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Completely adonised. lie then visited a store, bought a suit of new clothes and a cane, changed his appearance once more, and like a perfect loa ler, commenced to louuge round the corners and discuss politics. ••Whata handsome man/” whispered a pret ty young lady passing. “Yes,”said a companion—“ ’Tis a pityTiis hair is shaved so close-it makes him look as if lie had just come from the Penitentiary.” “Oh ! don’t you know that it is the fashion.” >lr. Selville smiled graciously at the Haltering note of the beautiful ladies. At length he got into a quarrel about the election, received a chal lenge, agreed to meet his antagonist next mor ning, got a secoud, and matters being arranged, he invited the company to a coffee house, and treated like a gentleman. A few minutes after he departed, whither, none can tell. SPEECH OF WILLIAM C. DAWSON, OF GEORGIA, O/i the Bill making appropriation jor the suppres sion and prevention of Indian hostilities, for the year 1838, and to carry into execution the Treaty made with the Cherokee Indians in 1835 ,• and io\ provide for their Removal, tion of the policy of Geonria towards the Chero keos. Delivered in the House of Representatives, in Committee of the Whole, May 31, 1838. Mr Chairman : I am sure that the committee will cheerfully indulge me with a hearing on the bill now before us. The extraordinary latitude taken in the discussion, the unkind if not illiberal imputations, yea. the unprovoked and provoking attacks, repeatedly made upon the authorities of Georgia, in reference to the policy of that State towards the Indians within her jurisdiction, not only justify, but demand it of me. Sir, I deeply regret the temperand characterof this discussion; it has given me no pleasure to hear such repre sentations of the legislation of the State of Geor gia. I heard with surprise, the extravagant and enthusiastic eulogies pronounced on the Indians in contrast with the whites. Such unnecessary and highly wrought comparisons and contrasts can only result from ajtotal ignorance of the sub ject, or reform a prurient disposition to be esteem ed the bold assailants of the supposed oppressors and the vindicators of the oppressed; a perpensi ty which must haVe many charni3, fiom the in fluence it seems to exert over some gentlemen.— These things.would render it inexcusable in inc to remain silent. The attacks thus made on my constituents, a just sense of the injury and of the resentment due to such ruthless violations of the respect due to the feelings of others, by such groundless and uncourteous allegations, would make me a recreant to my duty, and a traitor to niv constituents, if 1 were to remain silent. Hon or, feeling, justice, and humanity have been spoken of as being disregarded, in the relations between the white and the red man in Georgia, by those who do not understand those relations, and, con sequently, deserve severe reprehension for their slanderous denunciations. Independent of these urgent considerations, it is due to the position I occupy as a representative of the State of Geor gia, and to those who particularly sent me here, that 1 should present the views 1 entertain on the subject. 1 will show that Georgia, in her legisla tion, has uniformly observed a cautious and just regard for the interest of the Indians; controlled them by the principles of humanity and jus tice ; and that, whatever kindness and liberality {compatible, with the rights of the State) would dictate, has been done. To comprehend fully the rights of Georgia to all the territory and the jurisdiction over it within her chartered limits, and to present her vindi cation fairly, it will be necessarry to examine into the rights belonging to the States separately, be fore the formation of the Federal constitution. I shall then show what has been our State policy, and that this policy has not been in violation of, or incompatible with, a just, a wise, and a liberal humanity. In this 1 shall confine myself chiefly to recorded facts, so that, if my constitutional po sitions be wrong, or the policy of the State be c ruel or oppressive, both cau be easily contro verted. The first position which I shall assume, and which I deem necessary to a full understanding of the right of jurisdiction of the States over the whole extent of their chartered limits, is, that at ihetimeof the formation of the constitution of this confederacy, the States were severally sov ereign and independent. Each State being sov ereign, was so, not only over persons residing within their respective limits, but necessarily over the territory. And what territory ? Why, all that comprehended within the character which granted them political existence, as separate and distinct colonies under the Crown of Great Bri tain. Within those chartered limits, tile State holding the sovereignty held the jurisdiction. The convention which formed the compact of this confederacy, bestowed'oii the Federal Govern ment the exercise of their sovereign powers. To do this, the States must have previously possessed it entire ; or how else could they delegate it ? The right to bestow, implies clearly she pre-existing right to hold; and the act of receiving, is of it self a recognition of the power of the grantor. Before the adoption of the Federal constitution, the sovereign power must have been held by *he States, respectively; for the powers exercised by the Government are all derived from the States. The States, then, having delegated a part, re tained all the powers not thus delegated to the General Government, or prohibited by the com pact to them. The States, being then in the possession of those powers, after the adoption of the constitu tion, had the original right, under the retained sovereign powers, and also under the constitution of the United States, to exercise all power not thus delegated. Georgia then, as well as the other States, had sovereignty and jurisdiction within her limits, over both persons and territory; and the undoubted right to use that jurisdiction, subject only to the limitations of the constitution! hence, it is clear that the State of Georgia, like all other states, or nations, has jurisdiction over all persons, white, red, or black, within her boundaries, and can exercise that jurisdiction, by extending her civil and criminal laws over the entire population, without distinction of color. There is nothing in the constitution or the law of nations exemp ting Indians. But again : under the constitution of the Uni tod States, Indians residing within a State are subject to taxation, at the will of the State; and af ter taxation, they become, in part, the basis of representation. I refer to the following clause of that instruaient: 4.rrk-.le 1. Sbctibn 2. and di rect taxes shall be appointed among the several Stares which may be included within this Union, according to their respective number, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The power of taxation is one of the highest and most important of sovereign attributes; and here, in the constitution, this power is expressly recog nised : does it not, then, necessarily follow, that the power of taxation carries with it, not as an in cident merely, but absolutely, the authority to crer-ie a tax, and to regulate the assessment, and the other incidents necessary to the execution of the power? If this be so, (and it is clear,) that Indians can be taxed by a State, under whose juris diction must they be? Let any constitutional lawyer, whose opinions are opposed to these views, and who thinks proper to enter into this debate, come to the argument fairly and with candor— not as a partisan, or an enthusiast—and I am per suaded his investigations will force him to admit that this power belongs to the States respectively. To rny mind, sir, it is beyond controversy. Then, by the constitution of the United States, independent of the original right of sovereignty, inherent and reserved to the States, under that in strument, the States respectively have the right of jurisdiction over the Indians within their limits.— This position involves the whole question of the Cherokee controversy, so far as the State of Geor gia is particularly involved; and[l shall listen (at the proper time) with grear pleasure, to any gentleman who shall be pleased to controvert this position. But, sir, 1 appprehend none will desire to meet the question thus presented, but will pefer to indulge in the expressions of the sympathies of the heart, and not in the convictions of the understanding. Under this right of jurisdiction, Mr. Chairman, notwithstanding the sympathies and morbid sen sibilities by gentlemen in this debate, every old State in this Union has, long since, exercised this very power, and extended their laws over the In dians residing within their limits: but, sir none of the tender feelings and yearning sympathies are, in these days, indulged by our political en thusiasts and religious fanatics at home : it is one of the characteristics of those under the influence of this malignant philanthropy, to disregard their own actings and doings, and conduct o, those im mediately around them; and their distempered humanity and mistaken sympathy are sent abroad in search of their objects. In days that have passed away, we were taught that charity should begin at home. It is not so now: it begins any where else than at home. — Hence it is that our people, in certain sections, are found intermeddling with the affairs of others; shedding tpars over the condition of those whom they have never seen, and whose comforts and pleasures far exceed those of three-fourths of the world. 1 trust I shall be pardoned for this digression. If there be a State among the old thirteen which has not extended her jurisdiction over the Indians, I ask any member from that State to rise in his place, and state the fact. Who will do it? Not one, sir. The histoty of the States has recorded it; many of them did so before the adoption of their own constitutions; yes, sir, before the formation of tile articles of the confederacy. To prevent a State from the exrcise of this jurisdiction, and its en forcement, you must show the inhibition in the constitution of the United States. I ask gentle men to point out, in that instrument, the clause which prohibits a State from exercising this power. It cannot be shown. I assume, then, this posi tion : that the Indian tribes within the chartered limits of a State, arc not sovereign and indepen dent. Sir, no member on this floor, who regards his reputation as a statesman, would venture the opinion that Indian tribes within a State, and es pecially within oue of the old thirteen, are not subject to the laws of that State, by virtue of their sovereignty. Once admit that position, and our ideas of discovery and conquest, and all their con sequences, fall. The legislation of the States has closed the ar gument ; and it is an important historical truth, which these enthusiasts and fanatics ought to re collect, that the Indians within the old thirteen States, and the lands in their occupancy, have for years been regulated by the laws of the States in which they reside, and not by treaties ; and, sir, notwithstanding all that we have heard to the con trary, Georgia ! —yes, sir, Georgia!—was not only among the last, but the very last of the old thirteen, 1 to take on herself the regulation of the Indians by law; and yet Georgia has been censured, abused, and slandered, for doing that which her sister States had done, and long persevered in, before she even contemplated it. I will be excused, I trust, for adverting to a lew historical facts in reference to this point, not for the purpose or reproach, but to show others that Georgia was far more tardy than themselves in establishing this principle of jurisdiction. Massachusetts herself, at an early period, and whilst she was a colony, extended her laws over every tribe of Indians within her borders; nay, more, she limited their rights of occupancy to so many acres of land; appointed guardians for them; among other prohibitions, made it penal for an In dian to become intoxicated, and, if found so, he was liable to stripes. Many seemingly rigorous and oppressive laws were enacted by that State, to regulate and control over the misdeeds of those who have gone before us, and ksk of Heaven to look in mercy on them! What weak ness! what ridiculous sanctity! Sir, I have a deep and sincere regard for our Puritan forefath ers; they have, for centuries, been the theme of eu logy and eloquence; but the restless, intermed dling, morbid philanthropist of this generation, denounces them as demons. It is the part of wis dom and of duty to regard our ancestors with res pect, and to have a sacred regard for their charac ter and their virtues. Every age and section of the woild must be controlled.and governed by the existing causes and circumstancesVhich surround them; and he is a useless and troublesome fool, who disturbs society by his hypocritical whinings and cantings over the transgressions, as he sup poses, of his progenitors, or the actings and doings of liis contemporaries, because they value common sense, and totally disregard his sickly and wicked intermeddling with the affairs of others, and his absuid attempts to change the destiny of the world. I have no doubt Massa chusetts acted towards the Indians according to the necessities of the times, the character, the feelings, and relations existing between them; yej, underthese laws, and the influence of civilization, though designed for a different effect by the good people of that State, their Indian tribes have yiel ded to their destiny, and have been swept away from the face of the earth. Virginia, one of whose representatives (Mr. Wise) has spoken with so much zeal on this sub ject, and who has travelled out of his way to com- TIIE GEORGIA MIRROR ment severely on me legislation of Georgia, has long since extended her jurisdiction over the In dians; limited their rights of occupancy to fifty acres ; and yet her representative seems to have forgotten it. His remarks shall receive my atten tion before I conclude. New York, too—is itneeessary for me to show an intelligent body what has been her legislation ? Her statutes are known: she has extended and ex ercised her jurisdiction over the Indians in the fullest manner; and yet, from that State Georgia has been denounced and rebuked. Sir, I assert it, and history will sustain me, that the Indians within the limits of Georgia have been treated, by that State, with as much liberality, justice, and humanity as those of any other State. 1 will be excused for adverting briefly to the history of the past; lam necessarily driven into it from the course pursued towards the State which I repre sent ; I shall, therefore, review a few of the state ments made, and bring into contrast tlie conduct of Georgia with that of other States, as well in their course of policy as their moral justice tow ards the aborigines; for I claim to be the repre sentative of a people, whose moral character and reputation will not be subjected to reproach by a comparison with that of any other people. Sir, as a Georgian, one w’ho loves his State, and knows well the character of her people, 1 can but feel indignant at the unfounded charges which have been so profusely lavished upon her. What has she done to authorize these groundless, inju rious, and calumnious charges ? Has she pur sued a policy different from other States ? Where are those mighty tribes which were once seen on every hill and every valley, roaming in the forest, and pursuing the game on every mountain-top in the State of Massachusetts ? Yes, sir, tell me where are the Passamaquoddies, the Penobscots, and numerous other tribes ? Swept away, gone, extinct; and how? Look to the statute books of Massachusetts, the history of her legis lation, and the history of her people. There you can find the causes. Those who are weeping over the oppressions of the Cherokees, and asking Congress to abrogate the treaty, may find food for their sympathy; scenes over which to shed their tears; outrages and violence, which may strike them with horror. But still, there were reasons in (he then existing state of things to palliate, if not to justify all this. The friend of Christianity and civilization cannot sorrow for the change. It is true that a mighty change has taken place.— The forest has disappeared; beautiful fields now gladden the eye; the wigwam and the savage are gone: the church and the Anglo-Saxon occupy their places. Cilvilization, with all its arts, beau ties, pleasures, comforts, and glory, has spread its irresistible and predestinated power over the home of the red man; anil under its influence he has dwindled away, w ithout much change in his mor al condition. It was his destiny. Let those who so anxiously feel for the Cherokees, and whose petitions have loaded your desk, remember the days when even the Puritans were driven by sav age cruelties to the commission of deeds which the heart shudders at. That may admonish them of the indelicacy of speaking unkindly of other States or other people. Comparisons are unpleas ant. It is not my object to disparage others, but to vindicate my native State. Let me advise the benevolent intermeddlers in the affairs of the Sou th, and especially in the business of Georgia, to at tend to their own affairs, and lam sure they can find employment for ill their charity, benevolence, and sympathy. It is not with feeling of shame and reproach, but with pride and exultation, that I look back upon the long forbearance, the gener ous kindness, and the enlightened humanity, of my native State, in her intercourse with the In dians ; and I hesitate not to say, that whenever a demand shall be really made, not for crocodile tears, but for sympathy and friendship, nowhere on this broad continent will such demand be more promptly and liberally met than in the State of Georgia. Will the gentlemen from RhoJ.a Island, whose constiuentshave petitioned this body to rescue the Cherokees from the cupidity and avarice of Geor gia, and to interpose, and stay her oppressions to wards that tribe, permit me to say that it is excee dingly strange that such censures should be inflic ted upon a State by those who, certainly, are ig norant of many of the facts? These unwelcome allegations are too grave to let pass unnoticed ; a proper spirit would dictate to those petitioners the moral artrocity of arraigning the character of a whole people, without a knowledge of the facts which would justify such uncharitableness. !• there no reason why Rhode Island should exhibit a modest diffidence on this subject ? Let her remember the destiny of that warlike and no ble tribe, the Narragansetts, which once proudly traversed the hills and plains around that beauti ful and capacious bay, between points Seconet and Judith; whose canoes, alone, for centuries, floated on its otherwise undisturbed waters; a tribe which was the terror of the whites. Tell me not of the cruelties and oppressions of the Cherokees—of the patriotism of their white chiefs. Go and read the tale of your own Indian wars ; ihe fate of noble Mianionimo, a chief of the Nar ragansett tribe; the treachery which produced his death; and inquire who abetted his destruc tion. Then tell me whether there is more of ef frontery or decency in forgetting these things, and making a crusade into Georgia, in seach of ob jects over which you may sympathize. The re ligious fanatic is more an object of pity than ha tred ; but the political agitator, who thus acts for mere party purpose or for individual notoriety, de serves the execrations of mankind. I censure not the people, under the protection of whose humanity and Christian philanlitropy this distin guished tribe have disappeared, like the cloud of the morning, before the sun; that same kindness, under the same circumstances, would again pro duce the same result. To pieservethe race from extermination, you must plant them beyond the influence of the white man. Look at Connecticut; yes, sir, th.it land of “steady habits,” the theatre of many pleasing as sociations to me; she, too, made sympathizing remonstrances against the Cherokee treaty, alleg ing fraud in the Government, and demanding of Congress to stay Georgia in her course and in her Indian policy, and to prevent the perpetration of further outrages on the Indians. The representa tives of that State, I trust, will not consider me unkind in asking, “Where is the last of the Mo hegans?” the early friends of the white man; the bones of their ancestors —the burial-grounds of their chiefs —where are they? Fertilizing the fields of the town of Norwich—where once was to be seen the grave of Unoas, the sachem, the honered friend and confiding ally of New England in her early days. To history I commit their memory. Already has “the last of the Molic gans,”bten commemorated in story. The annals of no State in this Union are more strongly mar ked with acts of harshness, oppression, aud cruel ty towards the Indians than that of Connecticut. 1 Perhaps many palliatives for these apparent bar barities are to be found in the ferocious character of the savage, anil their unrelenting antipathies to our race. My object is not to charge the early settlers of that section with cruelty and inhuman ity, but only to remind their decendants, their kinsmen of this day, who obtrusively and unkind ly speak of the State of Georgia in terms of re proach, that the Cherokees have so much cause for thankfulness that their residence has been in Georgia, and not in “the land of steady habits.” Mr. Chairman, were you not surprised when you heard the voice of New York ? Why, her boldness amazed ine. She cried aloud and spared not —Georgia. I speak of the petitions forwar ded to this House, and now on the Clerk’s desk; they speak of oppression, cruelty, and fraud.— Let me turn the glass to her, and ask her to see herself as others see her, and to examine herself before she complaius of the improprieties of others. Does she not perceive the great differ ence between precept and example ? It must not be considered illiberal in me to inquire after the Senecas, one of the confederated tribes of the Six Nations. Will the representative from Buf falo tell me in what part of this L T nion that pow erful confederacy now exists? What has been the destiny of that distinguished chief Red Jack et ? whose honor and honesty were untouched and unsullied—now mouldering in his grave—and nothing left of the tribe but his portrait, now hanging in your Indian gallery. It would be use less to Trace the destiny of the Tuscarorars, Onei das, Onondages, Cayugas, &c.; a few remain as miserable monuments of the numerous tribes, which, at one period, were the lords of the Em pire State. Their hunting-grounds are now dec orated with splendid cities, beautiful towns, plen tiful fields, a dense, thriving, and intelligent popu lation Go and visit the western part of that State—the inheritance of these tribes: will phi lanthropy sicken and weep over change, or mourn at the prosperity of our race ? Who will sigh when he beholds the magnificent churches, tem ples of the true God, erected on soil once the heritage of a race that know not Christianity ? That race has dwindled, but few remain—they are gone—“the places that knew them once shall know them no more forever.” Who occupies {heir lands ? and liow was that occupancy obtain ed—by treaty or contract ? If so, to whom was the consideration paid ? Not to the Indians, for they are poor and dependent. And yet gentlemen from that State speak of the South, and especially Georgia, as illiberal and inhumane; and insinuate, in lofty tones, that we are violators of justice and humanity. Is this kind ?—is it right ? It is one of the devices of the world to conceal our own improprieties by the diverting the attention to others; but it is the part of wisdom, and one of the obligations of duty, to strive at least to know one’s self. An observance of this precept would have shielded Georgia from the attacks or cen sures of New York. Let her remember the mor al of the “glasshouse.” (To be Continued.) From the Geonria Messenger. TO THE STATE RIGHTS PARTY IN GA. Fei.low Citizens—A our serious attention is requested for a few moments, to the relation you bear to your Congressioal Ticket, to passing events and their effects on your prosperity. A'our can didates cannot be insensible to their obligations, vigilently to observe these occurrences, and indus triously to labor for your success. With us the interests of that cause are paramount. By us you have thought it worthy to be advanced. At the time of your nomination it was perceived a difference of opinion in reference to the currency question, obtained amongst you. I was known to your delegates to be an advocate of a Sub-Treasury plan, and opposed to the Bank-—others of the party differently. This difference of opinion was considered by no means vital to the question of State Rights, aud«nder this decision the nom ination took place, Tho result of your nomination proved that I was not alone in supporting asub-Trcasury, ora sep aration of the Government and Banks. Nor did you then hold that we, by thisopinion, comprom itted State Rights. Under this decision it was determined that, as a party, we would exercise a spirit of toleration, proscribe none for this, nor make this sentiment a test of fidelity. We mutu ally agreed to use our efforts to allay excitement on this ground. Governed by this rule, as also by a paramount interest we felt in the principles of the party, with one or two exceptions, within our knowledge, we of the Sub-Treasury have remained quiet, and endeavored to keep others so. On the other hand, from the journals who are your leading organs, we have received a weekly castigation for opinion’s sake, which has only been augmentedby our silent forbearance. Thiscould have been borne still, if the Editors could have endured our presence, and permitted us with our honest convictions to occupy a seat around the family circle. During all this time no effort on our part was made publicly to defend our opin ions thus weekly assailed, for fear of stirring dis sension. The result is, that broad assertion, ridicule and sarcasm have brought to their aid unmeasured denunciation, and a virulent proscrip tion of all those, who with myself maintain that the money of the country ought no longer to be kept by the Banks, who are unable to pay it out when wanted; of all who think it lessens the chan ces of corruption, to make the Government keep its own funds, and who think a Sub-Treasury a necessary resort to save us from a U. S. Bank. In this we are denounced as friendsof the Ad ministration Van Buren Men, and apostates from your creed. For this we are coupled with office seekers, who turn and change as a matter of con venience. To prove this I invite attention to the following extract from Georgia Messenger, of June 28. “But whatever may be the issue of this much talked of measure, and the means by which that issue may be brought about, we are determined in our minds that this Sub-Treasury question is hereafter to be regarded as a test question. The friends and opponents of the Administration are to be judged by it: It is the Shibboleth Buren party. “At first, we were disposed to think that it prob ably might be regarded as an abstract independ ent question, on which, even the opponents of Mr. j Van Buren might concur without committing | their general principles. But we now think so no I longer. For ourselves at least, and we know we speak the sentiments of very many others, we are bound to believe that all Sub-Treasury men are Van Buren men, unless there is an express dis claimer to the contrary.” My intercourse at Macon recently, with some who I suppose are embraced in the phrase "•very many,'' has indicated me as the candidate first to be heard from. In my intercourse at Macon 1 was wholly passive, aud only answered questions plainly and frankly, as put to me by a Nullifier. ' If the system of proscription moved by the edi torial referred to has any effect, (and I doubt not it will,) it must be to destroy your party, and wheth er designed or not, will tend, out of its ruined and scattered fragments, united to a portion of the Union Party, to build up a Bank Party iff Georgia. Until a plain indication of such a pur pose, I will not presume one to exist; bm w ,jj say, they feel less interest iii the State Rights par ty than we do or they could not put it so much at hazzard. Can they proscribe and not e>peetto be proscribed ? They are not well advised, jf they suppose there are but few Sub-Treasury men State Rights men. Do they expect to make us benu to the obliquity they may proscribe, or in the attempt, break us? The latter they may ef fect—the former they cannot. Sirs, the Sub-Treasury men in our ranks, yield to none in their zeal and consistent devotion to their doctrines. They think they understand them, and know they will be the Inst to compronut them. They enlisted for the war, and are willing to fight even their own friends to keep the ban ner waving. But we are to be “ J'an Buren Men,” uuless we expressly “disclaim.” Sirs, if since the days of the Proclamation and the Force Bill, I had ever claimed him the Sub- Treasury would not make me “disclaim.” Until it is proved that we have claimed, wc will not "disclaim,” There is one thing we will do, if it is desired, in reference to the presidential question. We will stand rank and file with your candidates, or all of you—at the cal ling of the roll answer to our names, and declare our choice, or at your request, choose between any two you may name. Each one it will be ex pected shall do the same. By the Sub-Treasury we simply mean a place by which the Government shall keep its mcnev safe and sound, independent of the Banks. \Ve advocate it as the measure best calculated to res train the excess of paper circulation to limit the revenue to the wants of an economical Govern ment to save the Government from embarrassment and to avert the necessity of aU. S. Bauk. The principle involved is a separation of the Govern ment from the money power of the country. The uniting of which by the Pet Bank System was so much complained at by your party, two years ago. We can but feel the injustice done, in denoun cing us as Van Buren men. Would not the Anti- Subtreasury men feel incensed at being called Bank men or Clay men—and yet they stand in about the same relation to those questions, which we do to Van Buren. For ourself, oUr opinion in favor of a separation of Government and Banks, was formed and ex pressed as early as June, 1837, before Mr. Van Buren recommended it—whilst he was a Pet Bank man, and before the extra session of Corner ss. Wc oppose ! the nomination of Judge White* because he was a Union man, a proclamation man! and therefore unfit to be used by State Rights men. And although it was said he would gain us votes, we preferred to dispense with votes than gain them that way. How then could you suspect us of a design to “claim” another Proclamation man ? On the same principle, fellow citizens, we feei bound not to “disdain” our opinions on the Sub- Treasury because Van Buren recommends them. I will here take my leave for the present, and in my next shall endeavor farther to relieve the Suh- Tronsury men of our party from the charge of having enmpromitted their principles. 1 propose not to go into the argument for and against the Snb-Treasurv and Bank. They are before the country. I only intend to advert to the position out party has occupied in reference to the Sub- Treasury. It will then appear that the argument of the Editor will not hold; for if would not re quire more extraordinary changes in Mr. \ r un Bu ren than have taken place, to make him recom mend Nullification. What the nshottld we do? Reject it ? According to the argument, we would be compelled to do so, or be called Van Buren men, and thereby eompromit our principles. 1 remain your fellow citizen, MARK A. COOPER. Gainesville, Hull County, July, 1838 COL. THOMAS BUTLER KING. This unt ring advocate of an enlarged and en lightened system of Internal Improvements is now iu our City, and brings the pleasing intelligence that the completion of his favorite measure, the Rail Rond from Brunswick to the junction of the Flint and Chattahoochee, is no longer doubtful. He lias just made a tour through the southern and south-western counties, and obtained stock and pledges to the amount of Eleven Hundred Thou sand Dollars. The length of the proposed road is 210 miles—the estimate cost, §1,500,000. The work, it is expected, will be commenced early in the ensuing Autumn, and completed perhaps in two years. Col. K. feels assured that the addi tional amount of stock can be obtained whenever desired, and the spirit of the people is such as to enable those concerned to increase it to almost any amount. The planters who have so nobly stood forward in aid of this undertaking, have given ample proof of their intelligence and foresight. It is suscep tible of mathcmathical demonstration, that the completion of such a line of communication will increase the value of the immensely fertile and productive lands of South-western Georgia, from 50 to 100 per cent. But the influences of the en terprise will not terminate here. Our owm City and the surrounding country are vitally interested. That our citizens are duly sensible of this fact, has been proved by the reception given to the projector of the scheme. His arrival was the sig nal for the commencement of festivities : nor has the character of our community for hospitality anil public spirit suffered by the occasion. These marks of respect to meu laboring as public bene factors, are highly commendable : they insure a high standard of intellectual and moral worth, and prompt to faithfulness and zeal on the part of all concerned. In pursuance of an invitation by a joint Com mittee from the City authorities and inhabitants, Col. King met a large concourse of his fellew-tit izens, and communicated to them his views and the prospects of his undertaking—demonstrating in a plain, forcible, though unpretending manner*- the necessity of a direct communication between this place and :lie Atlantic Coast. His reasoning went to prove clearly that the work will not only be a great public benifit, but likewise profitable to the stockholders. Some of these details, with our own reflections, will be given hereafter, when we become more acccurately informed relative to certain statistical statements. There is no doubt, however, of the undertaking's yielding a hand some profit; our desire is to be as accurate a s possible, \Ve hope, in future, to give this subject a considerable share ofour attention. It richly deserves this. It is of more importance than tho