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LOSS OF LIFE BY WAR.
Only a small part of the victims in war perish
hy the cannon and the sword. In France, the
mortality among soldiers, generally in youth or
middle life, was found to be even in peace nearly
twice as great as among galley slaves! In a time
of war they live on an average, ahout three years;
and even in peace their life is shortened fifteen or
twenty years. Their exposures, hardships and
diseases often sweep them away like dew befor«
the sun—in some cases one half, iu others three
fourths, in another still, nearly nine-tenths!
How it destroys even peaceful inhabitants! In
tlic war of 1756, there were, in one instance, no
less than twenty contiguous villages left without
man or beast. An eye-witness to the French but
cheries in Portugal says, “the ditches along the
line of their march were often literally filled with
clotted and coagulated blood as with mire; the
dead bodies of peasants, put to death like ’dogs,
were lying there horribly mangled: little naked
infants of a year or'less, were found besmeared in
the mud of the road, transfixed with bayonet
wounds; and in one instance I saw' a child, not
more than a month old, with the bayonet still
sticking in its neck!
Look at the havoc of single battles—at Auster
litz, 20,000; at Dresden 30,000; at Waterloo
40,000; at Eylau, 50,000; at Borodino, 80,00.
i?till worse in ancient times—at Issus 110,000; at
Arbela 300,000 ; in one battle of Osar 305,000 ;
and in another 400,000 of the enemy alone ; in
the seige of Jerusalem more than a million, and
in that of ancient Troy not less than two millions !
In the Russian campaign there perished in six
months more than half a million, and during 12
years of the recent wars in Europe, noteless than
5,800,000! The army of Xerxes, probably more
than 5,000,000, was reduced, in less than two
years to a few thousands. Jenghi/.khan butcher
ed in the district of Herat 1,600,000, and in two
cities, with their dependencies, 1,760,000; and
the Chinese historians assure us that during the
last twenty-seven years of his reign, he massacred
aq average of half a million every year, an 1 in the
first fourteen years, no less than 18 millions ; 31,-
500,000 iu forty-one years, by a single hand!! —
Grecian wars sacrificed 15,000,000; those of the
t'vrlvo
40,000,000; those of the Saracens and the Turks
60.000.000, each : those of the Tartars, 80,000,-
000. Dr. Dick reckons the sum total of its vic
tims. since Cain, at no less than fourteen thousand
millions, eighteen times as many as all the popu
lation now on the globe; and Burke conjectures
the number to have been thirty-five thousand mil
lions ! !
The incidental losses of war are from three to
live times as great as its direct expenses; and vet
its ships, and fortifications and arms, and other en
gines of death and devastation, cost an incredible
amount of money.
The expenses of a single war ship in actual ser
vice are more than one thousand dollars a day;
anj there are in Christendom between two and
three thousand such ships. England lavished up
on Lord Wellington, for only six years* sendees,
nearly #3,000,000. Iu twenty years from 1727,
she expended an average of 81,143,441 every clay:
more fan a mill son <fdollars a day for war alone!
ami in one hundred and twenty years, her war
debt grew lroin less than five millions to more than
four thousand, millions of dollars! She spent in
■ >ur revolutionary war about $600,000,000; and
the wars of Christendom, during only twenty-one
years from 1793, cost, barely for their support, lie
sides many times more incidental losses, nearly
fifteen thousand millions of dollars! six nr ciglit
times as much as all the coin in the world!!
Just think how much good might he done w ith
such a sum, To keep every family on earth sup
plied with a Bible at one dollar a piece, would not
take $10,008,000a year; the expenses of a com
mon education for all the children on the globe,
would not exceed .>250,000,000 a year, nor those
for the higher branches. $150,000,000; ministers
of the Gospel, with an average salary of SSOO each
could be furnished one to every thousand souls
for sloo,ooo,ooo—in all $810,000,000; while the
bare interest at 6 per cent on the war expenses of
Chrispyplorn for only 22 years, would brine
nn annual Income of $900,000,000; ninety mil
lions more than w ould be requisite to support the
intsitutions of learning and the Christian religion
for the whole world!
Did you ever inquire how’ much ice had spent
lor War? In eighteen years from 1816, a period
of peace, we paid for war purposes neArly $400,-
and less than one sixth of that sum for
tb» peaceful operations of Government. In forty*
oye years fro in 1791, our entire expenses amount
ed to more than $812,000,000, of which only a
little more than $37,000,000, one twenty-third part
of the whole were for civil offices. The war sys
tem cost us, in one way and another, not less than
>50,000,000 a vear even in peace; an average of
more than $137,000 every day! All the expenses
and losses of war to our nation since the begin
ning of our Revolutionary struggle must be more
than two thousand millions of dollars! the very in
terest upon which, amounting, at G per cent, to
$120,000,000 a year, would more than defray
all our necessary expenses of education, religion
and Government, without the tear system !
Who pay all this/ Who endure all the other
evds of war? Who can, if they will, put an end
to this fell destroyer? The people. And will
■they not do it ? Let them all resolve to have it
cease, and it will Cease.—.V, It. Observer.
Coroner's office.—Singular Case,— The Coroner
yesterday, held an inquest on the body of George
hong, aged about six years, who died at the resi
lience of his mother, corner of 2d street and aven
ue A. It appeared that the deceased went to the
Public School No. 14, in Houston street, and was
in the department under the charge of Miss Willis
as principal, who had in the school an assistant, a
young girl of 14 years, named Elizabeth Jaycox,
residing in the 17th street. Miss Willis having
been indisposed during the past week, left her as
sistant in partial charge of the school and children,
and on Monday week tho deceased came home
lrom school, complaining that he had been se
verely whipped by Miss Jaycox. He was, how
ever sent to school on Tuesday and Wednesday
ot the same week, and oft Wednesday he came
home with three of his teeth loose, and bleeding
much at the mouth. When questioned as to how
41ns occurred, he said that Miss Jaycox had whip
ped him with a rattan, and had then pushed the
end down his throat.
• J ? a , V ' ies was at once sent for, who exam
ined the child, and found his teeth loose, and his
rZ 3 Z e 7 much ln jured, at least in appearance.
Ihe bleeding at the mouth was stopped with verv
great difficulty, and on Tuesday last, after link
ing in much pain, the child died, and Miss Jaycox
was arrested on the charge of having caused his 1
death.
The Coroner was summoned, and from the tes
timony adduced belore him, it was clearly made
out that Miss Jaycox was in no manner implicated
in causing the death of the boy. The only evi
dence to support the charge against Miss J. was
that of Mrs. Robinson, the aunt of the deceased,
to whom the boy had spoken of the manner iu
which he had been treated by Miss Jaycox.
To refute this a number of witnesses were call
ed, who stated that there were two schools on the
same floor, as that iu which Miss J. was employ
ed, and that on the day, when the alledged assault
was committed, no noise or crying had been heard.
Several persons of the first respectability, gave
Miss J. a most excellent character for mildness
and moderation of temper.
Drs. Gilliuan and McDonald made a post mor
tem examination of the body of the deceased, Ipit
found nothing to warrant the belief that his death
had been other than natural. The throat was ve
ry much inflamed and swollen, and the palate was
covered with a mucous substance. There were
some bruises about the body in different parts,
but none which could by any possibility have
caused death.
Drs. Davies and Ccx also examined the body,
and found all parts healthy, except such portions
of the throat as appear to have been injured.
The Jury returned a verdict that the deceased
came to his death from inflammation of the throat,
and thev saw no reason to suppose that he came to
his eeath otherwise than by natural causes.
Mis Jaycox was, of course, at onee discharged.
A. Y. Cou. ,y Ifinij.
Elopement Extraordinary. —On Wednesday
morning, at an early hour, a post-chaise, with four
bay horses, was seen by some men going to work,
oil the road to Elthaui, Kent. They (the men)
had proceeded but a very short distance before
they met a young lady, beautiful in person, and
elegantly attired, who inquired anxiously if they
had passed a post-chaise, and on being answered
in flie affirmative, she pulled out her purse and
gave him a sovereign. In a few seconds she was
met by a well-dressed man, and both having
entered the chaise, the postboy went off at railway
speed. The young lady is the only daughter of
a rich widow, living not a hundred miles from the
Regent’s park (she was on a visit at a gentleman’s
house in the neighbourhood of Elthani); gnd
the lucky husband (that is to he) is the butler to
the gentleman above alluded to. The young ludv
who was of age in September is in possession of
5,000/ a year left her by her grandfather. Tim sur
prise of the gentleman and liis family, on finding
his visitor and butler had gone, may be easily
imagined. Several young gentlemen of consid
erable property have been for some time past
paying their addresses to her.— Londorn paper.
COM M KRCIAL CONVENTION.
REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE.
The Committee of 31, who were instructed “to
consider and report on the measures proper to he
adopted by this Convention,” beg leave respect
fully to report:
That they have bestowed upon the subject refin
ed to them, the attention which its importance de
mands. Time does not permit, nor does the oc
casion perhaps require, an elaborate examination
of the subject in all its bearings; ami this is the
less neeessary, as the able documents recently pub
lished by the Convention, have exhibited in the
clearest light, and demonstrated in the most con
clusive manner, every point which it could be im
portant for us to establish. Indeed the whole ques
tion is embraced iu the single proposition, that is
the interest and duty of the Slave-holding States
of this Union, to improve their natural advantages,
by securing to themselves that portion of the com
merce of the country which rightfully belongs to
them; a proposition which, if it be not self-evi
dent, cannot derive much support from argument
or illustration. We rest our whole case upon the
fact, which is beyond all dispute, that the Southern
and South-western States furnish three-fourths of
the entire domestic exports of the whole Union,
while they import but little more than one-tenth of
tlic productions received from abroad in exchange
for these exports. It has been shown in the doc
uments published by the Convention, that when
the imports of the United States amounted to
$190,000,000, those of all the Atlantic States South
of the Potomac and the States on the Gulf of
Mexico, amounted to only $20,000,000, and while
the domestic exports of tho Union amounted to
>107,000,000, the States of the South and South
west exported $75,009,000. South Carolina and
Georgia, while furnishing exports to the extent of
$24,000,000, actually imported .'"ss than three
millions and a half. The amounts have varied in
different years, but this may be taken as an exem
plification of the condition of Southern trade.
The mere statement of these facts must surely
convince any unprejudiced mind, that this unnatu
ral state of affairs could only have been brought
about, by the most powerful and extraordinary
causes, and that from the very nature of things
the effect must have been highly injurious to the
Southern States Without attempting to trace all
tlic causes which have had an agency in producing
this result, we will merely advert to oue of the
most obvious, ami which is perhaps sufficient of
itself to account for it, — we allude to the unequ-
AT. ACTION OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, espe
cially in the mode of levying and Disbursing
the PUBLIC revenues. If, instead of throwing
nearly the whole of the public burdens, in the
shape of duties upon those foreign goods which
are received almost exclusively in exchange for
Ihe great staples of the South, the revenues had
been levied in a direct tax, (however Largely excee
ding the wants of the government,) the' burden
would have fallen, at least equally, upon the dif
ferent portions of the Union. lint by the system
which was adopted, while the labor and canitalof
the South was borne down by a weight of taxa
tion, which in many instances amounted to one
liall of the whole cost of the articles received in
exchange for their productions, the labor and cap
ital of their portions of the Union, were substan
tially exempt from taxation, and even stimulated
by enormous bounties. Nor did the evil stop
here. Under the pretext of encouraging “domes
tic industry,” duties on foreign goods were impo
sed to an amount greatly exceeding the wants of
the government. The amounts thus brought into
the Treasury, were accumulated in the Northern
cities, and especially in New York, from whence
they were drawn only to be distributed among the
military and naval establishments at the North
the surplus being finally divided among Pension
ers, and Internal Improvements in the same quar
ter and in the West. Hundreds of millions of
dollars was thus drawn from tiie South and
THE GEORGIA MlltßOlt.
expended North of the Potomac ; and our wealth
was conveyed from us by a steady stream, constant
ly flowing Northward, in a current as undeviating
and irresistible as the Gulf Stream itself, which
“knows no reflux.” With this system, other in
fluences Rere combined, all haviug the same ob
ject in view, and tending to produce the same gen
eral result. On these, time does not permit us
to dwell. It is sufficient for us merely so mention
the long credits, the auction system, the centrali
zation of the Exchanges, and the concentration
of the whole patronage, power and influence of
the government in favor of the North, and espe
cially of the city of New York; causes of themsel
ves abundantly sufficient, to secure them those
advantages, against which we so long struggled in
vain. The calamities under which the South la
bored, under the operation of this system, belong
to.that class which one of thg ablest writers on
political economy has declared to be worse than
“the barrenness of the soil and the inclemency of
the Heavens” —for if our fields were fertile and
the heavens propitious, the harvest was for
those, “who reaped where they had not sown.”
Under these circumstances, so tar from its being a
matter of surprise, it was the result almost of an
invincible necessity, that the commerce of the
South and South West should be thrown into the
hands of the northern merchants, that the exchan
ges should be centralized at New York; and that
we should be rendered tributary to our nor
thern brethren. To show, that we have not
mistaken the true character, natural effect of the
causes which we have mentioned, we will advert
to one among the many facts, illustrative of the
truth of our position. Before the introduction of
the protecting dudes, a large and profitable direct
trade was actually carried on between the Cities of
the South and tin Ports of Europe, by Southern
Merchants, and iu Southern Ships. For several
years prior to 1807, for instance, our imports into
the city of Charleston amounted to several mil
lions of dollars annually. From this period,. un
der the operation of the “restrictive system,” they
gradually dwindled down to less than half a million.
From the period, however, when the American
system received a fatal blow, and the Government
commenced retracing its steps, back to the free
trade system, onr imports began to Increase, and
have been steadily increasing ever since,—thus
showing conclusively, the true sources of South
ern depression on the oue hand, and of Southern
prosperity on the other. F rkkdom is the very
element of the South, in which “she lives, and
moves, aud lias ller being.” Freedom iu “all
the pursuits ofjndiistrv,” is essential to our well
being. We look hack with surprise to the fact,
that a people possessed of such vast advantages,
should have so long and so patiently submitted to
a state almost of “Colonial Vassalage," aud we
hesitate not to say that tlte page in our history,
which shall record the rise and progress of the
“American System,” (so called,) will be regarded
hereafter as disreputable to the intelligence of the
Age, and to the public spirit ami virtue of the
American people. But, happily for our posper
ity, and we will add, for the peace and harmony
of the Union, this system has been broken down;
we trust and believe forever; and we are coming
back, by slow but sure steps, to the great princi
ples of FREE TRADE and UN RESTRICTED INDUSTRY.
To avail ourselves, however, of all the advantages
of this great aud salutary change in our system,
it is indispensably necessary, that w e should free
ourselves from the trammels of long established
habits, opinions, and prejudices. It is one of the
greatest evils of misgovernmeut, that its effects
continue long after the evil itself has been*cor
rected, and in all commercial operations, tlte in
fluence of established usages, is extremely diffi
cult to be overcome. To divert capital from its ac
customed channels, to introduce new associations
and h iliits of business among commercial men,
is one of the most difficult tasks which any peo
ple can impose upon themselves; and if it were
not for the high spirit and intelligence of our peo
ple, we might distrust our success. When we
survey the actual condition of the Southern and
South-western States, however, who can fail to
perceive that we possess immense advantages in
this contest, which, properly improved, must, in
the end, crown our efforts with triumphant suc
cess. It is true we have but few ships, but w e
have ship tinker in abundance, -and of the choi
ces description; and surely no Southern man can
be insensible of the vital importance of securing
a mercantile marine which in the future changes
ar.d chances to which our country must sooner or
later be exposed, may be essential not only to our
prosperity, but to our very existence as a free peo
ple. We way.: also it is said commercial capital
and credit, andconnot it is supposed furnish such
an extensive'Market, for foreign goods as will en
able us to enter into succesful competition with
the Cities of the North. Now we base all our
calculations, apd all our hopes, upon the fact, that
it is the natural course of trade, to exchange di
the productions of one country for those
of anornCr; oud that all indirect and circuitous
modes of intei'emu'gp, must be attended by increas
ed expense, and be therefore less advantageous to
all parties, than the direct trade. Trade, like wa
ter, always seeks its level, and unless when op
posed by natural or artificial barriers, w ill run its
course in the shortest and most direct, line. It
must he admitted, therefore, that hut for opposing
obstacles, which have been interposed and which
have forced the commerce of the South out of its
natural chamois, our Cotton, Rice, and Tobacco,
would have found their markets in Europe, by the
shortest and most direct route front Southern Sea
Ports and in Southern Ships; and it is equally
obvious, that the foreign goods received in ex
change for these productions would have been re
turned to us through the same channels. Now
can any plausible reason be assigned, why under
a. system of free trade, the exports of South Car
olina and Georgia,—amounting as has been shown
to $24,000,000 annually,—should not be sent di
rectly to Europe front Charleston and Savannah ?
and why the foreign goods for which they arc ex
changed, should not be imported directly in return?
Our harbors arc sale, and commodious, the voy
age is shorter and the freight less. But what is
infinitely ol more importance, we actuallylpßODUCF.
the very articles which are to be exported,
and require for our own consumption the very
goods, to be received in exchange for those ex
ports. Now can any thing be conceived more
unnatural,—more out of the usual and proper
course of business,—than that our Cotton w hich
IS to be exchanged for the Manufactures of Eng
land, should be first shipped to New York -
there sold to tire New York Merchant,—by him
tntnshiped and sent to England,—there again sold,
and converted into British goods,—which goods
are to be first.imported into New York, and from
thence forwarded to Charleston,—there to be sold
to the Carolina Merchant, and paid for in bills
at 6 per cent. Count the number of agencies
employed in this transactionsunt up the freight,
insurance, commissions, profits, and other char-i
ges ; consider the loss of time and the risks inci
dent to such a course; and can any reasonable
man entertain a doubt, that if such a trade can be
carried on at all, a direct import and export
trade, (if there be no obstacle interposed,) must
be infinitely more profitable ? Under similar cir
cumstances, the capital required to carry on the
indirect trade must be much greater, than that
which would be needed in she direct trade. In
deed under a system of mutual exchanges of our
productions, for those of Europe, the capital re
quired, under a well ordered system of commer
cial arrangements, would be comparatively small.
Credit might, to a great extent, supply the place
of capital and such a trade might be conducted
on principles, which would ensure to the planter
the largest profits on his crops, and his supplies
at the low est rates ; while the merchant, the ship
owner, and every other class in the community,
would participate largely in the advantages of such
a trade.
But let this direct intercource be once estab
lished, and capital would soon flow in from all
quarters to supply any deficiency that might be
found to exist. The great law of demand and sup
ply, would not leave us long without a money
capital, fully adequate to all the operations of
trade.* So with regard to the market for the for
eign goods, which under this system would be re
ceived at OUr Southern Sea Torts. Obtaining
them, as we should be able to do, at less cost than
they could possibly be procured through New
York, we would unquestionably be able to dispose
of them, on advantageous terms at least to the ex
tent of our own demand for those goods; and this
alone,, would increase our direct importations to
five or six times their present amount. If only
the consumption of the South was supplied
through her own Ports, this of itself would create
a Revolution in our trade, which would change
the entire face of the Country, aud pour a flood
of wealth and prosperity through every part of
our land. But it is one of the most important
and interesting features of our system, that it is
inseparably connected with the extension of our
intercourse with the interior of our Country, by
means of Rail Roads, Canals, aud Turnpikes. A
connection between the South and the West by
the various schemes now iu progress in Virginia,
North and South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama,
will furnish an outlet for all the goods that can
be received from abroad in exchange for our pro
ductions. And when the groat West shall find a
Market and receive her supplies through the Sea
Ports of the South, a demand will he furnished,
the extent and value of which cannot be too large
ly estimated. Let these various schemes, there
fore, for the extension ©f our interior connexions,
be prosecuted w ith a zeal aud energy worthy of
the object. Let no unworthy jealousies,—no nar
row, or merely sectional views, disturb that har
mony of feelii'g and concert of action, which are
so essential to success.
There are some circumstances connected with
the present condition of the Country, which may
serve to animate our zeal, encourage our efforts,
and urge us to that action on which our success
may depend. Our oreat staple, lias row be
come “THE COMMON CURRENCY OF THE WoRLD.”
It is the great medium of exchange, regulating and
controlling, to a considerable extent, t he commer
cial operations both of Europe aud America'.—
During the suspension of specie payments, it af
fords almost the only means of obtaining those
credits abroad, on which Northern Commerce has
heretofore mainly relied for its support. This
great staple, is our own.
The Revolutions which have recently taken
place in the Commercial World—the failures and
destruction of credit in New York, and the stop
page of the American Houses in Great Britain,
have brought about a e risis peculiarly 1 avorable to
our views. Here is our Cotton lying at our very
doors—the produce of our own fields, and fur
nishing at this time, the only medium of Ex
change for the Manufactures of Europe. Why
should our own Merchants not use it for this pur
pose? The door is now open to ns, and have
but to enter and take possession, of that which
belongs to us. If we improve the opportunity,
the victory will be ours. The “tide in onr affairs/’
is at the flood. Let us launch upon it bravely,
and it will assuredly “lead us on to fortune.”—
But should this glorious opportnuity be lost, —
our gallant Bark, instead of riding the waves in
triumph, may be driven among the breakers or
dashed upon the rocks, or at best be again invol
ved in those “eddies and shallows” from which
we may nevermore he able to escape. Even the
“Pilot who weathers* the storm,” may be com
pelled to “give up the ship,” when deserted by
the crew and left in a conditions ©utterly hopeless.
The measures which arc deemed by tlie Com
mittee proper to be adopted, in order to carry these
views into effect, arc embodied in dist net propo
sitions, which arc herewith submitted to the Con
vention. They embrace a strong and emphatic
declaration ot the feelings and opinions of the
Convention, on the importance ot a direct import
and export trade, and the duty of adopting all pro
per means for the purpose of establishing and
promoting it. They recommend, in the next
place, strong, earnest, and reiterated appeals, to
tli« understanding and feelings of all the people
interested, with aveiw, to enlist their sympathies,
excite their patriotism, and to call into action an
enlightened public OPINION in furtherance of
our views. An adjourned meeting of the Conven
tion to beheld in this place,on the 3rd Monday in
October next, —an Address to the people of the
Slave-holding States, and the adoption of other
suit a bio measures to secure a full rrprcscutaion
at that Convention from all the. States interested,
are among the measures reeommended. • In look
ing to the essential objects providing capital and
credit as well as markets for our imports, and
thus laying a sure foundation for the ultimate
sucess ot our schemes,——scries of important prac
tical measures have been recommended, which, if
carried into full efiect, will, it is confidently belie
ved, go very far, to put our Merchants on 'footing
with those of the North. An earnest call is made
upon the Banks to which they can hardly fail to
respond; to provide the required capital and
credit, by arrangements perfectly safe as to them
selves. and at the same time well calculated to
furnish all the facilities, which the direct trade will
require. \plan for equalizing our domestic
exchanges, and keeping up the credit of our
l>anks during the suspension of specie payments,
has also been devised, which it is most earnestly
desired, may be carried into effect by them. It is
not to be concealed, that without the aid and sup
port of the Banks, the difficulties in our way will
be greatly multiplied. It will depend upon them
in a great measure, to determine the fate of our
great enterprizc. In order to divert capital and
credit from other pursuits, into the channels of
Commerce, an appeal is also made' to Planters,
Capita ist, and ethers, to avail themselves of the I
provisions of the Acts ot tha Legislatures of the
several States,—passed during the last winter, au
thorizing LIMITED PARTNERSHIPS} and it is re
commended that the youth of our Country should
be directed to Cdirffitiercial pursuits, ayd prepared
by a suitable education to till the responsible sta
tion, and elevate the high character of the South
ern Merchant. These, aad other suggestions
embraced in the Resolutions, c oil stitute the meas
ures recommended to the Convention? l° r tlieir a
doption. It will be seen, that they eju£ rac « a
series of measures of a practical character, all
believed to be well calculated to promote the ob*
jects tor which they are designed. It is true,
that we i» i do no more than to urge
tion of these measures on tlie part ol the Banks,
and others interested. But when it is recollected
that this Convention is composed of near two hun
dred Delegates, representing five States and oue
Territory, and when we consider the w eight of
character, influence, and acknowledged talents of
those who compose it, —and when above all, we
remember that they -are engaged in a matter of
DEEF PUBLIC CONCERN IN VOLVING THE WELFARE,
PROSPERITY, AND HONOR of THESE STATES, It Can
hardly be believed, that their deliberate opinions
and earnest recommendations can be without ef
fect. Our chief dependant© after all however
must be upon public opinion ; —but we have too
much confidence iu tlie truth & justice of our cause
to entertain a doubt of our success, if every member
of this assembly will regard it as his own person
al concern, —as w ell as a sacred duty which lie
owes to himself, liis posterity and his Country,
to use his utmost efforts to advance the great
work. Judging from the past, we have no cause
to distrust the future. Six months ago the first
meeting of the Convention took jdace at Augus
ta. It was composed of 80 members representin '
two States and one Territory. Now we have live
States and one Territory represented by 180 mem
bers. The proceedings of that Assembly have
gone abroad, and wherever they have been receiv
ed, have produced a powerful inflence on public
opinion, of which we have the most gratifying ev
idence in tlie Legislation of several States on oue
of their recommendations, and tlie increased in
terest every where felt in the subject of their de
liberations. Tims encouraged, w e should go on
in that confidence, which a good cause should
never fail to inspire. But to secure success, we
must-be prepared to make the necessary efforts.
Os one tiling wc may be assured, that this great
victory cannot be easily achieved. It is the order
of a wise and bemiiceut providence, that nothing
truly great or good, can be attained without pains
and labor.
This, is the price which must he paid to secure
success; and if we are not prepared to make tlie
necessary exertions, we must yield the prize. Nor
can our mighty work be accomplished in a day.
All essential changes in the condition of a Coun
try, must In' worked out hy slow decrees. We
maybe assured, that nothing short of a high re
solve, —which no opposition can move ; a devoted
zeal, proof against ail discouragemets, and an un
tiring perseverance, w hich shall rise superior to all
difficulties, can enable us, to work out our politi
cal salvation. L< tu ; not deceive ourselves then,
w ith tlie vain bciief, that our progress in this w ork
will he every where cheered by the approving
smiles of our Country, and the cordial support of
our feilow-Citizcns.—( onscious that we are actu
ated hy the pur-st motives, and that “all the ends
we aim, at, are our Country’*,”—we must never
theless he prepared for all" manner of opposition.
The measures we propose come into conflict with
too many ik-ep’v rooted prejudices, and too many
adverse interest, to enable us to hope, that even
onr motives shall escape detraction, and our pur
poses misrepresentation. \\ e have those around
us, whose prospects in life, in a great measure de
pend upon the defeat of our plans. A large por
tion of the Union, —w hich always lias exerted and
still exerts, almost a controlling influence upon
public opinion, at borne and abroad, will be roused
into action, to deprive us of public confidence,
and to drive us from onr course. We shall be
ridiculed, as the Supporters of w ild and Utopian
theories; —as visionary enthusiasts, wasting the.r
strength in the pursuit ot impracticable schemes.
We shall be charged with ungenerous prejudices,
and unkind lsehngs, towards our Northern Breth
eren, (feelings w Inch are si rangers to our bosoms,)
and that stale though potent slander, will be re
vived of hostility to the Union. Now, if iii
the consciousness of rectitude, w e arc not fullv
prepared to encounter all this, and more,— if
we are not unalterably determined, to go on in our
course, “through good report, and through evil
report,”—d we are not firmly and unchangeably
resolved, to trample down ail opposition—it w ould
be better that we should stop here, and attempt to
advance no further. These difficulties are thus
fairly stated, not for your discouragement, but
that we may be fully prepared to meet them, if
we are true to ourselves. The high character,
intelligence, and influence, which compose this
Convention, properly and zealously exerted, can
never be pi t down. Jt is as certain as the
rising of the morrow s sun, that we shall achieve
the emancipation of the South and South-West,
if w e are only prepared to make the efforts neces
sary to the accomplishment of the good jwork.
We shall live down the slanders of our enemies,
and in tlie rich fruits of a noble and peaceful vic
tory, will find our best reward. The peculiar in
stitutions ol the South will be fortified aud strength
ened,—the streams of a rich and varied commerce
w ill fertilize our jsoi!; while diversified pursuits
w ill stimulate the industry, add to our wealth, en
large the minds, and improve the character of our
people. Civilization and refinement, —the hand
maids of virtue, will ardorn our land; and the
great truth will he seen, and felt, and acklowl
edged, that of all the social conditions of man,
the most favorable to the development of the car
dinal virtues ol the heart and the noblest faculties
of the soul; to the promotion of private happi
ness and public prosperity, is that of Slave hol
ding Communities under free political In*
stitions— a truth hardly yet understood among
ourselves, but which the future history of these
States, is, we trust, destined to illustrate. Ani
mated by these sentiments, and influenced by these
views: and with a firm reliance upon Divine
Providence,—let the members of this Convention
now pledge themselves te each other, and to
their Country, to go forward ; firmly resolved,
to leave nothing undone that may advance out
great and patriotic objects. Let us be prepare
to make every personal sacrifice, and to use a!
just and honorable means, tor tho accomplishmeu
of our great work,—unalterably determined ts
persevere unto the end.
The President of the Convention has made' l
following appointments, in accordance with ri
resolutions adopted.