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if.iHitK.vnt v. sue T. ti, mm. j Our anxious desire t lay, entire, brf ire our readers, the able and elo* qucul rep >rt aud patriotic resolutions of the Warren Anti-Tariff meeting, has necessarily excluded from our columns, this week, the unusual va riety of matter. WARREN ANTI T MUFF MEETING. Thursday. September 18 th. 1828. The Comihitiee appointed to draft Preamble and Resolutions in relation to the Tariff met agreeable to adjourn merit. Present—Daniel Chandler, I Leonard Pratt, Daniel Dennis, Henry Lockhart, G. ft. Thomas, Thomas Dawson, Jeremiah Butt, John Fun taine, P. L Robinson ami Thomas Gibson, Esqrs. Mr. Chandler then offered a pre amble and Resolutions which was a mended by an additional Resolution from Mr. Thomas and the whole a dop ed by the committee. The co a mil tee then adjourned to half after one o*cl k this evening, in order to rn ike their report to the ge neral meeting. Thursday , half past one o'clock. The citizens having convened in the Court House, the meeting was or g uiiz <l, by Zcpli. Franklin, esq. presiding as Chairman and Thomas Gibson, esq. being appointed Secreta ry, the S ret ary of the former meet ing being absent. The object >f ttie meeting was ex plained by the chairman, in a few remarks; when Mr Chandler from the committee made the following re port and Resolutions. Some general remarks and prat ti< al news were then ffrred to the meeting, by Mr. Thomas, at request, of the chairman; after wlii’ li the preamble aud rrso loti-ms were adopted without a dis senting voice. 0 i motion, ordered that toe report and resolutions lII* sijno't ty tle> c’liuir man and secretary and be published in the Rural Cabinet, with a request tha: other Editors friendly to the cause publish the same. Z FRANKLIN, ChV. The meeting then adjourned sine die. THOMAS GIBSON, Sec. \re port. NATIONAL LEGISLATION often giv*** rise t<> general dissatisfaction It* oppressiveness and partiality generate 1 feeling.- of discontent, and these feelings Usually hurst frth cither in the strong language of Remonstrance, or the mod est tl tones < f Petition If the latter fail to touch the hi art ol interest , ihe for mer h Mire to reach the tar of power— and frequen ly, when th** humility of the ©m* cannot sooth, the force ol the other is teo'ihlv felt. When a complaint is so great that its munnurttigs can he heard, and an excitement is so strong that its spirit mav tie seen, til re must exist some operative cause fur this tumultuous up roar ol the passions—this indignant effer ve cence of feeling. That such discon tent now rages throughout the SOUTH ERN STA TES there is abundant evi dence— >d that thi* feeling of dis-atis faction is as deep as il is wide, and as Strong as it is high, is equally susceptible ©t confirmation. Its existence being establi-hvri, its origin can be traced to an Act ot the la-t Congress purport i"g to be an Act in alteration of the several acts impo-ing duties on import's D Before we enter upon an examination of its effects, it may he proper to advert biief ly to the rise ami progress of those man utictures, for the benefit of which, the A<’t was specially passed. Anterior to the late war,their number wax few, and their operations limited. They had for their object the supply of families, or at most, oj particular communities. During the progress <• the war. the scarcity of cloths and other articles of absolute ne cessity (>wiig to the embargo and the nonimportation acts) was asceilained, ami the great demand fur them and their augmented prices, induced many intlmd u tl* to iuvrst their capital in the estab lishment ot manufactures, without exam jtiiug the adequacy of their funds for the successful prosecution of the undertaking,’ or their own competency to its profitable management. A combination of circum stances communicated an artificial infla tion to thee manufactures they rose rapidly and extended widely—but the re turn of peace, l>ke the touch of the spear of Itnuriel, soon reduced them to their true dimensions. Upon the termination of the war, the manufactories realized a diminution in their profit*, and as their sudden and over grown greatness was the off ct of adventitious circumstances and acc dental demand-, many of them ceased their operations. Our Treasmy was now drained—the duties on imports, which were considerably increased during the wai for the purpose of defraying it? expences, were now diminished—the funded debt was greatly augmented—a considerable floating debt was unprovided for—the sinking fund had to be increased —and to meet these exigencies and an swer these purposes an augmentation of the revenue was required.* I |was deem ed expedient to raise the revenue by ai imposition of duties on imports, and fir the effectuation of th is object, a revisioi of the Taitff was recommended; and thei for the first time, the policy of crippling Commerce ad preventing importation! for th* 1 purpose of protecting the manu factures of our Country, came inciden tally under consideration and was seri ously advocated. Since this period, the system of prohibitory duties, has met with firm and zealous supporters, and owing to th * natural operation of things, together with a departure from the set tled policy of our Country, these manu factures have risen from their depression, and attained a magnitude, which threat ens a revolution in the commercial and agricultural interests of the Nation. Having t'ken a rapid survey of the cau es, which led to the adoption of that restrictive system, whi'h is shackling Commerce with its heavy fetters and paralyzing Agriculture by its withering touch, the Committee will pretermit ?uch matters as have a relation to the consti tutionality of this prohibitory and pro tecting policy, and pass on to the con sideration of its practical operation on the revinue of our Country, on our intercourse with foreign Nation* and on the pursuits of our Citizens. We must, however. (lICIIMSC, K< wo or-o fullr satisfied of the unconstitutionality of that Legislation, which lays prohibitory duties upon the importation of articles for the purpose of affuding protec'ion th domestic manu factures. The late ‘Tariff Act is not on ly in contravention of that solemn Cove nant of our liburtie*—which was framed by the wisdom, consecrated by the blood, aud sanctioned bv the patriotism of ou forefathers—but it is violative cf the rights of the members of the Conf?dcra cy, and subversive of the fundamental principles of our free Institutions. We deem it unnecessary at this time and on this occasion to reiterate the uuanswer ed and unanswerable argument*, which have, on each successive discussion of this important question, been presented to the consideration of those, whom rea soning could uot move, entreaty soften, threat- intimidate, or remonstrance re strain- Your Committee will therefore invite your attention to a few remarks on the operation of this prohibito.y system as it ass ct? our revenue. It the imposition ot duties on imports be so great as to amount to piohibition, the revenue must experience a diminution from the co r.bined operations of a re duction in their consumption, and an in crease of inducements to their unlawful introduction. ‘I he increase of importa- in fact, the increase of revenue— because the assessment, or tax imposed upon articles of foreign produce, is pro portioned to the quantity of articles imported. If then the importation and consumption of ad valorem goods, op erate materially in the augmentation of our revenue, any system, which has for its object, their diminution, militates against the interest, and bears on the general prosperity of the Country. Two thirds of the revenue of our Govern ment, are derived from customs , and their reduction to any considerable extent will pave the way to direct taxes, and these taxes will he increased in an inverse ratio with the prosperity of the country, and in a dii ect ratio with its weapaeftv to pay them. Taxes on imports are light ly felt, readily paid, and easily collected: —'They are lightly felt, because each individual pays only in proportion to what he consumes; they are readily paid, be • See Mr. Wilde's Speech on the Tariff. I cause, each one may consume in propor tion to what he can aff.id, and they are easily collected, because, they are payable at a few places. Ihe reverse is exactly the case with direct taxes. They are ‘never paid voluntarily , bu< •always under vexation and coercion And if the time ever arrive, when the latter shall supercede the former, th sensibilities of our people will no ~onl\ be ‘hm ked, but their pockets completely purged Intimately connected with this consid eratinn, is the one respecting the practi cal operations of thi* Act oo our inter j course with foreign Nations, and on the persmts of our Citizens. The iuoeasr in tbe amount of ad valorem goods im ported, gives a ma ke! for our own p;o tluce, and the consumption of these good? lin the U State*, induces a relaxation in the rigor of those restrictive laws, which i the Europeans have adopted far the pur : pose of excluding our raw materials. To simplify our mode of reasoning, we will make a particular application ot our re marks. The demand in Great Britain for agricultural produce, is regulated by. and dependant on, our dermnd tor her manufactured articles. These demand* are mutual, and as a reciprocity of inter est, is the solid basis of all commercial in tercourse, non-importation on the one hand, leads to non-consumption on the other. If then the U. States tax articles so high as to prevent their importation, interest and policy would dictate to G. Britain the propriety of adopting coun tervailing duties. But admitting that she abandoned a course promotive of her wealth and subsidiary so her greatness, we question her ability to pay for the raw material, when we cease to take the man ufactured. Deprived then of this m h ket by the augmentation of duties and the Consequent diminution of importations, the Southern States are compelled to purchase of tne Northern, inferior goods, at enlarged prices , aud under humiliating circumstances Their goods are inferior, because, they have nut car ried the manufacturing system to the same perfection that their veteran competitors have—the:r price* are greater, because, thev cannot ina. ufacture as cheajdy a* G. Britain, owing to ti e higher pi ire of labor—aud we pu 1 a ** from them uiidei humiliating circumstance?, b u au.-e, tlu act is a constraint upon our will?. t Hut this is neither the end of our wrongs, nor extent of our -uff rings. After we purchase from these accommodating manufactuiers, they are u’able to furnish ad mind tor one seventh of our Cotton, while the To bacco and Rice of the South, are without a market. Under this depression of prices and stagnation of markets, our staple is without a demand, our stock unproduc tive, our farms are abandoned. Agricul ture droops for en ouragement, and Com merce languishes for protection. Distress and poverty with all their accumulated horrors, seize the victim of oppressive egislation and practised rapacity, and while groaning under fetters that he can not burst and writhing under toitures not long to be endured, the agony of lus misfortune is increased by the hopeless ness of his condition, and the misery of his wretchedness completed by the de stiuction of his affairs. This is the op erati >n of a prohibitory policy—these are the effects of ill-timed legislation! But suppose the imposition of the duty be not sufficiently great to amount to a total prohibition, ami what then is the consequence? The goods come to us sad dled with taxes too heavy to be borne, too oppressive to be endured. Ask the mer chant, why it is, that amid such uni versal depression and such a general de preciation of p’ices in the several species of goods, he cannot afford to sell them at reduced rates?—And he will show you the enormous amount he has to pay mto the public Treasury for the privile-*..* of importing and the risk ot selling. Go then to. the Retailer of domestic goods, and inquire, how it comes to pass, that as he pays no.duties on his cloths, he refu ses to sell them even at a moderate re duction? And he will inform you that they can’t bo made for les?, and then de fy you to buy imported good? cheaper- Thus crushed between the extremes of legislative tyranny and domestic cupidity, we are compelled to submit to the rigor of the one, or to endure the rapacity of the other. If we purchase the imported goods, our tax goe* into the Treasury to be squandered on visionary cln mes of internal improvement—if we purchase from our manufacturers, we are pamper [ ing Monopomsts, who already stink with 1 plunder of their neighbours, aud ‘outrage decency by the displays of their !’ gotten wealth.’ Thus vve see the ra tionale of this whole system—its origin and it? operati"tis. This brief review of t* history and it* effects, satisfies u*, that t i* unju't in principle, partial in its ope rations ruinous in its tendency, and un constitutional in its object. In order to establish more conclusively the inju-tice of this protecting policy, the t ommittee will call your attention to he inconsistent course of its Advocates# In 1816, when the manufacturers first claimed protection, they justified tin ir application on the principle, that -a diini uta nos duties on articles imported, w<mid give to the Foreigner a derid’ and <c!v mtage, <§* enable him to crush in their infancy the rising manufactories of our Country. A small protection, they con tended, would enable them to compete successfully with their rival?—would give them a victory, and with it the contested p; tzv. Th-y di-daimed the necessity •if Hb-rq ,ent applications, and pluming th; ni'Pives with the wings of expectation, ?he\ flew, in imagination, above all com petitors. In eight short years, the vigor ol their sir ngt.i, seems to have b en spent, and the ardor of their animation considerably abated. With an effronte ry which showed the rapaciousness of their dispositions, and an earnestness that proved th*’ selfishness of their mo tives, they agamjpresented themselves be , fore Congress in the character of ruined ]ad venturers. To assist them in their st uggles for superiority, was now a mat ter of obligation—we stood committed— and as wt extended them the arm of pro tection in the itnpotcncy of their strength, so we mu?t now relieve them by the exer cise of our power. In ’l6, their weakness was the ground of their application —id 24. our ability was the reason for assist ing tnem. About this time, they became fascinated with the splendid systems of Europe; andiu imitation of the prohibitory P dicy ot Russia, Pi us*ia. Austria, Sweden & Fra nee. they wished die manufactures ofour Country to be protected by the bur ner of restriction. Prohibition, with them, was the tiue policy of the Nation—• it had conducted England to greatness and to giory, and it was only necessary for <>u: Government to adopt with promp thude die same plan, and to pursue the ainecours: with vigor, to see the sun of A jierican prosperity lighting us up to a new-day. B lore, however, the argu ment they derived from this bright exam ple, had its contemplated effect, the m i'giiteu and Statesmen of Europe abandoned their system of protection by duties, bounties, and prohibitions, and reduced their impost*, in a variety of important ca ses, lower than (hose of our own Country. 1 his fact is abundantly evidenced by a comparison of the relative duties imposed on different articles by G. Britain'and the U. States. In Ei gland the reduction on cottons in general. wa* from 60 and 75 to 10 per cent—-while our duty was in creased 25 cottons below 30 cents per quare yard, were reduced in G. Britain lu (>’ r c. lit, in purs thfj’ -rr-ero SUiTinPQt* ed 26 a 80; and duties on woollens in one country, were 15 per cent,,in the oth er 33 But the example of England, with which the prohibitionists were attempting to move the world—the advantages of a free trade, the evils of restriction and mo nopoly, and the remonstrances of the South, could not prevent the adoption of that prohibitory at.d protecting policy, which is now making us bankrupts in fortune, and our oppressors bankrupts in character. They promised, however, to cease in their applications for farther protection— the result has proven what confidence can be put in the declarations ot men, whose assurances are fraud, and whose language is deceit. During the las* Congress, the managers of these tot ter ng establishments, solicited additional pr>te’ tion, and as their interest was etiangejy conceived to be identified with tl*at of the Country, they succeeded in loading with prohibitory duties all articles n<M essary to be ex. loded for the success ful operation of their own manufactures. A our Committee feel their inability to thread the labyrinths of political economy; but without pretending to an accurate know ledge, or to an intuttive comprehen sion of ail its intricacies, they can safely lay it down as a correct piinciple in this profound science, that raw materials should not be burdened with an exorbitant, or in tact, with any tax. Yet a reference to the late act, that has for its object the modification of the then existing Tariffs, will convince you of the practical opera turn of that suicidal policy, which increas es the duties on til raw materials of iio*