
ment of Family Grocerie consisting of
FLOUR, BACON,
MEAL, 1. MID.
* SUGAR, CANDLES,
SYRUP, TOBACCO,
MOLASSES, HEGARS,
COFFEE, Cotton Yarns,
FISH, DRIED AND FRESH
FRUITS, IN THEIR SEASON, Ac.
No pretense is made to a WHOLESALE busi
ness, but persons may be sure of getting at least
as good bargains here at RETAIL as .it any oth
. er house in the city.
•Terms—Casii Otaiy.
June7-tf JAS. W. LANGSTON. ‘
C. w. LANGWORTHY,
*' ul AGENT FOR AND DEALER IN
• JTo?musical instruments
. OF ALL KINDS,
ROME, GA.
DRIGGS’ celebrated PIANOS always on hand.
May 24, 1800—ly.
CHOICE HOTEL.
- ROME, GEORGIA.
jkSfci PRINTUP& GREGORY,
PHWl’ijn raoraißToas,
j-*. OMNIBUS to and from tbo D"pot free ofcliarge.
Ang2f/ iy _.
STEAM WOOL CARDER
1 desire to call the afttention of the Farmers
and Wool growers generally to my new
cuetoin Steam Carding Machine, located in Rome,
near Broad street, fronting Harper & Butler’s
Hardware Store Ah 1 hav • many years expe
rience in the Wool Carding business, I think I
can give general satisfaction-, and solicit the
patronage of the public.
* Sept. 6,’60,2m. G J. DYKES.
NOTICE,
I WILL pay no debt except contracted by my
self or by my order. A. R. JOHNSON.
Floyd county, Ga,, Nov. 29, 1860-s’.
* Varnishes of all Kinds.
ALSO, TURPENTINE, for sale by
TURKLE Y,
ieu l C j No. 3 Choice Hocae.
(i c.. -"rm
hand,and h
you. I’he question <
tin I to our welfare, to on.
honor, ns p people mid as prtvi,.,
that 1 have not the heart even if 1 hail i..,
ability to burlesque so serious a subject. I j
mean no reflection on yourselves : you think
that wo might treat successfully the sub
missionists with ridicule; it might be done, [
but 1 consider the matter of too grave a
character for derision. I trust the dupes
’ among them—ami ail figure in that capacity |
' who are not knaves—are as patriotic as the i
rest of us. and as honest, in their convic- I
tions: : f so, they are entitled to our com
miseration. But they commit this funda- ■
mental erior, they imagine that their feel- I
mgs of patriotism are duo to the agency of I
our States at Washington—so soon to puss j
under the dominion of blind abolition big |
ots—rather than to our own sovereign State, i
“The Federal government is a creature of
, our own, brought into Pie world, boarded,!
lodged washed and ironed at the expense
I of sovereign powers who have delegated to
it certain duties to perform tor the benefit
lof themselves. The planter owes as much
fealty to his factor who sells his cat ton and
then robs him of the proceeds, as a State
’ owes allegiance to her Federal commission
house which robs her of her property in the
Territories, steals her slaves ami proclaims a
crusade of arson, murdei. robbery and poison
on her citizens. We are either tree, inde
pendent, sovereign States, or weave colonies
dependent on and subject to a higher power.
ilad 1 the vanity to attempt a discussion
of this subject, I could but do so at a sacri-
■ lice of your patience, for it would be a rep
etition of threadbare truisms: State sove
reignty and the right of secession are so
plain, so palpable, so fixed in fact and prin
ciple, that no man of above the average in
tellect of an ass. should stultify himself by
assuming their defence.
As to imrtmr icit/iin !/('• Union, none but an
idiot could honestly advocate such an absur
dity : to put a nigger baby’s frock on him
with the tail tied up in a hard knot behind
and set out doors to make dirt pie, would be
an appropriate act to such an imbecile.
Granted that such an idea—conceded to be
utterly impracticable by all, save the wildest
visionaries—could be carried into execution.
What would such an Union be worth to us?
When we would have to fight day after day
against a base, unscrupulous majority for
every right and privilege which freemen
hold dear, and for the protection of our
lives and property. Corrupted and weaken
ed at home by Federal gold, crippled and
divided by every means an insidious foe
could devise for our destruction, becoming
more and more weak until we would be even
powerless to defend our homes and families
from fire and sword. What pitiable objects
we would be? Does down-trodden Italy
present an eamniple of equal degradation ?
Our liberties not seized from us after mortal
struggle by the strong arm of despotism, we
could not console ourselves by any such re
flection, we freely yielded our independence
•to the vilest and most implacable of foes,
knowing them as such, that perfidy and trea
son bids them together in hatred to us and
to our institutions, and their creed our de
struction. They have .just wrenched the
government from our hands, and inscribed
their victorious banners with every device
which the most unmitigated hate and loath
some tons could suggest. And we should
resist these wretches icithin the Union, a Union
of a dominant majority, unscrupulous pow
er, dire hate and fixed resolve for our de
struction, with a weak, crippled, divided mi
nority, begging for the bare protection of ;
their lives and propertv—not for ’heir Con
stitutional rights, for those long since repu
diated, are inevitably surrendered by sub
mission to abolition rule.
We would have a gay time of it resisting
within the Union. With a Black Republican
party in our midst, with Abe Lincoln’s em
issaries preaching insurrection to our slaves,
with a raid every night after supper, with
John Brown pikes stuck in our bowels, our
houses burnt and families butchered, with
tumult, riot and sedition and Wide-awakes
lying around loose everywhere, we would
play hell at it. What would legislative en
actments of retaliation or any futile attempt
at resistance amount to in such a state of
affairs?
If we submit now. we are utterly blotted
out from the face of the earth as a free peo
ple. Demoralized as we are at home, by dis- ,
cordant factions, crippled by political petti
foggers who would sell their souls to the
devil for peace, and swindle him in the
trade, and their country to Black Republi
cans for position as party leaders, and with
presses who, with unblushing falsehood and
treason, advocate Republican conservatism
and counsel delay for the overt act. What
could we look for in the future, but the rap
id-and vigorous growth of abolitionism
among us? There are a large number of
Lincoln’s offices in our State, who are to fill
them? Cana man serve God and mam
mon too? Can he serve his country and
her enemies and oppressors? Can he touch
pitch and not be defiled?
What is the Union worth to us under any
circumstances? If sac’s and figures are re
liable, they prove that the South is the trib
utary portion of the confederacy, that our
products have made and sustains Northern
commerce, builds her shipping and supplies
h<-r cargoes, erects the palaces of her cities
and amasses the fortune- of her millionaires,
and that tliree-fcurths of the expense of this
vast government is borne by us. We have
aheaily bestowed on them two thousand
million of dollars as a gratuity for insult
and oppression. The natural channels thro’
which this immense wealth should now are
dammed up at the South and it is made to
swell the tide of fortune of our foes. We
have been taught to place the Union above
our rights, our interests and our institutions.
We present the strange anomaly of a
people, professedly free, who are utterly ig
norant of their power rind resources; enfee
},!«•• I by dis <-m ions among ourselves, fettered
' by factions and dorninc< red over by dema-
■ gogues, every effort at the vindication of
oui-rights i paralyzed by party pre--es who,
to serve tli«-ir own ditty ends would sink us
in infamy by having us submit to hostile
; domination United, we could give law to
I nations and defy a world in arms: divided,
; there are none so poor as to do us reverence.
Thank God. there is at least one portion
i of out people who will not tamely submit,
our women are not led or driven by party
wUppers-in. ami will not willingly transmit
a heritage of shatno to their children. If
f they fail. I trust they will exercise their
i prerogative and stop the breed of serfs.
Yours, very trulv,
WM. WOGDI’ILE.
<«eoi*Kia a Great State.
There is not a State in the whole Canfed
eracy more abounding in natural undevel
| oped wealth, both mineral and superterene,
than our own State of Georgia. We have
; gold and ilver in abundance, and also
quicksilver and lead. We have coals of ex
cellent quality, and inexhaustible in quan
-1 tity ; ami our iron ores are equal to the first
I Swedish or polish. Wo have now before us
I a razor manufactured from Georgia steel.
. which is equal to the finest Damascus. The
i j steel from which this razor was mode, was
• ' manufactured from the ore, at the Etowah
' Iron Works, of Hon. Mark A. Cooper. A
■ navy revolving pistol, manufactured by Colt
from the same mats rial, was presented to
[ the Legislature a few days ago, and C'ol. Colt,
> in a letter to Mr. Cooper, admits that the
iron is of the very finest quality —its strength
elasticity, closeness ol grain, and smceptiliil
'ity of high polish, being equal to that of the
best Polish.
Verily, the resources of Georgia, if they
’ were fully developed, are unlimited. All
honor to Mr. Cooper for his industry in bring
| in" them to notice. Atlanta IniM'igi'ncer, Dee.
13.
IkiTHon. Henry M. Fuller, Ex Member
1 of Congress, died on last Tuesday in Bhila-
I dclphia, of 'Typhoid Fever.
! soil —to V.ip. U.a
which prevail m my native State, in iciation
to the great measures of deliverance and
relief from the principles and policy of the
new Administration, which aro there in
progress.
I cannot consent, however, upon the
I very heel of your arduous and exciting ses-
I sion, avail myself of your respectful courte
j sy to the State I have’ the honor to repre-
I sent, as well as your personal kindness to
' her humble representatives, to prolong the
I discussion of a subject which, however im
i portanj ami absorbing, has, doubtless, been
i already exhausted in your hearing, by some
:of the first intellects of your State, if not of
the nation.
I beg, therefore, to refer you to the action
of Mississippi—already submitted to your
Executive—to ask for her the sympathy and
co-operation she seeks for the common good
and briefly to suggest to you some of the
motives which influence her conduct.
I am instructed by the resolution from
which I derive my mission, to inform the
State of Georgia, that Mississippi has pas
sed an act calling a convention of her peo
ple, “to consider the present threatening
relations of the Northern and Southern sec
tions of the Confederacy— aggravated by the
recent election of a President, upon princi
ples of hostility to the States of the South ;
and to express the earnest hope of Mississ
ippi, that this State will co-operate with her
in the adoption of efficient measures for then
common defence and safety.
It will be remembered, that the violation
of our constitutional rights, which bar caus
de such universal dissatisfaction in the
South, is not of recent date. Ten years
since, this Union was rocked from centre to
circumference, by the very same outrages,
of which wo now complain, only now “ag
gravated” by the recent election. Nothing
but her devotion to the Union our Father
made, induced the South, then, to yield to a
compromise, in which Mr. Clay rightly said,
we had yielded everything but our honor.
We had them in Mississippi a warm contest,
which finally ended in reluctant acquies
cence in the Compromise measures. The
North pledged anew her faith to yield to us
our constitutional rights in relation to slave
property. They are now, and have been
ever since that act, denied to us, until her
broken faith and impudent threats, had be
come almost insufferable before the late elec
tion.
There were three candidates presented to
the North by Southern men, all of whom
represented the last degree of conservatism
concession, which their respective parties
were willing to yield, to appease the fan
aticism of the North. Some of them were
scarsely deemed sound, in the South, on the
slavery question, and none of the suited
our ultra men. And yetr.the North rejected
them all; andtheir united voice, both be
fore and since their overwhelming triumph
in this election, has been more defiant and
more intolerant than ever before. They
have demanded, and now demand, equal
ity between the wiiite and negro races, un
der our Constitution. equality in repre
sentation, equality in the right of suffrage
equality in the honors and emoluments of
office, equality in the social circle, equality
in the rights of matrimony. The cry has
been, and now is, ~that slavery must cease
or American liberty must perish,” that -‘the
success of Black Republicanism is the tri
umph of anti-slavery,” ‘a revolution in the
tendencies of the government that must be
carried out.”
To-day our government stands totally rev
olutionised, in its main features, and our
Constitution broken and overturned. TAe
new administration, which has effected this
revolution, only awaits the 4th of March for
the inauguration of the new government,
the new principles, and the new policy,
upon the success of which they have pro
claimed freedom to the slave, but eternal
degradation for you and for us.
No revolution was ever more complete,
though bloodless, if you will tamely submit
to the destruction of that Constitution and
that Union our fathers made.
Our fathers made this a government for
the white man, rejecting the negro, as an
ignorant, inferior, barbarian race, incapable
of self government, and not, therefore,
entitled to be associated with the white man
upon terms of civil, political, or social
equality.
This new administration comes into
power, under the solemn pledge to overturn
and strike down this great feature of our
Union, without which it would never have
been formed, and to substitute in its stead
their new theory of the universal equality of
the black and white races.
Our fathers secured to us, by our Consti
tutional Union, now being overturned by
this Black Republican rule, protection to
life, liberty and property, all over the Union,
and wherever its flag was unfurled, whether
on land or sea.
Under this wretched, lawless spirit and
policy, now usurping the control of that
government, citizens of the South have been
deprived of their property, and for attemp
ting to seek the redress promised by the
compromise laws, have lost their liberty and
their lives.
Equality of rights secured to white men,
in equal sovereign States, is among the most
prominent features of the Constitution un
der which we have so long lived.
This equality has been denied us in the
South for years in the common territories,
while the North has virtually distributed
them as bounties to abolition fanatics and
foreigners, for their brigand service in aiding
in our exclusion.
Our Constitution, in unmistakable lan
guage, guarantees the return of our fugitive
slaves. Congi-css has recognized her duty
in this respect, by’ enacting proper laws for
the enforcement of this right.
And yet these laws have been continually
nullified, and the solemn pledge of thecom
prornise of 1850, by which the North came
under renewed obligations to enforce them,
has been faithlessly disregarded, and the
government and its officers set at defiance.
Who now expects these, rebels against
the laws passed by their own consent and
procurement —rebels against justice and
common honesty—to become pious patriots
by the acquisition of power? Who now
expects Mr. Lincoln to become conservative,
when the only secret of lys success, and the
only foundation of bis authority, is the will
and command of that robber clan, whose
mere instrument he is, who have achieved
this revolution incur government by tread
ing under their unhallowed feet our Consti
tution and laws and the Union of our fath
ers, and by openly defying high heaven by
wilful and errupt perjury?
And, above all, who is it in the South,
| born or descended of Revolutionary sires,
whoso loves such company, as that ho will long
. h esit aUf before he can obtain the consent of
a virtuous and patriotic heart and conscience
to separate from them/orzwr ?
Mississippi is firmly convinced that there
! is but one alternative:
This new union with Lincoln Black Repub
licans and free negroes, without slavery; or,
slavery under our old Constitutional bond
of union, without Lincoln Black Republicans,
or free negroes cither, to molest us.
If we take the former, then submission
Io negro equality is our fate. If the latter,
then si’Rcivion is inevitable—each State for
itself and by itself, but with a view to the
immediate formation of a Southern Confed
eracy, under our present Constitution, by
such of the slaveholding States as shall
agree in their conventions to unite with us.
Mississippi seeks no delay—the issue is
not new to her people. They have long
and anxiously watched its approach—they
think it too late, now, to negotiate more
compromises with bankrupts in political in
i tegrity .whose recreancy to justice, good
1 faith and constitutional obligations is the
i Hopes oi vui common u..,—.,.
she is sick and tired of the North, and pants
for some respite from eternal disturbance
and disquiet.
She comes now to you,—our glorious old
mother, —the land of Baldwin, who first de
fiantly asserted and preserved your rights as
to slavery, in the federal convention, in op
position to Messrs. Madison, Mason, and
Randolph, aud the whole Union except the
two Carolinas, —the land of Jackson, who
immortalized himself by his bold exposure
and successful overthrow of a legislative
fraud and usurpation upon the rights of the
people,—the land of Troup, the truest Ro
man of them all, who, single-handed and
alone, without co-operation, without consult
ation, but with truth and justice, and the
courage of freemen at home on his side, de
fied this National Government in its usur
pations on the rights of Georgia, and execu
ted your laws in spite of the threats of Fed
eral coercion It is to you we come,—the
brightest exemplar among the advocates
and defenders of State rights and State
remedies. —to take counsel and solicit sym
pathy in this hour of our common trial.
I ask you, shall Mississippi follow in the foot
steps of Georgia, when led by her gallant Troup?
Or, is it reserved for this generation to repu
diate and expunge the brightest page in the
history of my native State? Impossible!
God forbid it! Forbid it, ye people of all
Northern and Western Georgia, who, to
day, owe your existence and unparalleled
prosperity to the maintenance of your
rights at the ri» of civil war.
I see around me some gallant spirits who
bore their share in the dangers, and now
wear with honor, here to-day in this Hall
the laurols won on the side of their State,
under the banner, inscribed “Troup and the
treaty” in that memorable struggle. Need
I appeal to them in behalf of my adopted
State, to know on what side they will range
themselves in this struggle of right, against
assumption of brute force, against the Con
stitutional rights of a sister of this confed
eracy of equal States? I make no such
appeal; I know where you stand. To doubt
it would be to offer you the grossest insult.
In this school of old republican ortho
doxy, I drew my first breath. It was here,
I first studied, then embraced, and next
feebly advocated the principle of State
Rights and State remedies of resistance to
tyranny—of the. supremacy and sovereignty
of the people of a State, and the subservi
ency of governments to their peace and
happiness and safety. These principles will
descend with me to the grave, when this
frail tenement of dust must perish; but
they will live pn with time, and only perish
when tyranny shall be no more,
I need not remind your great State, that
thousands and thousands oi uer sons and
daughters, who have sought and found hap
py homes and prosperous fortunes in the
distant forests of the old colonial domain,
though now adopted children of Mississip
pi, still cling with the fond embrace of filial
love to this old mother of States and of
statesmen, from whom both they and their
adopted State derive their origin. It will be
difficult for such to conceive, that they are
not still the objects of your kind solicitude
and maternal sympathy.
Mississippi indulges the most confident ex
pectation and belief , founded on sources of in
formation she cannot doubt, as well as on
the existence of causes, operating upon
them, alike as upon her, that every other
Gulf State will stand by her side in defence
of the position she is about to assume ; and
she would reproach herself, and every Geor
gia son within her limits, would swell with
indignation, if she hesitated to believe that
Georgia too, would blend her fate with her
natural friends ; her sons and daughters—
her neighboring sisters in the impending
struggle.
Whatever may be the result of your de
liberations, I beg to assure her from my in
timate knowledge of the spirit and affections
of our people, that no enemy to her consti
tutional rights, may consider his victory
won, while a Mississippian lives to prolong
the contest. Sink or swim, live or die, sur
vive or perish, the part of Mississippi is
chosen, she will never submit to the principles
and policy of this Black Republican Admin
istration.
She had rather see the last of her race,
men, women and childred, immolated in
one common funeral pile, than see them
subjected to the degradation of civil, polit
ical and socil equality with the negro race.
OFFICIAL. VOTE OF GEORGIA.
The Federal Union, of 21st inst., published
the official returns received at the Execu
tive department of the vote for Presi
dent :
BRECKINRIDGE TICKET.
lion C J McDonald 51,893
Hon II R Jackson 51.854
Peter Cone 51,767
W M Slaughter 51,816
0 C Gibson 51,811
II Buchanan 51,77 n
L Tumlin 51,768
II Strickland 51 795
W A Los ten 51,821
W M Mclntosh 51,798
DOUGLAS TICKET
Hon A H Stephens 11,580
Hon A R Wright 11,558
J L Seward 11,448
BY Martin 11,533
Nathan Bass 11,633
Hiram Warner 11,556
J IV Harris 11.625
Jas P Simmons 11,546
J S Hook 11,539
Julian Cumming 11,551
BELL TICKET.
Hon Wrn. Law 42,855
Hon B II Hill 43,893
S B Spencer 42,881
M Douglas 42,873
F T Doyal 42,783
W F Wright 42,763
J R Parrot 42,885
II P Bell 42,885
J E Dupree 42,854
L Lamar 42,853
The average vote on the Breckinridg tic
ket is 51,809 ; on the Bell ticket 42,832-
There are fractions of one fifth on the
Douglas and six-tenths on the Bell ticket
which we omit,
The majoritr against the Bgeckinridge
ticket is 2,579, or 37 more than our tallies
made it.
Michigan Resolutions.
The following is a specimen of Black Re
publicanism in Michigan—the resolutions
wore passed at Adrian, in that State on the
18th November, ata Republican convention,
and sent to the Governor of Georgia :
Resolved, That, in the recent election of
Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, wo
recognize, not so much a change in the par
ty leaders and moving springs of the Gov
ernment, as in the people themselves, nor
do wo expect so much a change in the pow
er on the throne, us has already appeared
and is becoming more and more manifest in
the power behind the throne, the people them
selves. And we confidently assure the south
ern seceding States especially, that the New
York Herald is the. very best newspaper nu
thority they can consult, as to the deter
! ruination of the northern people to resist,
i oven unto death, every demand of tho slave
I power ; that whatever Congress may enact
'or repeal, or state Legislatures, led by dem-
I agogues, may decree, the people will repeal
all “Fugitive Slave Laws,” and will enact
and execute too. all manner of personal lib
erty bills, will build and ruin a network
of underground railroads that shall people
Canada with tho best and bravest of tho
.•non no.u ...i,.,i. o the people, not only of
this but adjoining States, wo hesitate not to
warn the Southern States agyinst any soft
words from the New York Tribune, or any
other Republican organ, as to the safety and
security of the slave system under Mr. Lin
coln’s .Administration ; for the people have
voted for their President under the solemn
assurance that there is, and is to be, “an
irrepaessible conflict” with slavery till its ut
ter. extermination, and that conflict they
are determined to wage, whatever their
President or party advisers may perform to
the country, till even bloody revolution, if
other means fail, their glorious object shall
be completely gained.
If solOed. That a copy of the foregoing re
solutions be signed by the president and
Secretaries of this convention, and forward
to -the New York Herald and Tribune, and
to tbe Governors of Virginia, South Carolina,
Georgia Alabama and Mississippi.
From the /Southern Guardinn.
Asa Appeal Jo She South.
The southern States should leave the Un
ion, because it costs them infinitely more
than it is worth to them.
What is tho Union worth to the slavehol
der? Will some honest, intelligent, candid
man, answer this question ? It's usually an
swered by rhapsodies and florid declama
tion ; but these are times for something gra
ver. I grant that it is a great and glorious
Republic to the people of the North, and
they cannot say too much in its favor; but
to the South, it has been but a torment and
bloodsucker for forty years. Do you say
that you can go over all its vast surface, and
be under laws of your own making ? In all
that time, you have never been able to make
a singte law* but by sufferance of the North.
Whenever her representatives chose to unite
against you, yours were impotent ; and they
have never failed to unite, when the higher
local interests of the two sections came in
conflict. Our struggle, for most of that time,
has been to secure the election of men at
the North who would protect us from op
pression and extortion.
As to receiving at their hands any great
boon that would cost the North a dollar, we
long ago ceased to look for such a thing. If
we could get a President who would veto
South-devouring measures, and give our pol
iticians, and through them our people, office
why we gloried as though we had all Yan
keedom under our thumb. But so far is it
from being true that you can trav over the
United States with all your home born priv
ileges, the truth is, that there is not a civil
ised country on the face of the earth, in
which you may not travel with greater priv
ileges than you have in the northern States
of this Union. A few years ago, a man was
traveling with his slaves in Prussia. An at
tempt was made to emancipate the slave ;
and a Prusian judge decided, that according
to the law of nations, the relation of master
and slave could not be dissoved by the mere
temporary’ sojourn of the two in that coun
try. Snail Europe would decide. Hardly
a year lias rolled over our heads, in the last
thirty, in waich some tourist in the north
ern States has not had his slave taken from
him and set free. Many years ago the brig
Enterprise left Alexandria with sixty’ or sev
enty slaves on board, bound for Charleston.
She was driven by stress of weather into
'Bermuda, and the authorities of that Island
set till the negroes free. Our government
demanded reparation of the British govern
ment for the injury done to the owner ; and
the British government made reparation.
A few years ago, some eight or ten slaves
were shipped from some port in Virginia for
New Orleans. The vessel for some cause
touched at New York, but the feet of the
slaves did not touch the soil of New York.
They were taken from the vessel and set
free.
As this case did not come within the pale
of the “personal liberty law” of that State,
the courts condescended to hear the mas
ter’s plea for his slaves. They decided a
gainst him, of course, upon the principle, I
suppose, that the Constitution superseded
the law of nations, and they superseded the
Constitution. The liberty of conscience is
as boldly invaded, as the right of property
in those States. In every church where ma
jorities rule, they have usurped papal power,
without observing papal clemency’ to south
ern Christians. With all power—civil and
ecclesiastical—in their hands, what is to be
com of us ? The Union has nothing in it to
endear it to the people of the South. How
much has it cost the South ? I will not an
swer in round number, because you would
not believe me ; and cannot answer it fully
without wearying or bewildering the reader
with figures. I will endeavor, by a few sim
ple facts and illustrations, to open the eyes
of the honest yeomanry and youth of the
coutry, for whose benefit mainly I am writ
ing. to the tremendous extortion to which
they have been subjected for four and forty
years by the things called tariffs.
Suppose, plain farmer of North Carolina,
you should go to Kentucky and buy one
hundred head of horses at one hundred dol
lars apiece, for sale in South Carolina ; and
that when you came to the line, an officer
should meet you and demand of you how
much your horse cost you Yon tell him
the price. “That won’t do,” says he; “show
your bills of sale.” You do it. “All right,”
says he ; hand me over two thousand five
hundred dollars, and you may bring your
horses into the State—otherwise you can’t.
“Why, what does this mean? say you.—
“Well,” says the officer, “the Legislature
has passed a law that every man who brings
horses into the State, shall pay into the
Treasury twenty-five dollars on every bun
dsed.dollars’ worth—in other words, twenty
five dollars upon their cost or value; or in
common parlance, has laid an ail valorem du
ty (oo tax) upon all horses brought into the
State. "And what is all this for ?” you in
quire. To enable the people of South Caro
lina to do a profitable business in horse rais
ing, or, as it is deceptively called, to “pro
tect” South Carolina’s “home industry.”—
■They cannot raise such horses as yours, and
sell them for less than one hundred and fif
teen dollars and make a profit on them ; but
if every hundred dollar horse that is brought
into the State can be made to cost one hun
dred and twenty-five dollars then the South
Carolina raiser can do a splendid business—
he can put his price up to one hundred and
twenty tour dollars, and sell for a dollar a
head le-s than the importer’s horses cost
him. But South Carolina, we suppose, can
not supply a tenth part of North Carolina’s
demand for horses; bow now’ ? Why, hun
dred dollar horses in Kentucky are worth
one hundred and fifty dollars in North Caro
lina.
Now, the drovers begin to import again—
pay the State twenty-five dollars per head,
and make twenty-five dollars per horse still.
But tho South Carolina, without any buying
at all, makes thirty-five or forty dollars per
head: for we have seen that without protec
tion, he could have sold at one hundred and
fifteen dollars. In the meantime all the
farmers are buying horses, simply saying,
“why horses have run up mightly,” ami
having no idea that it is the law of their
State has run them up. Nevertheless,
though they do not know it, they are pay
ing silty dollars more for overy horse they
buy than they ought to pay. in the mean
time tho treasury is filling up with useless
money, which must be spent. Suppose tho
Legislature orders eight dollars spent in
South Carolina for every one spent in North
Carolina, the effect must bo that South
Carolina must, grow rich apace, while North
Carolina is at a stand still, insensibly sink
ing or imperceptibly rising. Now, this is
precisely the game which has been play
ed by tho North upon the South forty-four
years, except that the protection is not to
>tno
. amount
<s is the way
.. getting rich, w hile you
• u just living comfortably; and noth'
f ing but the kind providence of God, in giv-
> ing you articles which the whole world
t needs, has kept you from hopeless ruin long
' n S o -
I A. B. LONGSTEET.
• THE CRISIS.
i
1 Some persons hope and belie ve that there
’ is an issue out of the crisis into which the
country lias been precipitated, through the
instrumentality of a National Convention.—
'. The New York Express, a journal just and
friendly to the South, remarks on this:
1 “Some of tiie journals advocate a re-assem
bling of the State in National Convention,
such as in 17X7 formed the Constitution of
the United States. No good would come
from it, in the present temper of the public
mind. No better constitution than the ex
isting one can be found. But. two-thirds of
both Houses of Congress, as required by the
Constitution, will not unite in calling a Con
vention. The Republicans will not support
it, because one branch of them desire disso
lution of the Union, and the other, and lar
ger branch, think there is no danger of it.— •
Then again, if amendments be carried by a
majority in Convention, which is doubtful,
how can three-fourths of the States be ex
pected to sustain them?”
If the allegations in this brief but preg
nant paragraph be true, does it not prove
that the States North and South cannot live
under a common Government. Who be
lieves in the present temper of the public
mind that even if amendments to the Con
stitution could be agreed to by a majority of
a National Convention, that three-fourths of
the States could be got to ratify them ? Just
ly exasperated as the South is, and bent on
separation as her people are, the principal
difficulty would not be in getting their con
sent to a new trial under an amended Con
stitution. The difficulty lies with the North.
There is no reason to believe or hope that
a majority of the Northern States would a
gree to the terms upon which even Union
men in the South would alone consent to a
continuance in a common Government.—
We must never forget that the vote for Lin
coln is not the expression of a- mere tempo
rary and fleeting feeling—-not the ebullition
of a gust of passion—but it is the declara
tion of a fixed and ingrained sentiment of
hostility to Southern institutions, which has
been carefully educated and deeply rooted
in the moral and mental constitutions of the
present generation of Northern people. The
abolition seed has been sown and its growth
carefully nurtured. We hive the fruits in
the alienation of one section from the other.
It will take another generation to sow and
gather the crop of wiser, truer, more frater
nal and patriotic sentiments.
Go beyond the precincts of the large com
mercial cities of the North trading with the
South, and you yet find a blind faith in the
indestructibility of the Union, and an open
contempt of the sincerity of the purpose and
of the power of the slave States to withdraw
from it. Witness an evidence of this blind
ness and ignorance of Southern feeling in
the following from the leading Black Re
publican organ of the North. The N. Y.
Tribune says;
“The history of the disunion movement
thus far is sufficient to show that no State
except South Carolina entertains the disun
ion project except as a political fetch for fright
the . free, labor Mta-rex it dii "arc'Tttr 1 ivrr,,l,,lr. ■ 17r 11
their constitutional rights, and the yielding up
to the slaveholding interest, if not the abso
lute selection of our presidents, at least a
veto upon all nominations made, no matter
by what political party.”
Is there any hope of dealing pacifically
with a spirit like this? And will any South
ern man make overtures to those who are
animated by it, with the certainty of a con
temptuous rebuff? Even Trumbull, of Illi
nois, when lately speaking at Springfield, in
that State, (Lincoln himself being present,)
in a tone that was meant to be conciliating,
could not repress the fire of hate that was
burning in his breast, and congratulated his
hearers that they were to have “no more
bred Scott decisions.”
It is at the North, then, more than at the
South, that the obstacle to healing the
breach in the Union exists. We must con
fess, tve see no hopes of accomplishing it.—
Nor can we discern a solitary reason in pol
icy or principle that does not condemn any
overture on the part of the South to that
end. Every pro-Union word, act or breath,
coming from the South will only tend to ag
gravate the difficulty and render a re-union
further and further from possibility.
Duty and honor alike command us to
move forward in the path we have chosen
and to bind the whole slave interest of the
South together for the formation of new
constitutional and legal safeguards. 11 is a
path that cannot be trodden even with pru
dence, moderation and wisdom for our
guides, without self-sacrifices. If madly and
reckless pursued, it will be a path of thorns
and bitter political and social fruits.
From an editorial commenting upon
the President’s Messagen the Mobile Regis
ter, we make the following extracts:
Come we now to the only remedy the
President can devise to resuscitate a govern
ment. from which the spark of life has alrea
dy fled. It is an amendment of the Con
stitution to insert into that instrument three
political generalities which are but empty
words unless they embody the will and opin
ions of the millions who are to be bound by
them. Passing over the impossibility of
gaining the consent of three-fourths of the
Legislatures of the several States to the
proposed amendments; passing over the
fact that while the cumbrous reformation is
attempted, at least one-third of the slave
holding States will have become foreign na
tions; passing over these facts, let us bestow
a moment’s consideration on the three re
storatives by which the President proposes
to reinfuse life into the Constitution.
Every man who in the late Presidential
contest voted for either Douglas, Bell, Brec
i kinridge, by his vote “expressly recognized
the right of property in slaves, in the States
where it now exists or may hereafter exist.”
The number of these votes comprised two
thirds of the American people. Will any
, verbal re-affirmance of a right already so
clearly affirmed in the words of the Con-
I stitution and in the votes of the people,
, cause the remaining third to admit that
j right ? Will it prevent this minority of one
third from being the invincible dominant
. majority of the larger and more powerful sec
. tion which has declared itself irreconcilably
( hostile to us?
“The duty of protecting this right in all
the common Territories throughout the ter
. ritorial existence,” was made the leading
t issue by one of the late political parties in
the Presidential contest just closed. It was
, endorsed by less than one-fifth of the whole
j. vote cast, and ither denied, relinquished, or
disclaimed by the other four-fifths. Will a
[ verbal affirmance of that duty change the
j convictions of millions of voters? Or, sup
posing that the terror of dissolution should
I produce a compulsory acquiescence, will it
. remove the causes of sectional hatred, will
• it cure the bitter anti slavery prejudice of
the North, will it further the interests of
the South or ensure her rights and her
peace, to have a few individual slaveholders
. in a Territory protected from insult and
, outrage against free-soil populations by fed
! oral bayonets? Willslaveholders be induced
! to found new States by Such prospects, ami
, wili the South thereby regain her rightful
! voice in the administration of the Govern
ment?
i An affirmance of the validity of the fugi
tive slave law is the third proposition. Is
■ not the right of the master to reclaim his
> fugitive slave already expressed in the Gon
. 44.
that cannot be made
at the State Laws in oppo
uiuseof the Constitution been
■ till and void, even by State Courts,
i the one instance of the State of Wis
consin? Did this prevent mobs in that
same State to rescue the fugitives from the
very hands of the Federal officers? Can
statutes and decrees of Courts ensure the
faithsul execution of a law among popula
tions of who e States who are taught to view
that law as a “covenant with hell?”
The whole resolves itself into this. Ei
ther the Constitution must be made to gov
ern the North by force of Federal arms
against the beliefs and prejudices of her
population—and this, the North being the
stronger section, cannot be done—or it be
comes an engine for the North to govern
the, South, and this her people will take
very good care shall not be. Governments
are but more or less ingenious devices of
political machinery, which can be abused as
well as used ; stautes and enactments and
decrees are but waste paper unless they rep
resent the aggregate will of those for whose
governance they are intended or a power
sufliicntly strong to subdue that will and
keep it in subjection.
Such are the remedies which the Chief
Magistrate of tins Republic, having at his
command the largest means of information,
the Aid and advice of the highest political
wisdom, experience, and sagacity, can sug
gest for the ailments of the body politic.
They are the only ones! We have consid
ered them impartially, without reference to
past party animosity, without personal or
political bias or prejudice, and the conclu
sion we arrive at is, that if any clear-headed,
sober-minded man had one spark of hope
left of the perpetuation of this Federal Gov
ernment., the perusal of the President’s
Message must and ought to have extinguish
ed that spark of hope. There are those
who may work against hope still. They
belong to the North. It is their duty, let
them work. Ours, as men of the South, it
is not.
Address of Southern Congress
men.
Washington, Dec. 15.—Below is a reliable
copy of the Southern address:
TO OUR CONSTITUENTS.
“The argument is exhausted,” all hope
for relief in the Union, through the agency
of committees, Congressional legislation, or
Constitutional amendments is extinguished ;
and we trust the South will not be deceived
by appearances, or pretence, or guarantees.
In our judgment the Republican party
are resolute in their purpose to grant nothing
that will or ought to satisfy the South.
We are satisfied that the honor, safety
and independence of the Southern people
require the. organization of a Southern Con
federacy—a result to be obtained only by
separate State Secession—and that the pri
mary object of each slaveholding State
ought to i>e, its speedy and absolute separa
tion from a union with hostile States.
[Signed]
James L. Pugh, ]
Davie Clopton,
Sydenham Moore, [-Alabama.
Jabez L. M. Curry, |
J. A, Stallworth,
J. W. 11. Underwood,
Lucius J. Gartrell,
James Jackson, „
John J. Jones, Georgia.
M. J. Crawford,
Alfred Iverson,
George S. Hawkins, of Florida.
T. C. Hindman, of Arkansas.
Jefferson Davis. ]
Albert G. Brown,
Wm. Barksdale, [ Mississippi.
Otho R, Singleton,
ThomasStnffin, .’ North Carolina.
John Slidell,
Judah P. Benjamin, Louisiana.
J. M. Landrum,
L. T. Wigfall,
John W. Hemphill, >- Texas.
John 11. Reagan,
Millege L. Bonham, j
Wm. Porcher Miles, o „ ..
John D. Ashmore, ' South Carolina.
John McQueen, J
Correspondance of the Chronicle & Sentinel.
Cotton Planters’ Fair.
Macon, Ga. Dec. 11, 1800.
Mr. Editor:— l am not in the habit of
writing for papers, but I will offer you this,
promising to be as brief as possible.
The Great Southern Fair is now engross
ing the attention of the people of Georgia,
and it is to be hoped that they will appreci
ate this effort, on the part of Continental
Europo, in assisting us to establish direct
trade. No one living in the country can
appreciate the magnitude of the scale upon
which this Fair is conducted. An adver
tisement came out notifying the public that
the Fair would be opened on Monday, the
3d inst., but owing to the late arrival of the
brig Henry, and other casualities, it did not
fairly open till yesterday. The Belgians
nave been working night and day, and yet
have opened but comparatively few of their
goods. They are a slow and cautious people,
and have not the double quick step of the
Americans.
Although it is impossible for the Belgians
to display al; their goods in the bolt, &c.,
yet they have on exhibition samples of all
those to be sold. Among these goods are
cutlery, cooking utensils, chairs, Brussels
carpeting, (priced as’high as $150,) heavy
cotton blankets, ladies’ silk dress goods,
glass, plain and cut and variegated in color;
Gent’s clothing, vests, cassimeres, boots,
shoes, Ac., Ac. The Statuary deserves par
ticular notice, being the finest in Europe.
It would be impossible to give an adequate
idea of the fineness of texture, variety of
styles, and the gorgeous hues which charac
terize the foreign department. I will dismiss
the subject, hoping that every Southern man
will come and see for himself, and ever Sou
thern merchant will come and buy from
these Belgians.
Hon. Howell Cobb, of Houston, and Gov
ernor Brown remarked in my presence to
day that all of the foreign goods would be
bought up so soon as they were offered for
sale, which would be on the Ist of January.
It would be impossible to discuss, in this
connection, the merits of the different arti
cles in the various departments, much less
those of the competitors who have them
here, and we will therefore pass on and give
an account of to day’s proceedings.
At an early hour this morning the city
was thronged with strangers and the towns
people, and the morning trains poured in
immense numbers of visitors. Brass bands
from different parts of the State vied with
each other in pouring forth animating mar
tial music, and everything betokened a lively
time.
A few moments before nine, the booming
of artillery notified us of the arrival of Hon.
J. E. Brown and the Legislature. After
their reception, they repaired to the Fair
grounds, where an immense crowd had col
lected. Nathan Bass, Esq., of this city,
took the speaker’s stand, and made a few
pertinent remarks byway of introduction,
explaining the object of the Fair, its begin
ning, rise and progress, and then introduced
the Hon. G. W. Stone, of Ala. This ger.-
theman acquitted himself noblv, and has
i reflected much credit on the great and gal
' lant State which he represents. Hisaddress
; will be seen in the papers of this city at an
early day, and a discussion of its merits here
i is wholly unnecessary.
All the departments are well patronised,
! and all, or nearly all. the Sauthern States
1 are represented.
The military companies, five in number,
turned out this evening, and made a yery
imposing display. The Macon Volunteers,
Macon Guards, Floyd Rifles, Jackson Artil
lery and the Bibb Cor. Cavalry, are compa
nies of which the Empire State may justly
boast. J. H.
Arrival of Rarey.—Mr. J. T. Rarey, the
great American horse tamer has arrived in
New York.
iHliMiH]*. &c.. $2 75
nor* and Creditor* 4 00
rer*onal EMate by Administrator*,
«c., 2 5$
Sale of Real EMate by Administrator*, Executor*.
&c.,per square 5 Os
Letter* of Di*mi*Hion from Administration. &c.,.... 4 5f
Announcing candidate* for office. $5 00. alwaya in ad
vance
From the Romo Courier.
Rome Female College.
The card of the Rev. Mr. Caldwell, pub
lished in your last issue, was prompted by
the dissatisfaction expressed by some one
with Cleveland's English Literature, a work
which has been introduced into many of our
Schools and Colleges. It is a valuable book,
but unfortunately contains, in a quotation
from one of the English Poets, some obnox
ious expression or sentiment upon the ques
tion of slavery. The facts, however, had es
caped the notice of the Trustees and Facul
ty until recently. It is well known to all
conversant with the course of study adopted
in our schools and Institutions of learning,
that one or more text Books have long been
in use which contain sentiments not only
opposed to slavery but unsound also upon
the doctrines of Christianity. We allude to
the works on Moral Philosophy by Wayland
>(• Parley. These have been used not as a
matter of choice but necessity, there being
no southern works Extant upon the subject.
Latterly, however, attention has been drawn
to the matter, and we hope soon to be relie
ved from this humiliating dependence upon
Northern and foreign authors.
In the Rome Female College those books
were long since rejected. The custom among
Southern teachers has been either to skip
the objectionable chapters, or use the op
postunity to impress a wholesome lesson by
pointingout the enors of the author. We
like to see a spirit of vigilance among our
people at all times ; and it is no matter of
surprise that an unusual degree of suspicion
and scrutiny has been engendered by the
present political aspect of the country. Yet
weihould endeavor to guard against that
inordinate zeal which in its efforts to reach
the enemy, oft times rashly wounds and in
flicts injury upon itself and its own friends.
The Faculty of the Rome Female College
we are glad to know, is composed of individ
uals of long tried and well known integrity.
The 1 rustees too are our own citizens—and
thq writer, though one of their number, may
be allowed to say what is true of his collea
gues, that they are true Southern men.sub
stantial, enterprising, and inteligent. As to
their soundness there can be no question.—
They have, at much individual expense and
trouble, reared up in our midst an institution
of which we should be proud ; and for which
they are entitled to the lasting gratitude of
community. We trust the citizens of Rome
will not so far forget their own interests,
and the welfare of the City as to cease for a
moment to foster and encourage this College
It Is confidently believed that there is no
Institution in Georgia which is managed with
greater care, ability, and efficientcy than the
Rome Female College.
A Citizen of Rome.
Washington News.
Washington, Dec. 29,—The President
states that as it was never stipulated by him
that the troops at Charleston harbor should
be withdrawn therefrom, the Administra
tion does not consider that it is under any
obligation to withdraw them now. And as
to the request of the Commissioners for the
restoration of the military stations of
Messrs. Floyd, Thompson and Thomas,
who hold to the Constitutional right of se
cession were separated from the other mem
bers of the Cabinet on this South Carolina
question.
No positive conclusion was arrived at in
the Cabinet meeting to-day, although the
action that was taken was certainly not fa
vorable to the Commissioners.—This state
ment is strengthened by the fact that Secre
tary Floyd resigned his office to-day. It is
said that Secretary Thompson would have
resigned also, were it not that the pending
investigation of the Russel affair made it
imperative for him to remain.
A report prevails, and it is believed to be
correct, that the Secretary of the Treasury
is disaffected, and may resign ; he is known
to sympathize with Secretary Floyd’s views.
No hope remains now of any adjustment
of pending difficulties. The Government is
bankrupt, the Cabinet almost dissolved, and
the people disaffected, all seem to foreshad
ow anarchy and ruin; Congressmen and
Government employees are daily clamoring
for money at the door of an empty Treasury.
A Good Resolution.—At a meeting of
the Howard Association, of Philadelphia,,
held in the “city of brotherly love,” De
cember 10th, 1860, It was
Resolned, that come what may of good
or ill to our beloved Republic—Union or
Disunion—the Howard Association will con
tinue with undiminished zeal, its labors fo.i
the relief of suffering humanity, over the
whole area of our common country, wheiev
er the victims of disease and misfortune
shall solicit its friendly aid.
©SF'Gov. Moore, of Alabama, has issued
his proclamation convening the Legislature
of that State on the 14th proximo.
United States District Attorney Re
signed.—We learn that Hamilton Couper,
Esq.. United States District Attorney for
this District, last week tendered his resigna
tion to President Buchanan.— Savannah
News.
Vermont disposed to pct herself right.
—The Boston Journal (Republican) learns
from Vermont that there is a strong feeling
in favor of a repeal of the Per onal Liberty
law of that State, and adds: The Commis
sioners to whom the matter was referred at i
the recent session will, it is said, advise a
repeal, and Gov. Fairbanks favors their
action.
bachelor Sneer would like to
know what kind of a broom the young
woman in the last new novel used, when
she swept the raven ringlets from her classic
brow.
SSU A Sheriff 's sale took place in Phila
delphia a few days since, of watcher from
the seized stock of a “gift enterprise” con
cern. bringing on[y S3O per dozen : "gold
watches.’’
Effects of politics on business —We hear
that almost generally in Massachusetts,
hours of Ivqor or pay have been or will be
reduced. In Fall River all the mills but
one have adopted three fourths time for
work.— N. Y. Express.
&aUA Yankee editor says that he liked
to died larfin, to see a drunken chap tryin’
to pecket the shadow of a swinging sign for
a pocket, handkerchief.
ssaU Brown says that the “Slate of Matri
mony” is a slave State. As Brown has a
termagant wife, he ought to know.
Col. John a. Elmore, of Montgomery, (not
Hon. W. L. Yancey, as reported. ) has been
selected by Gov. Moore of Alabama, as
Commissioner to South Carolina.
USay-A Poet says: ‘Oh, she war fair, but.
sorrow came and left his traces there. What ~
became of the rest of the harness he don’t
state.
®ay”There is a Yankee whose noseis so
sharp that after using a pocket handkerchief
for a week it is full of holes.
I’he boy who learned to ride upon a
horseradish, is now practicing on a saddle
of mutton.—What an equestrian she will
be in time.