Georgia telegraph. (Macon, Ga.) 1844-1858, August 20, 1844, Image 2

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Newspaper Page TextFrom the Georgia Jcjfersonian. To the People of Pike County. Fellow Citizens : It is welt known by those who arc ucquaimcd with me, that it has country by a treaty with Mexico, while Spain had not relinquished her right to Mexico, and had not acknowledged her independence.—• And thus appears the inconsistency of Mr. Clay on the Texas question. Since that time not been my course in life to wriie or make Spain has acknowledged Mexico to be free; public speeches on the subject of parties, nei ther do I desire to change my course on this subject now; but the relationship which exists between you ami myself, makes it my duty to let you know the course which I expect to jmrsiio in casting my vote for a member to rep- . resent the Third Congressional District of the State of Georgia at the approaching election. I have been asked again and again what I wus going to do with Mr. Chappell, which question has led me to inquire into the acts of Mr. Chappell, for which I hear so much com plaint against him. In order to arrive at those acts I have had but little trouble for notwith standing the affliction of my family has been such that I havo had very little opportunity of inquiring into public afl'uirs by conversation with others, yet I have been favored with many documents from tbe Federal City, in which I have seen the acts and doings of our Repre sentatives. In order to do Mr. Chappell jus tice, I have diligently searched his acts, and when I have found them (and puiticularly those fur which his name is cast out as evil, aud he pronounced a political here, to wit, his vote on the subject of a protective tariff.) I have asked myself what I would have done hud I been called on to cast my vote on that subject. In answer to which I am compelled to say, I go against it. and cannot consistently join in tbe cry of heresy against him, when he has done the very thing which I should have done myself. As an honest man I cannot, but on the contrary I must, yes I am, pleased, to siy in reference to Mr. Chappell, on this subject, well done thou good and faithful servant. I am in principle opposed to the protective pol icy, believing it to be deleterious to the inter est of my country, and cannot do such injustice to my feelings as to vote against him. I know not that thorn is another individual in this whole district who voted for Mr. Chappell last fall, that will support him again; but this is not my business. Let others do as they may, I cannot as a Southern man do otherwise than support him. I love my party much, but 1 love my country better; aud I trust that my prepossessions will never have such an influ ence over me as to cause nic to rush careless ly into the support of paity names and loose sight of the best interest of my country. ft may be said of me, as it is of Mr. Chap pell, that 1 am possessed of the principles of Judas. 1 presume that the LaGrange Herald, by making that remark concerning him, intend ed to convey the idea that Mr. Chappell had done his party as Judas did the Saviour. And what lias Mr. Chappell done ? What new doc trine is this that he is promulgating, that seems, figuratively speaking, about to turn the world upside down ? Why—lie is opposed to a Pro tective Tariff! If for this he is worthy of death or of bondage, I acknowledge myself alike guilty, and deserve a similar fate; and being equally guilty, 1 cannot kill him, neither will 1 hold the cloths of them that stone him. If it is not one prominent item in the political creed of the whig party of Georgia to oppose the pro tective policy, I acknowledge frankly that I Irive all the while been m'staken. Believing it to be so, I cannot see in Air. Chappell,s act on the subject, tile least vestige of the character of Judas.—While 1 read with regret tbe La grange Herald which spoke so contemptuously of Mr. Chappell, the Editor of that paper was making a public speech in the Male Academy in the town of Zebulun. 1 could not help but think be came much nearer filling the track of him who said “peace, peace, when sudden de struction comoth.” than Chappell did the track of Judas. Had Mr. Chappell held his peace, or united with the fanatics at the north, it would to me have looked Judas like, for that would have been betraying the south into the hands of northern tariffites. 1 have no doubt but the sop, figuratively speaking, was dipped— but it was not given to Absalom H. Chappell. 1 presume 1 have said enough, fellow citi zens, to give you to understand my views of the course pursued by Mr. Chappell, and will wind up concerning him, by saying that, I ex pect, if permitted to live until the election, to try to send him back to Congress. 1 want him there, for to my understanding, so far from being Judas like, lie, in a literal sense, savors much of that old prophet that was left alone to and Texas has, like the good old American blood, declnred that she would- be free too or die; and being of the pure stock they assembled like a band at brethren, they faced their ene mies, and being sustained by an Omnipotent arm, they not only conquered but come off more than conquors. I mean by this, they guined Texas. It belongs to them, therefore, by conquest, and has long since been acknowl edged by the United States as an independent government; and I cannot, from all the infor mation I have been able to get on the subject, feel tliatit is tbe duty of this nation, when she may be.disposed to treat with an independent Government, to go to Mexico and ask that American Murderer, that Mexican monnrch, whether or not she may do such a thing. I cannot but fear that our leaders are too jnuch disposed to feel for the support of the North by sacrificing the interests of the South. I am willing for the Northern people to exer cise all the privileges of American freemen, but I want the South also to bo free and enjoy similar privileges. I cannot ackowledge my self pleased with any aspirant for the Presiden cy who favors or opposes any thing with a view thereby to gain the aid of the Northern people at the ballot-box. As I remarked above, I am examining for myself, and intend independently to pursue that course which will be most con ducive to my country’s good, and promote the interest of our beloved South. If for these views, fellow.citizens, my political life must be come extinct, I can only say, that you have my warmest thanks for the very liberal support which you gave me on the first Monday in Oc tober last, by wliieh means I was honored with a scat in the Legislature of Georgia. And al though I may have done wrong as your Rep resentative, vet I did for you tlic best I could. I voted for every bill which I thought would be productive of good, and against every one which I thought would have a contrary effect; and if now I must lose your confidence, politically, for the foregoing views, I say, let me enjoy the privilege of a freeman and die, rather than be bound to support men for mere party names and live. In the close, let me make one request of my Whig friends : Before you denounce me as a political apostate, you will treat me so kindly as to tell me my errors in the views expressed in the foregoing remarks, and wherein they are contrary to the best interests of the South and derogatory to tbe long standing principles of the Whig party of Georgia 1 When you shall have done this, and I can see my error, I pledge myself to acknowledge it, for it is an honorable trait in tbe character of any man when lie sees his error to acknowledge it and do so no more But I say to you now, that it will not do mere ly to suy I have quit my party; if you do, shall say in return that you have quit your prin ciples, and party without principles is in amount no party at all; and we shall get, perhaps, into vain jangling. 1 recollect that Ahab said to Elisha that he had troubled Israel, but gave no reason why, neither did lie bring to light a- ny act of which Elisha was guilty which was calculated to trouble Israel. Elisha in return said that Ahab had troubled Israel, in that he hud forsaken the commandments of the A! mighty and followed Baal. If you say 1 have done wrong, that I have troubled my party, and give no reoson why, I shall say you have done the thing of which you accuse me, by forsak ing the interests of our beloved South, and arc following the dictates of high party excitement and losing sight of the best interests of our country. 1 expect to write no more on this subject, unless 1 fee 1 it necessary to defend myself or promote the interests of my beloved country. Feeling it to be my duty to defend myself, I shall consider it my privilege to do so either by means of pen, ink and paper, or the use of my tongue; but if let alone, I expect to leave the matter of speaking and writing to those who arc better calculated than myself to attend to this business—and should not have written this communication, but for the fact that I am one of your Representatives until the .Irst Monday in October, 1S45—and if I come to the conclu sion that my views are opposed by a majority of my constituents, and there should be a called session of the Legislature, I feel that I cannot call us, when all tbe rest of the prophets were | impose myself upon you, but on the contrary, I shall resign my scat, and let you in niy stead choose some gentleman who will represent your views. I remain, fellow-citizens, your obedient ser vant, THOMAS C. TRICE. July 22d, 1844. gone. I have been asked what I was going to do with Mr. Clay! I cannot now answer that question, because I have not hnd sufficient time to examine the stand he now occupies on the tariff question. 1 will say however, that if I come to thq conclusion, on a far and impartial investigation, that Air. Clay is disposed for the sake of the support of the North, to loose sight of the compromise act and favor a protective tariff in violation of the principles of that act, parly or no party, whig or democrat, I go a- P. S. Having no desire, ns above stated, to write again on the subject of politics, I have concluded it best to say to you at this time that my mind is made up with regard to Air. Clay, for he has given me all the information 1 could gainst him; for to be drilled by party names to ! possibly ask in reference to his views on the go for that which I conscientiously believe to be wrong, I cannot nor will not. I had much ra ther stand upon the principles of Republican ism and be called a turn coat, (which i perhaps will lie) than to UNITE WITH THE NORTHERN FEDERALISTS A- CJAINST THE INTERESTS OF MY OWN NATIVE SOUTH, and wear the best coat inTThristendom. protective policy. Ho says, in answer to a question propounded to him by Air. F. J. Cope, “that the Turiff of 1842 lias operated most ben eficially, and that he is utterly opposed to its repeal.” Believing as I most conscientiously do, that said Tariff is a flagrant violation of the principles of tbe compromise act, and believing fuithermore, that by reason of said Tariff we havo burdens imposed upon us as Southern I cannot for the life of me understand Air.; men that we ought not tamely to submit to, i Clay on the Texas question. This to me is u | for one, although 1 may have it to do, will nc- grcal and momcnluous question. It may be ' ver do it willingly; aud while I admit that it selfish in me, hut if it is 1 cannot help it. Tbe j may be forced upon me because I have not the Texnns'are Americans, and I cannot but feel power of defence, I rejoice, that as an Ameri- for them; and not knowing lhat there was such : can citizen, I as yet, have the right of exercis- anothcr being on earth as myself, I have want- ing the elective franchise, and intend to show ed them within the American boundary ever my resentment by refusing to support any po- since Santa Anna was fold to come dou-n from litical leader who will assign his name to views thnt tree. And wlicn I learned thut there was a likelihood of effecting a treaty to that purport 1 fell much gratified, and had no more idea that it would be opposed by Southern men than I did lhat any of our whig delegates in Congress would vote against a modification of the tariff act of 1812. But so it is; 1 quickly found that it met with opposition, aud that of such a carucier that there was danger thut Texas would not be annexed. 1 began to think that my zeal perhaps was not according to knowl edge, and if so, it became roc not to wish its annexation contrary to justice: and in search for information on this subject 1 read attentively Air. Cluy’s letter—and in giving it a look I find be was against it because it involved our honor xs a nation, for the reason that Mexico had not relinquished her right and acknowledged the in dependence of Texas. In further search on this subject I find (or at least it is my under standing) that AJr. Clay in 1827, while Secre tary of •State, made strong dibits to regain that asThose above named, and publicly expressed over the signature of Henry Clay. For these reasons, I am determined, notwithstanding he possesses the talents lie does, and notwithstand ing, I regret that I cannot go with many of my friends into the support of Henry. Clay for the Presidency, yet :t is so. I cannot sacrifice my honest views for the sake of any man where so much is involved as in the Tariff question. At the time of writing the foregoing piece, I had not learned lhat Air. Clay had endorsed the Tariff of 1842, hot he having done so, and thereby shown that he fuels no longer bound to adhero to the principles of the compromise, I feel no longer bound to sustain him ; and if I can find no better chance than Henry Clay, ac cording to my views of his present stand in re lation to the Tariff, 1 will not vote for any one; for if by means of the Tariff I must die, I will try and keep clear of the sin of suicide. I will not kill mvsclf. THOAIAS C. TRICE. The “Embodiment.” “Henry Clay, the liv- ing personification and embodiment of Whtg principles."— [Whig addresiA IN 1 7 7 7 \ boro: Tn 1 yf 1805 quarrelled with Col. Davis, of Ken- , tuck;, which led to his first duet: In 1808 be challenged Humphry Mar shall, and fired three times at his heart: 1 N 1825 he challenged the great Jo bn Ran dolpb, and fired once at his be *rt. but without effect In 1838 he plan ned tbe CILLEY DUEL.bywh ich A MURDER was perpe-_ tfa- ted and a wife made a na- ni oc ; In 1841; wh c n 65 vearsold.andgr V bca ded, is under 5,000 dol- lars BONDS to KEEP T BE P EACE ! At tbe age of ♦9 b e PERJURED himself t 0 a ecu re a seat in the Unite ? S tales Senate! In 1824 be mad ? an infainoua bargain with John Quin ty Adams, by which he SOL D O ITT fora $6,000-a-year OFFICE. He is also well kn own as a GAM BLER, and a a t bbath break er. His politi cal principles are precisely those of the and exactly Hartford con- ventionfed eralists: op- posed to e qual rights. equal pri vileges. Sc equal 'laws; and in favor of mono polizing laws and char- tered priv He- ges. - Also h e sus- tai n a the fe- roci oua Alge rines in their deeds of The Girls and Annexation. DT rARSON HOWE. Oar village maids all vow and swear. It gives them great vexation To hear a "nice young man” declare He's not for annexation ! They're all for union tn a man, And go the whole for Texas; And say to all who aint, “git out l” You never shall annex us f ['licnomenon- mote 8t i company with some friends, a water i tbe clouds A correspondent of the iialtimoie Son says that lie wit- ‘ Ti * ‘ - - - nessed on Tuesday, spout, extending from the clouds to the Chesapeake bay be tween Pool's Island and North Point. It had the appear ance of a large pillar, tbe aixe of the Washington Monu ment. It lasted about half an hour, during which time tbe flashes of tbe lightning incessantly surrounded it, and pro. senu d a spectacle of singular grandeur, and as awfully sublime as it was grand. A Curiosity. A negro man belonging to Mr. John Allen, Jr., of ihis couu* try, found, on the farm of *Mr. Allen last week, a live Ter rapin, with the initials # E. W. 1794,’’ graved on his belly. From the appearance of the Terrapin, he must have been the same sire, at the above date that he is now.—Lexing ton (KyJ Observer. A Recent Discovery. It is singular that, until very lately, no one lias pretended to tfire the reasons why Marcus Cunius leaped into the gulf at Home. A 44 Down-Bast" editor now says that the lio- inau thought il was a very fine opening for a young man. on. ^ -h'ai par ELOOD AND MURDER. From the Daily Advertiser. Tiie Spectre Coon! Air —“Cork leg." I'll sing yon a song, without any flam. In Ashland, there lived a funny old man. Who every morning said "I ain The mighty Chief of the Coooery Clan !'* Ritoo, ralloo, Ac. , For several years, this man was bent, On being elected President; So in order to give to his feelings vent, He swore he would run, and at it he went. Ritoo, &c. He mounted hit nag, one bright summer's day. And cracked hia whip, with "hurrah for Clay !” He scoured along, ami felt quite gay. Till be iound hia old racer was running away! Ri too, Ac. He rode along so joyful and crank. While in his pockets his cash did clank; Rut soon offlns nag. he was jerked with a yank, At lie run up a stump, on the National Bank! Rt too. Ac. Old Dan stord by, with a hearty roar, He laughed, till his sides were aching sore; Which made poor Harry so mad, he swoie He’d never be sarved such a trick any mote 1 Ri too, Ac. His high mettled racer lay in a swoon, Hut Henry could not give it up so soon ; Sav he, I wiH sing them a different tune i So*lie swapped ofi nts borse and mourned a coon. Ri too, bee. He srampered o'er hill, and dale and plain, Tbro' snow, hail, sleet, mud puddles, and rain ; Anti when so weary, to rest he’d fain. The coon gave a scream and was off again. Ri too, Ac. He gallopped along with a bound and a hop, Of speed he went at the utmost top ; Hit lips with terror began to drop. For he found hia coon, he couldn’t atop. Ri too, tec. A cornfield now so yellow and bright. Appeared in view ; be tried to alight, He called to tbe coon, with alt his might. But in less than a minute he was out of sight. Ri too, Ac. He screamed aloud, "Oh ye people dear: Come, help we ofi', I feel so queer But the naughty coon he pricked np hia ear. And scampered along like a young rein deer. Ri too, Ac. A Hickory tree now crossed their track, Alt hag barked around so rugged and black ; , - , They never paused, hut up it smack Old Cooney streaked, witli Clay on hit back ! Ri too, Ac. They run up as high as they could go; The wind with fury began to blow; And as they waved (here, to and fro. Poor Clay, oh dear! he looked—just so! Ri too, Ac. As they were buffeting in the wind. An Eagle came—he looked and grinned ; Says he, you varmint, enough you've sinned f So the poor old coon, he completely skinoed. Ri too, Ac. The Coon he died in wild despair. Says the Eagle, "Old Harry, my boy, beware f' Away be flew—but didn’t we stare; To see Clay, like Absalem, caught by tbe hair ? Ri too, Ac. He died at last, but every night, As the story goes—I tell "it right— His skeleton all an ghastly and while, ltushea over tbe hills, on a cooney sprite. Ri loo, Ac. So Whiggies all, come over soon! And join our ranks, or hear your doom; For just as sure as the rising moon. You'll all have a ride on that ghost of a coon ! Ri too, Ac. How many Tolers were at Madison 1 Oar investigation of this subject, was not made with re gard to this question. But we find ourselves unable to nil out the blanks, left it) ibe calculations of the Whigs, with numbers approaching the grand result they arrive at. And on reflection, we think it important that the people should ve something like a correct estimate of that mixed com pany. We have consulted the uuthority of Whig papers only. They have set down tho numbers of several coun ties, obviously on account of the superior turn out they had made. Thus we have Greene, 052; Oglethorpe, 150; Clarke, 100; Newton, 708; Jasper, 403; Monroe, 200: Bibb, 127 ; Fayette, 53; Cass, 76; Floyd, 75; we add for Morgan, 1.000, and wo have for the teu couutiea, 3.646 votes. A friend from Floyd, lays lhat die number from thatcounty, is more than three times the real number and there is no reason for believing tbit the number stated/roin any county, is underrated. How many Whig voters from other coun ties, weft present! We will give the probable number, from the other counties they mention as represented at the meeting:—Chatham, 80; Richmond, 150; Columbia, .75; Burke, 4(1: Scriven, 10 ; Bulloch, 1; Washington. 20 ; Lib erty, 5 ; Warren, 50; Wilkes, 25; Putnam, 50; Jones, 25; Pike. 20; Upson, 20; Franklin, 10; Hancock. 50; Taliafer ro, 25; Baldwin, 50; Jackson, 20; Hall, 10; Muscogee, 20; Walton, 30; Campbell, 5.; Cherokee, 10; Gwinnett, 20; Lee, 5; Baker, 5; Elbert, 50; Butts, 20; Madison, 10; DeKalb, 20 ; Henry, 30; Lincoln, 10; .Coweta. 10 ; Lump kin, 75; Chattooga, 10; Cobb, 20. These added to the foregoing, raise the number to 4,922, and includes unques tionably, many Democrats. Tbe thousand from Morgan, being nearly the whole strength of the county, contained evidently, several hundred. Thus the 20,000 Whiga in council, are unavoidably reduced to less than five thousand, and we regret that we cannot increase it a few thousand, because the uoise that has gone forth, would make it ap pear like an attempt on our part, to depreciate its numbers. We assure our readers, that we have allowed them where they have ventured on figures every man they claim, and reason 'and probability does not allow us to increase the es timates, we have given of the rest. If we are wrong, we call on the Whigs to correct our estimates. Set them down, as they come, county by county, and we shall see to what it will amount. We shall then perhaps see, why they set down the numbers of some counties, and say of others, “these Kcrc represented !”—Federal Union. T JE JL JE aasiszaasuK*Kji*r ■-> ti II .1 I* II MACON: TUESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 20, 1844. FOR PRESIDENT, 3R. Of Ikaartirr, “Stoop to the Dunghill for Praise.” [Freliughuysen. Insolent attach upon the laboring classes by the Whig Candidate for the Vice-Presidency. lu Senate of the United States, March 13, 1832.—The question being on authorizing the Secretary of the Senate to subscribe fur 60 copies, at $6 a piece, of an octavo vol ume of 600 pages, prepared in defeuce of the United Slates Bank, Mr. FREL1NGHUYSEN said: — "What is so opposite, what so proper, what so ne cessary. as to place before the Senate the information fur nished by this book 1 He would not step aside to defend the Bank. It had been called a monopoly. What did it monopolize 7 Nothing but the public confidence. It had brought a spurious currency, and, tliereby.it was tbe poor man’s friend. If he sought popularity, if lie could STOOP to the DUNGHILL for praise, he would vote In favorof the Bank as the poor man’s friend.”—Gales 4* Seaton’s Register of Debates, vot. 8, p. 532. Such, fellow-citizens, such laboring men, is the insolent language used by this Bank defender, when speaking of >oor men, He “stoop to the DUNGHILL for praise!” Is a man. because he is poor, to be called a dunghill! Is this fit language for one aspiring tn a high office in a repub lie 7 Will men who labor fira living, vote far a man who could use such language aa this, while reposing on the smiles of a mammoth Bank, steeped to the very brim with corruption and rottenness T "Stoop to the DUNGHILL for praise,” says Frelinghoysen! ! "If we cannot have black slaves, we must have Khite ones,” says Mr. Clay!! What can the working classes expect from the elevation of such men to the highest offices in the Government 7 No thing—nothing hut continued insults. How long would such men permit the poor man to vote if one thinks it stoop ing to tbe dunghill to favor him, and the other treating him as a slave, white though he be 7 These men only go tbe “DUNGHILL.” we supjHjae, when they want their political crop manured ! Wuat feelings, whit sympathies can men, using such language, have with the people 7 None, uone whatever, and they are unfit for any office out of Rhode Island.—Ohio Statesman. FOR viCE-PRESIDENT, S3- Of JPennsylrania'. Democratic Electoral Ticket. For the State at large, ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee. CHARLES J- McDonald, of Cobb. For the Districts, lstdist. R. M. CHARLTON, of Chatham, 2.1 “ BARZILLAI GRAVES, of Stewart, 3d “ GEORGE W. TOWNS, of Talbot, 4,|, •• WM. F. SAMFORD, of Meriwether, 5ih •* CHARLES MURPHY, of Cass, Cih “ WM. It. WOFFORD, of Habersham, 7th “ H. V. JOHNSON, of Baldwin, gtli “ ELI H. BAXTER, of Hancock. [To be elected by general ticket.] AVlng Testimony as to the Whig Candidate. The following summary is from the Nineti es Free Trader: Who charged Henry Clay with making a corrupt bargain with John Quincy Adams ? Answer. John Bell, (Harrison's Secretary of War,) R- ihraim A. Foster, (Whig Senator in Congress.) and George li’ RtlJnar nf ffnvtk f'.rnlin. /11 07* The following named gentlemen will act as a Committee, to take into consideration the claims of cacli county for the Prize Banner, to be given to the County sending the largest Delegation, on the 22d inst.—taking into consideration, the distance, the Democratic vote of the county, and the circumstan ces under which they come : Col. David C. Campbell, of Bibb, Gen. Jons W. Gordo.y, of Jones, Gen. II- 11. Tarver, of Twiggs, Col. Janies M. Kelly, of Houston, Col. George R. Hunter, of Crawford, Hon. A. M. D. King, ofMonroe, Thomas Purse, Esq., of Chatham. Horth Carolina. The old Rip Van Winkle of the South, is truly waking up. We have gained largely in the popu lar vote—something like 2,000. Site may, contra ry to all expectation, yet bring immortal honor on herself, by casting her vote in November for POLK AND DALLAS. Our prospccisare brilliant ev ery where. Alabama Election- The Democrats have carried this State, by a ma jority little less than 10.000. Yancey is elected to Congress by 81C majority—a larger majority, by several hundred, than heretofore. 10 Cheers for Alabama! Huzza for Indiana! We have gained, in the popular vote, 785, from last year, in 27 counties heard from. Our majority last year was more than 2,000. Senate stauds, so far as heard from, 25 Democrats to 22 Whigs.— Three Districts to hear from. The Democrats ®av*)* er/ of North Carolina, (Harrison's Secretary of the lv ill certainly have a majority in the Senaie, which * Who endorsed the charge 7 The Legislature of Ten- was tied last year, 15 to 15. nessee ; Jonn P. Kennedy. Reverdy Johnson. Senator Merrick, and uiany of the roost distinguished Whigs of Maryland and the Union. When the Whig oapers de nounce the charge as false, they nail the falsehood down upon tbeii own leaders. Who charged Mr. Clay with setting up a dictatorship in tbe Capitol, a caucus power to control legislation and em barms me Executive T w m. U. His from Virginia livea^tbe VPBg' Senator Who ilia rged Mr. Clay with attempting to overthrow the Constitution to promote liis own views 7 Thomas F. Mar- Constitution to promote shall, the Whig Representative in Congress of Mr. Clay’s own District. Who said that Air. Clay had too many heresies to de serve his support 7 Daniel Webster. Who said that Henry Clay bad treated him with gross ingratitude in return for generoos services 7 Gen. Win. H. Harrison. Who sbjs that Henry Clay is tampering with the Aboli tionists, and wrote iiis Texas letter to secure their support 7 Gen. Felix Houston, heretofore the strongest and most in fluential friend Mr. Clay had in Mississippi. Who charged Mr. C!av with urging on the duel which re sulted in the death of Mr. Cilley 7 Henry A. Wise, a good Whig, whose course towards Col. Polktlie Whigs are now applauding. Hr. Clay's own State. While In every other State (saya tbe Pennsylvanian) the Democracy are battling manfully, and making successful in roads upon the federal forces, our friends are not idle in the dictator’s own Kentucky. They are daring enough to at tempt the capture of the very citadel of the enemy. The active efforts of the Republicans of Kentucky have put the Whigs into a high fever, and they are lustily calling their “ followers” to arms. - The Frankfurt Yeoman thus merri ly talks about Kentucky:— “If a like number of the distinguished men of the party have turned against Mr. Clay in other States, his prospects must be hopeless indeed. Who performed more or better service for Gen. Harrison in 1840 than the then Governor of die State, Hon. Charles A. Wickliffe ; or Robert tVickliffe, sr., Senator; Robert Wickliffe. jr., since a Whig Repre sentative, and several younger members of the family 7— This family all oppose Mr. Clay now, or very nearly all of them, aud a very influential family it has always been in Kentucky. Besides these, there are three Whig Congress men from Kentucky in 1841, who do not now support Mr. Clay, viz : Hon. T. F. Marshall, Hon. J. Pope, and James C. Pprigg. Those are the leading speeders from Mr. Clay’s ranks in Kentucky—a Governor, three members of Con- gress, a Senator, and a Representative. But this is nothing when compared with the hundreds of influential private citi zens to be found all over the State. Let the Whigs recol lect these tilings, and cease their boastings.” Make room for Cleveland, Ohio. The Louisville Democrat says:—The Cleveland Plain- dealer comes to us with a letter and certificate, signed by ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY-SIX Electors who vo- ted the Whig ticket in 1840, who have renounced the Whig party and enrolled their names upon the glorious banner of Democracy. Truly, the work goes bravely on. A Cherokee Girl at Saratoga. The correspondent of the New York Commercial, writ ing from Saratoga, gives the following interesting description of a Cherokee girl, now on a visit to the Springs : -•Her name is Mary. She is the niece of the celebrated John Ross, of the Cherokee nation of Indians. With his name this country is familiar. Mary is here for the benefit of the waters, and to take a look at the fashionable world as she finds it here assembled. Nothing lias been spared in her education thut far, and I presume her opportunity for acquiring knowledge hereafter will not be diminished. Her age, judging from appearance, is about seventeen. Her eyes are quick and piercing, her hair long and jet black, and her face U round and full, all which are peculiar to the na tion she represents. Her complexion is somewhat tawny, although not more so than many a brunette whom I have met in my rambles to day. All present at that house appear to have a deep interest in her, and in spite of her modest and retiring propensities, they make her one of the lions here; it would therefore be wrong in me to undertake to give you some account of what transpires daily, and at the same time omit to mention her. But unluckily for me, and all the bachelors at the Springs, Mary has told my fair informant, that she shall never marry any one out of her own nation. Alas! none of uaat e Cher- okces.” Great Conflagration. The New York Journal of Commerce sayi:—The city of San Carlos, the principal town in the Island of Chiloe, the most Southern province of the Chilian Bepublic, has been the scene of a dreadful conflagration, which broke out in its very centre, end before it could be subdued, destroyed two-thirds of the place. One hundred and fifty houses, comprising all the magazines of provisions, fell a prey to the flames. The unfortunate inhabitants, equally destitute of fpod and shelter, were compelled to abandon the ruins, and fly to the interior, to seek u refuge and means of sub sistence. The port of San Carlos, a recruiting place frequented by South Sea whalers, contained about 4000 inhabitants, all of whom have suffered more or less by this deplorable calam ity. At the time of the fire there were anchored in the road an American schonuer, a British brig, and a whale-ship, the ctews of which, it is superfluous to add, performed all the duties that humanity imposed on them. Abolition of tlie Veto. " The Veto Power appears to be used only with the forbearance and WeS^Mf intended by Us authors, it may be diwL, - P n i '•hich and be found one of the bfest safe-gLidsofuL 0 ^" tad* To be used only—1st, to protect die n™ olalion—Sdly, the people from the effect fr «» fi. tion; where their will has been probablv ty well understood—and 3dly, to prevent rtAm^^Kti lative of the right, of minorUie, ”-(G tn 'JT*****,? augural Address. ' *’ ■ Hor K«6*’, j Tbe Whig Party have always had one r - and well-settled object and determination ^ their schemes of ambition and agcracifz ’ 10 811 Grand National Government, at the State Sovereignty. They have, f or neath!** * century, had that object steadily i n vjJ * ** tebdirig to regard the limitations of the Con ii ^ they have paid a lip set vice occasionally strument; and, in obtaining an enlarge * la " power jri favor of the Federal Governme^ * have hitherto effected it, through a latitodi,^ struction. They have now become so bold 7? terinined, as to avow openly il*eir settled ™ to abrogate one of the great safe-guards of tl^r** stitution itself, and the greatest check xelfk" people could place in that instrument, to' ^ ^ the concentration of power in the LegislationV*** 07* We are authorized to an- ment. Our Constitution is, atbesT, anad • P * rt noiiRcc lion. A. El. CIIAPPELIi ] system of checks and balances of power, wise^'* as a candidate for Congress in t,aine d by us inspired authors. The Veto pi° the 3d Congressional District. never can, or was intended, in any manner, toon/ rate as a check upon the popular will, but to their agents and delegates from lawless u . u ° & the accumulation of all powerio their owJhalT Whenever the people act for themselves, i n a n . mary assemblies, or in their sovereign’ ca Pa ^ there is no veto to their will—but in the forntaS our Government, ihfey intended $0 to’divide a’ powers into separate and distinct departments tU each should check the other, and the peorf.fiJT control all. There must, in all Governments J some check to hasty legislation; and the inspired authors of the Constitution and all our great States men, from that age to this, have warmly sustained the Veto Power, as the conservative principle in the Constitution. It was with great unanimity en- grafted in our federative system; and the appre- (tensions in all the Conventions, was not that the Executive would prove too strong for the Legist live, but that Congress would gradually, as it has done, encroach upon, and usurp all the powers of the co-ordinate departments. The greatest objec tion entertained by Patrick Henry, the great Vir- ginia Oiator, in her Convention, was, that the Con stitution had not thrown sufficient checks upon the Legislative body; and Mr. Jefferson, Madison, Joy, and even Hamilton, eloquently defended that clause, because il would prevent the accumulation of all jiower in that department, which was most li able, in all Republican Governments, to usurp it. It was warmly espoused by Washington, and rr- |ieaiedly exercised by him. It qs deeply interwo ven in aH branches of our Government, and is ex ercised by all departments, in some shape—conspi cuously so, by the Supreme Coarts of the U. States, who have, in their history, declared more than a hundred laws unconstitutional. It is one of the great sovereign [lowers of the people, placed in the hands of tire President, to’ check hasty legislauon and faction, and to stay their lawless hands from all reserved rights, and the poweis of the other branches of the Government. Permit the Veto' Power of the President to be strickert from the Constitution, and then Congress would be puly Om nipotent. Instead of increasing its power and in fluence, it is high time, lor the safely of public lib erty, tiiat it was diminished. ft is mainly from that quarter, that wc may ap prehend a consolidation of all power; for, unre strained and unchecked, there will, in time, be no' subject that will not be embraced in their broad, lat- itudiuous construction. We appeal to the history of the Government—to every'act, whose tendency has been characterized as assumption of jiower, or whose object has betrr to undermine the rights of the States, as having- their origin in the Congress of the Union. It is from that quarter, above nil others, we may appre hend the greatest danger. Governed, as it would most frequently be,‘by faction, or an ambitious dic tator, giving his orders through secret organization, and whose iron rule would fetter all independence, we would, in time, behold the disastrous spectacle of every vestige of freedom being crushed in it* ru ins, by tbe car of this political Jaugernaut. Nff' barrier to impede their onward march, wc should be exposed to the merciless prey of a certain des potism, driven upon a shoreless sea, without the hope of an Arrarat for our [wlitical safety. Tbe Veto Power is, at best, but a negative power, which never can, in its practical effects, increase power of any kind, but delay, for sober, calm re flection, the action of the Legislative depaitment, and protect, finally, the interest of the minority— which should be most devoutly wished by all who sincerely regard the rights of the States. But why need we attempt to argue upon tbe in crease of power by the Federal Government, and especially the Congress of the Union? Every po* litical eveul since 1790, shews its tendency towards Consolidation. In nothing have the fears of the patriot been more increased, than the abandonment, openly and suddenly, which has taken place with those once calling themselves Stale Rights men- From being the enthusiastic supportersof the rights of the States, they arc now seeking, by quibble—ol implication and construction—to give rise to powers in favor of the Federal Government and the action of Congress, which never can, in like manner, ef fect the rights of the States. They have forgotten the plain and striking figure of our own illustrious Baldwin—that the nature of all delegated power, is to increase—it is like the screw in Mechanics, ,r will bold all it gains, and every turn, it gains a lit" tie more. The great beauty of out Fedcrati' 8 system, consists in tho perfection of its checks and balances. Destroy any of the pillars of (his noble edifice, and the temple erected, at so great a s* 11 ' fice, will tumble eventually, au easy prey 10 sa P' pers and miners. An avenue will then be ellecie • to tho aggrandizement of all power in the hands an ambitious ruler. Congress would then have no barrier to stay them in their lawless usurpation the last turn of this mechanical actew would ', ten press down the rights and liberties of the pcop e. As wc love our country—as we would desire to transmit the blessings of liberty and our ft*® mstj tutions, for all time to come, we should cherish t t* conservative principle of our Constitution, and e fend it from the ruthless hand of invaders. People of Georgia! with you are the issues life and death. Whether you will, with the true spirit and single-heartedness ol our Revolution y ancestors, pledge your lives and sacred honor, -r sewed fidelity to Constitutional Liberty—or ba>c J HACOH .7IASS COAVEATIOUT. Programme of the Order of Arrangements. WEDNESDAY. The diOeren: Delegations will be mpt by tbe Marshal and his Assistants, at each Rail Road De pot, and on the other Roads before they reach the City, and escorted to their places of Encampment. A Gun will be fired on the arrival of each Dele gation. THURSDAY. A National Salute of 26 guns at sun-rise. At 8 o’clock, the different Delegations will meet on the Court-House square, and each county will report their number of Delegates to the Chief Mar shal. A procession will then be formed in the follow ing order : 1st. Chief Marshal. 2d. Music. 3d. Rev. Clergy, and President of Democratic Association of Bibb. 4th. Revolutionary Soldiers. 5th. Delegates from South Carolina. 6th. do do Alabama. 7th. Committee of Arrangements and Invitation. 8th. Delegates from the 1st Congressional Dist. 9th. do do 2d do do 10th. do do 3d do do Hth. do do 4th N do do 12th. do do 5th do do 13lh. do do 6th do do 14th. do do 7th do <Jo 15th. do do 8th do do 16th. Citizens of the county of Bibb. The procession being formed, will move up Mul berry Street, to First Street, up First Street, to the large Ware-House of Moultrie & Campbell, where the Convention will be called to order by the Pres ident of the Democratic Association, when the reg ular officers will be appointed, and the Convention proceed to business. Addresses will then be made by distinguished speakers. At 1 o’clock, Dinner will be on the Tables in the Ware-Houses of Messrs. Gorinan & Richardson, and J. M. Field, when the Compauy will be in vited by the Marshal. At the same time, Dinner will be ready in Mr. Ross’ Ware-House, for the Ladies, and Gentlemen accompanying them. At 3 o’clock, the Company will again assemble at the Speakers’ stand, in Moultrie & Campbell’s Ware-House, aud oilier addresses will be made. During the day, the Committee appointed for that purpose, to wit: Col. Campbell, of Bibb; Gen. Gordon, of Jones ; Gen. Tarver, of Twiggs; Col. Kelly, of Houston; Col. Hunter, of Crawford; Judge King, of Montoe; and Mr. Purse, of Sa vannah ; will meet and decide upon the county en titled to the Prize Banner, and at the close of the Speaking in the afternoon, the Banner will be pre sented from the stand, with an appropriate Address, to the Delegation entitled to receive it. At sun set, another National Salute of 26 guns. Chief Marshal—J. W. Armstrong. Assistants—Gen. D. N. Smith; Col. E.B. Cook; Col. Bass; Col. J. G. Goletnan; R. W. Jame son; B. Adams; C. A- Ells; W. Hughes; Sam uel Gove; A. G. Butts; Samuel T. Rowland; F. McCarthy; Win. D. Mims, and Cicero Tharp- Badge of Chief Marshal— Sword, SaslI & Scarf. Of Assistants—Sword and Sash, all Mounted. P. S. The Marshals will meet at the Associa tion Hall, on Wednesday morning, at 9 o’clock.

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Georgia telegraph. (Macon, Ga.) 1844-1858, August 20, 1844, Image 2