The Georgia mirror. (Florence, Ga.) 1838-1839, July 28, 1838, Image 2

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SPEECH OF WILLIAM C. DAWSON, OF GEORGIA, On the Bill making appropriation Jor the suppres sion. ami prevention of Indian hostilities, Jar the year 183d, and to carry into execution the Treaty made with the. Cherokee Indians in 1835 ; and to provide for their Removal, Sjc.; and in vindica tion if the policy of Georgia towards the Chero ktes. Delivered in the House of Representatives, in Committee of the Whole, May 31, 183d. ( Continued.) t have, from a disposition to economize tlie time oft he committee, passed, without comment, the legislation of several of the Eastern States, connected with their Indian relations. Many w ere fortunate and successful (from the rigor of th ir enactments, and not, I presume, from their extreme humanity and indulgence to the Indians) being releived at an early period from such troublesome neighbors. I shall, for the same rea c;a, omit all the Middle States, not one of which, _>• this day, has even the remnant of atribe remain g. Such has been the influence which their philanthropy and humane legislation have had, :hat the numerous tribes which once existed a nong them hive vanished, disappeared, and arc now forgotten: a beautiful commentary on the benevolence of States, and the practical op eration of their humane protection! I will, Mr. Chairman, however, refer for a mo ment respectfully to the State of Pennsylvania; otherwise, one of her representatives from Phil idelphin, and the numerous petitioners whose pe titions he has laid before this committee, might onsiderme wanting in respect if I were to pass unnoticed the Keystone State. I shall not he wanting in civility. Sir, that State, in 1681, was •ranted to William Penn by Charles the Second; ‘ was rapidly settled with Friends and Quakers — ertainly a peaceful and quiet per pie, deeply itn iued with piiilan'hiopy, benevolence, an 1 Christi n forbearance; hut still they were vastly perplexed, disturbed, and harrassed by numerous tribes of Indians, although their great leader established a friendly intercourse with the tribe 6, which lasted seventy years. Will the gentleman from Phila •elphia, whose feelings during this debate have jeen wrought into madness, tell me where are "hose numerous tribes with whom that long and • :endlv intercourse was maintained ? Will the “aceful and humane of Penneyivania answer me? • ive peace, brotherly love, Christian kindness, i.d benevolence, utterrly exterminated them? hie fact is certain; not a remnant, not a solitary ■ lan of the forest, remains within the limits of that State, to tell of the renown of his tribe, their deeds of war, or to point to the depositories of their chiefs and their warriors—none to speak, with the eloquence of nature, of their destiny and the cruelty of being forced from their homes arid the graves of their aucestors. What has produced this state of things? The influence of that peaceful increase aud ihe indulgent legislation of the State ? As charity should begin at home, l can but regret that the good people of Pennsylvania ’ mid not coniine themselves to a careful examin ‘:ou of their own relations and conduct to the lian race; and, whilst they are pouring out ir-Ar sympathies with such freedom over rhe lerokees, they should be reminded that, if they had been generous in the use of it at home, so much would not have been on hand to supply markets, when neither religion nor justice requires it. Chairity is a domestic article, useful at home, and should never be exported except tinder extraordinay circumstances. It is deeply humiliating to observe the character of man, the tendencies of his nature. A better man than William Penn scarcely ever lived ; his whole life was marked by strong virtues, and was influenced by strong common sense; he always chose the lesser evil; he had more than the suavity of the present day; none of its false philanthropy—he lived for his day. Rum he knew to be the bane ol the savage; lie, therefore, denied it to them: land he knew to be the object of his people ; he, therefore, obtained it for them; for have it they must—to obtain it peaceebly was desirable. To succeed, he found rum an irresistible instrument, filled with arguments strong and overwhelming ; he, therefore, it is said, permitted it to be given to the chiefs on treaty making days. It was bet tor thus to control the ignorance of the savage by that means, than to have resorted to physical force. Abstract and metaphysical morality, perhaps, may deny the position ; it is not my business to vindi cate it. , There are many incidents in the history of this deleghtlul region which w ill serve to amuse, whilst they may convince, those who have been so free in their attacks on others, of the dangers of in vestigation to themselves. Under the treaties made at an early day, in Pennsylvania, lands were measured by the step: our friends, it is said, in the most peaceful manner, always engaged for that service a long-legged man, who could step far; sometimes lines were to be prescribed by a day’s walk; and it is worthy of remark, that among the ancestors of our steady and circumspect friends a man was found who went his ninety-five miles in a day, to the utter amazement of the Indians ? Was this a fraud ? The country of Chester, adjoin ing the city of Philadelphia, and one of the most fertile counties in the State, was obtained for a keg of Jamestown Tobacco. This incident be longs to history; Ido not allude to it for the purpose of impugning the honesty of that day not at all; it was in perfect accordance with the policy of the times. In imitation of such con tracts and transactions have grown all our treaties with the Indians; we have used them as means to -do that which would otherwise have been done by power. The Cherokee treaty, which has been so violently Abused, has more to recommend ami sustain it than afiy treaty which 1 have examined. I speak of the consideration to be paid; the per sons who are to receive it; the support they are to obtain; and the vast and lasting benefits the In dians are to secure by it. Rum had no instrumen tality in procuring it; nor is tobacco any part of the consideration. Let no man cry fraud, and abuse our people for their intercourse with the In dians. It is needless to attempt concealment on the subject—the General Government and the State Governments have treated the Indians as children-, seduced tliemby presents, by kindness, and by such means as would procure the object with the least difficulty, and without violence.— Who believes that, if the eborigines of this coun try had stubbornly and pertinaciously refused to treat or sell the lands to our race, we would not have taken them ? I repeat, that our policy has be*n, under the cover of treaties and contract, to do.that which would have-been done, and might rightfully have been done, without them. I ask - he gentleman from Pennsylvania, who has ac tually shed tears in speaking of the Cherokces, not to cry any more fur them, and to take consola tion, for they are protected by the laws of the States, are secure in their property, and have more j wealth than the same number of people in any i portion of the Union- Aud, let me ask him, when | he again feels either in a weeping mood, or indig nant at the injustice committed against the In dians, and deals in abuse and denunciation, to commence at home, tlieu travel South, and, I as sure him, when he reaches Georgia, Ins stock, unless a very large one, will be all exhausted. Sir, I will notice the fate of the Indians in one State only, and that purely for the gratification of gentleman from that State (Mr. Wise) who has entered into this race with his “bridle oft,” and whose leaps and charges shall not be forgotten. Look to the history of the Old Dominion, and see what were the three greatest calamities she had to contend with when she was young and mo dest, and had no sons capable of “castigating a State.” That informs us that the colonists of Virginia encountered many difficulties, among the most prominent of which were sickness, famine, and wars itith the Indians. Now, sir, 1 trust, sick ness has been greatly mitigated in its terrors, from the increase of intelligence; famine, by the suc cess of agriculture, and the absence of the Indians, is banished. But that third difficulty—what has become of those Indians?—the terror of “young Virginia?” Gone! Will the gentleman say w here ? These mighty tribes, reduced to a wretched and forlorn condition, dwindled down to some forty or fifty in number, under the influence of your laws ; and the few now remaining, in con tinuation of the custom established by the tribes in their better days, annually pay their respects to the Governor of Virginia, mid present him with ducks aud fish, more in commemoratoin of tlu-ir existence than as a tribute to the power which has innocently caused the desolation of their race. Sir, long may this poor remnant live; and per haps I may yet see the day when the gentleman from Virginia, “ex ofirio," may be the beneficiary and recipient of these ducks and. fsh~— the otter ing of friendship to the power that smote them, by that last of the warlike tribes, once the scourge of Virginia. Yes the laws of that State control ling those people were marked by humanity, and an abseuce of all cruelty—a liberal spirit breath ing throughout. But still these nations seem no less to vanish. It seems to he the doom of this race to pass away and be forgotten; the efforts of civilization cannot arrest it. The subject is one on which the philanthropist and philosopher may speculate, over which christain benevolence may weep, and bid us acknowledge, from every valley we pass, and every lofty mountain we ascend, the power, the wisdom, and the mystery of the ways of Providence. Thus, sir, I have rapidly and very sligtlitly sketched the policy of several of the States of this Union, and the consequences of that policy in its influence over the aborigines of this coun try; and this brings me to that of Georgia, and the course she has pursued—a course, too, be it remembered, made necessary, at least, by attemp ting to carry out the policy of this Government. The policy of that State shall he defended, and her character vindicated from the aspersion cast upon if. With this object I shall proceed, and shall do so briefly, as a compensation for that at tention and patience which have been so kindly extended to me. At the adoption of the Federal constitution, (have gentlemen forgotten it?) —Georgia compre hended all the territory which now constitutes three large States ol this confederacy, and held the propriety control thereof to the year 1802 To that period the now States of Alabama and Mississippi belonged to Georgia, and were within the limits of her charter; and the commission, under the kingdom of Great Britain, to James Wright, hearing date “on the 20th of January, 1764, constituting and appointing him to be cap tain-general and governor-in-chief in and over the colony of Georgia; hounded on the north by the most northern stream of a river, there com monly called Savannah, as far as the head of said river; and from thence westward as jar as our territories extend; on the coast, by the seacoast, from the said river Savannah, to the most south ern Stream of a certain other river, called St. Mary’s, including all islands within twenty leagues of the coast, lying between the said rivers Savan nah and St. Mary’s, as far as the head thereof, and from thence westward, as far as our territories extend, by the north bounday-line of our provin ces of East and West Florida; and. also, accor ding to the boundaries set forth in the constitu tion of the State of Georgia. She, however, for wise and patriotic purposes, by the compact of 1802, ceded to the United Slates the whole of the territory within the limits of Alabama and Missis sippi, as will be seen by the first article of said Compact, which is in these words: “The State of Georgia cedes to the United States all the right, litle, and claim which said State has to jurisdiction and soil of the lands sit uated within the boundaries of the United States, south of the State of Tennessee, and west of a line beginning on the western bank of the Chattnhoochic river, where the same crosses the boundary-line between the United States and Spain; running thence up the said rivet Chatta hoochie and along the western bank thereof to the great bend thereof, next above the place where a certain creek or river, called ‘Uchee’ (being the first considerable stream en the western ride above the Cussetas and Coweta towns) empties into the said Cbattahoochie river ; thence a direct line to Nickajack, on the Tennessee river; thence cros sing the said last-mentioned river; and thence running up the said Tennessee river, and along the western bank thereof, to the southern bourn dary line of the State of Tennessee,” Ac. In consideration of which, the United States j was to perform certain things, will be seen by ref erence to the articles of cession and agreement; and especially, “that the United States shall at their own expense, extinguish, for the use of Geor gia, as early as the same can he peaceably obtained 1 on reasonable terras, the Indian title,” Ac., to all ! tire lands in their occupancy within the limits of! Georgia. Did this compact change any of the t constitutional powers of the State, and her right of | jurisdiction over the territory not ceded' to the ’ United States, but retained? Certainly not. I She yielded nothing within her retained limits ; i her title to, and authority over, those limits were | full and complete. Rut, should any doubt exist on this position, the articles of cession will remove it. The 2d article in these words; ‘'The United States ac cept the cession above mentioned, aod on the con ditions therein expressed; and they cede to the State of Georgia whatever claim, right, or title they may have to the jurisdiction or soil of any lands.'' \c. being within the State. The United States (as a previous part of my argument, I trust, has shown) had no jurisdiction within any of the TIIE GEORGIA MIRROR. States; and the only powers that she can exer cise within a State are delegated by the constitu tion, and not by virtue of any inherent sovereign power; hut still, if it were otherwise, the 2d arti cle has determined that power, so far as it could be determined by a compact. Independent of the articles of cession, Georgia has the same jurisdiction and the same power over hr territory, and the Indians thereon, which other States possess; with the additional force of the solemn r :cozntion,that bythecompaetof 1802 the United States ceded to Georgia "‘whatever claim, right, or title to the jurisdiction Ac. she had within the State of Georgia. If she held not the jurisdiction before, she does now. The intents and objects of the compact of 1802 were particularly to relieve Georgia from the pay ment of any consideration which might be necessary to satisfy the Indians for their mere right of occupancy, although, strictly, they are tenants at will. The State, at any time, had the power to extinguish the Indian right by contract, or in any. other form her judgement and sense of justice might dictate. Her power over the Indian was as unlimited as over the white citizen, lithe State cannot exercise that power, what political power can be exercised according to the forms of otirl Government ? When the compact was confirmed, which was in April, 1802, two tribes of Indians, warlike and numerous, were within the State of Georgia—the Creeks anil Cherokees. They wore in occupan cy of nearly one-half of the whole State, and of the most ferti’t and desirable lands. The United States was hound to remove them : she had given her obligation to do so : she had pledged her faith to do it. Justice and equity required a punctual fulfilment of fho engagement. What lias been the history of this transaction ? Many years were suffered to pass without much effort to discharge this obligation—at least, no strong manifestation of a sincere desire to do so. In 1808 an oppor tunity was presented to the General Government to fulfir the convention with Georgia, to the extent of the Cherokee possessions. She did not em brace it, for causes which were not then satisfac tory to the Stale. Since the articles of cession and whilst the strongest Ie :ll and moral nl.lignlion, ,—erc ton stantly pressing the United States to the discharge of her stipulations with Georgia, she has obtained, by Indian treates, millions on millions of acres of land. State after State'bas been organized and ad mitted into the Union—the population of several of them now far exceeds that of Georgia. Yea, sir; and I almost blushfor the faithfulness of this Gov ernment when 1 mention it—she has obtained, by treaty, from the Indians, every acre of land in the New States of Alabama and Mississippi; the very lands ceded Georgia to the United States in con sideration that she should extinguish the occu pant right in that State. These States, the daughters of Georgia, though not so extense in territory as their mother have outstripped her in production and an Indian does not own, within either State, an acre of land ex cept as reserve. An obligor who should thus act towards his ohligee would be pronounced faithless and unjust. A debtor who would thus disregard the rights of his creditor would forfeit his character as an honest man. Yet Georgia has beeli thus treated for more than thirty years: and now she is accused of rashness, intemperate zeal, and excessive importunity in pressing the fufil ment of the compact. Why did not ibis Government, instead of ob taining immense bodies of land in the West, hon estly discharge her obligations to Georgia ? Why did she not extinguish the occupant right in Geor gia instead of Alabama arid Mississippi? The answer is obvious—the lands of Georgia, if obtain ed, went to that State ; the other belonged to the General Government. Had the interest been re versed, the Indians within Georgia would long since have hern peaceably removed. This is not mere assertion : 1 will demonstrate it. In IM7, a treaty was negotiated by Andrew Jackson, (late President,) Joseph McMinn, (form erly Governor of Tennessee,) ams General 1),,v.d Merriwether, as commissioners on the naitof the United Stales; aud the chiefs, headmen and war riors of the Cherokee nation east of the Mississip pi, and the deputies of those on the Arkansas l iver. This treaty was most fairly obtained, with out the Wet imputation of fraud from anv quarter, and was tnanimocsly ratified by the Senate of the United States! by which Georgia would have ac quired a 1 the lands in the occupancy of ihe Cl •rokce ti the w ithin her territorial limit . and the obligations of tne United States would have been fulfilled. Mr. Chairman, the treatment of my State in relation to this very treaty, was so extraordinary, unjust, and unfaithful, that I feel constrained to ask a few moment's indulgence, in presenting the facts to this bodv, that the State 1 represent shall be vindicated and the public mind disabused of the misapprehensions so extensively prevailing. Let me read to the committee the preamble to the treaty ol 1817, and [ ask particular attention to it; (6 vol. Laws of the United States, p. 702:) Whereas, in the autumn of the year one thou sand eight hundred and eight, a deputation* from the upper and lower Cherokee towns, duly author ised by their nation, 'vent on to the city of Wash ington—the first named to declare to the Presi dent of the United States the impracticability of inducing the nation at large to do this, and to request the establishment of a division.-line be tween tire upper and lower towns, so as to in clude all the waters of the Hiwassee river to tire upper town; that by thus contracting their so ciety wiihin narrow limits, they proposed to begin the establishment of fixed laws and a regular gov ernment : the deputies from the lower towns to make known their desire to continue the hunter life, and also the scarcity of game where they then lived, and under those circumstances their wish to remove across the Mississippi river on some vacant lands of the United States: And whereas the President of the United States, after maturely considering the petitions of both parties, on the 9th day of January, A. D. one thousand eight hundred and nine, including other subjects, answered those petitons as follows : “ Die United States, my children, are the friends of botli parties, and. as far as can be resonablv asked, they are willing to satisfy the wishes of both. Those who remain, may he assured of our patronage, our aid, and good neighborhood. Those who wish to remove, are permitted to send an exploring party to reconnoitre the country on the waters of the Arkansas and White rivers, and the higher up the better, as they will be the lon ger unapproached by our settlements, which will begin at the mouths of those rivers. The regu lar districts of the government of St. Lou;s, are already laid off to the St. Francis. “When this party shall have found a tract of country suiting the emigrants, and not claimed by other Indians, we will arrange with them and you the exchange of that for a just portion of the' country they leave, and to a part ol which, pro portioned to their numbers, they have a right.— Every aid towards there removal, aud what will be necessary for them there, will then he freely administered to them; and when establialied in their new settlements, we shall still consider them as our children, give them the benefit of exchang ing their peltries for what they will want at our factories, and always hold them firmly by the baud:” And whereas the Cherokees, relying on the promises of the President of the United IStates, as above recited, did explore the country on the west side of the Mississippi, and made choice of the country on the Arkansas and White rivers, and settled themselves down upon the United States lands, to which no other tribe of Indians have any just claim, and have notified the President of the United States, have sent on their agents with full powers to execute a treaty, relinquishing to the United Suites ail the right, title, aud interest to ail lauds of right to them belonging, as part of the Cherokee nation, which they have left, and which they are about to leave, proportioned to their numbers, including, with those now on the Arkan sas, those who are about io remove thither, and to a portion of which they have an equal right, agree ably to their numbers. The “lower town,” who thus made known theit desire, in the year 1808, to continue the hunter life, and also the scarcity of game where they then lived, and their wish, under those circumstances, to remove across the Mississippi river, on some vacant land of the United, States, were chieflv that portion of the Cherokee tribe who were in the occupancy of the lands which the United States were to obtain for Georgia. Notwithstan ding this disposition of the Indians to surrender their lands as early as 1808, the United States did not embrace it, but, on the contrary, abandoned her duty, and made no effort to obtain the land until this treaty of 1817, which extinguished the occupant right of the Cherokee Indians to nearly all the lands contemplated by the compact of 1808. Georgia now thought her just rights were secured: and that soon her forests would become fields, and her population increase. Notwithstanding these just expectations, this treaty of 1817, against which no allegation had been made of fraud or injustice, unless it was considered a fraud in the United States to comply with her contract, and to have done an act of justice to Georgia, was, by articles of convention made between John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, being specially au thorized therefor by the President of tho United States, and the chiefs and headmen of the Chero rokee nation of Indians, duly authorized and em powered by said nation, at the city ot Washing ton, on the 27th February, 1819, readjusted, and, so far as the interest of Georgia was involved, measurably abrogated, on its very face, virtually declared that the United States did not intend to comply with the articles which she was solemnly pledged to fulfil. Sir, let mo read to tho commit tee the preamble of this treatv: Whereas a greater part of the Cherokee nation have expressed an earnest desire to remain on this side of the Mississippi, and being desirous, in or der to commence those measures which they deem necessary to the civilization and preservation of their nation, that the treaty between the United States and them, signed the eight of July, eigh teen hundred and seventeen, might, without fur ther delay, or the trouble or expense of taking the census, as stipulated in the said treatv, he fluallv adjusted, have offered to cede to the United State's a trart of country at least as extensive as that which they probably are entitled to under i;s mo virions. the contracting parties have agreed to and conclude the fol owing articles. Thus, by this treatv, arrangements are made and measures adopted,' by who h the In lians wer * to remain east of the Mississippi, within the limits of Georgia: and the treaty of 1817 to be set aside, in violation of the vested rights of Georgia under that treaty, and with a reckless dbr-gnrd of the obligations of tho compact. By this treaty of 1819. the Cherokee nation ceded to the United States all of their lands lying north and cast of the following lines, vjz; Beginning on the Tennessee river, at the point where the Cherokee boundary with Madison conn tv, in the Alabama Territory, joins the same - I thence, along the main channel of said river to I the mouth of the Iliwassee, thence. alon«’ its mam channel, to the fir t hill which rlo. es in on I su.d river, about two miles above Iliwassee old town; thence, along the ridge which divides the waiters of the Hiwas- oc and Little Teliico to ih e Tennessee river, at Tallassee; thence along the mam channel, to the junction of tho Cowee and Nanteyalee; thence, along the ridge in the fork of said river, to the top of the blue ridge; thence along the blue ridge to the Uijicoy turnpike road • thence, by a straight line, to the nearest main source of Chestatee; thence, along its main chan nel, to the Chattahoochee; and thence, alotm its mam channel, to the Creek boundary. I am thus particular, Mr. Chairman, to show the treatment Georgia has received; to present to the people of the Union the injustice she has suf fered, the patience she has exhibited, the Chris tian forbearance which has marked her submis sion amidst the embarrassing difficulties and disap pointments which this Government caused hv its neglect of solemn engagements. Remember, in 1817 our rights were partially regarded, and our territory obtained. In 1819 our ri dits di vested. our prospects blighted; the'lndians instead of being removed, were arran«in<r for permanently, remaining and this Government approving those arrangements; and if Georgia utters a complaint, files a protest, or uses that "ultima ratio" of some politicians, remonstrance, she is charged w -h violence, cruelty, and hatred' to the Indians. Such conduct is insulting to the feelings of every Georgian, disreputable to the General Government. We have paid millions for the mere obligation to extinguish the Indian titles Look at the sales of public lands in the States of Alabama and Mississippi. You have received the proceeds; and how have you compensated Georgia for all this. Have you discharged your obliga tions ? have you acted in faith ] No, sir ;to vin dicate yourself as a Government, and as an obli gor, yon have slandered your creditor ; when she has requested payment, you speak of her impor tunities. Sir, the whole conduct of this Govern ment towards Georgia, on this transaction has been tauhless and dilatory. Why has it been so ! Mere avarice ; a desire to obtain for herself to procure millions, for her own use, by neglect of her obligations to us. J b 1 o add to all this, in making this treaty of 1819 ; and others, you violate the compact, bv niacin" it I onto! the power of the Government to discharge 1 it; yon guaranty in fee simple six hundred and ! fortv acres to each head of an Indian-family who | reside within the ceded territory, who choose to 1 become citizens of the L mted States, Ac. R this extinguishing the Indian occupant rights for the use ot Georgia l No, sir, for the use of the Ig. dian—lie or she is to have the absolute fee, a(l j the consequent right of individual alieuation or sale to whom he or she pleases. And yet we arc told, Georgia is too clamorous. To be Continued • Frtrm the Georgia Messenger. TO THE. STATE RIGHTS PARTY IN G\ Fellow Citizens—We are charged Wl p a “compromifting our principles,” by adrocatiug a Sub-Treasury or a separation ot Government aud Bank. If this be true, then all the States Rights men in Congress in 1834, are guilty of the same for then our honest and consistent State Rights delegate, Col. Gamble, suggested, and Mr. G Pr . don, another States Rights man, proposed the Sub-Treasury. Then the loudest denunciations againt the union ol Government and the Ranks the boldest predictions of Mischievous failures' aud the mos* sarcastic reflections against the P e 't Bank System, were cast and fell lrotn onr party In aid es our efforts we had the Whigs, the Nation *!s or Federalists. Such was their predominant in fluence then, that tnc Union parry o! Georgia to.di occasion to stigmatize us as Fi Jeralists. Opp.,. sed to us then, die administration in its c-v ward course, in pursuit of power, patronage ami influence, wedded theloeal banks. Three short years verified 1 ewr predictions, an. I realized our evil forebodings. Mr. Van Buren soon found his Administration embarrassed hevoini measure, and all his operations crippled. F ; ,;| ing to realize his anticipations, by necessity, and , not choice, he is driven tu fall outlie policy which in 1834 the State Rights party suggested, tl )e Sub-Treasury or separation of Government ami Banks. Now the Federalists, the Whigs or National? true to their opposition, and true to the Bank tin' grand object of their pursuit, turn from us and the Sub-Treasury, against us, against the Sub- Treasury and Van Buren,. It becomes a matter of sober and serious inqui. ry, what is becoming in a State Rights man p| u . ming himself on his consistency, his honest ad herence to principles, regard iss of men, uuawtd by terms of reproach, to do ? A portion think it right to step aside, lest they be found in Van Buren ranks, aiding administration men but perceiving the drift of the Nationals, prefer r„* to run suddenly into the Bank vortex, they choose to fall back on Van Burenslnte position, tiie Local Deposite System, so much ridiculed by us. Tho other portion of the State Rights Party, fincliio no justification in opposing the measure of their choice, because Vat) Buren adopts, it, stand firm to their policy, turn not to right or left—hoping nothing, fearing nothing, from the company dial may join them, or the association that may leave them—cast forth from a prominent individual, a hitherto concentrated body of linht, that now makes darkness visible. The Nationals or Whigs, wonderful in fact and rich in expedients, being too weak without our strength in the mass, fall along side our local tie posite State Rights men. n ow called Conserva tives,) and go temporarily for the local deposits plan. Enough however, is left of their rank an.) file ciying Brink or nothing, to prevent the pas sage of the Conservatives rule, which being in terpreted, means another Pet Bank System. All the Nationals expect to gain by temporary ckvep » on, is. to (urnish the Conservatives the argument of necessity, w hich may enable them to sav, “we are against the Bank, but find it necessary, the only measure that w ill pass, therefore go for'it. All wo ask is that you look to our course, ami thus pronounce whether in advocating the Sub- Treasurv, we eompromit our principles. What principles? 1 hose of Nullification ?' They have nothin* to do with it, aud if they have, they will drive as to advocate a dovoree, as the argument will show. But this Sub-Treasury is pregnant with patron age. \esit has the patronage of the revenue, a. id that in list he yielded to the Government, adopt "’hat scheme you may. Let your policy then be, to limit that to the necessary wants of an econo mical Government, ami tor this purpose keep the interest ot the Banks, ,V. : ■■ and Federal, co-op eratwig with the people. r \ he only way to do this is to separate the Government and Banks. It 1 wanted an insuperable argument to show that a connection with, affords' more patronage tram a sop:; ration from hanks, it is presentsd in the (act, tiiat Van Buren chose the former. If f iv;ug ted to prove that the Sub-Treasury would most effectually restrain the excess pf paper circulation, and limit the excess of revenue, it is furnished in tiie (act that all United .States Bank men oppose it. But. says the Editor, all Sub-Treasury menare friends ol the Administration ; Van Buren men ; ve ry good : it it must be so, that in violation of every principle of honesty, 1 pipst disavow the truth and sanction error, or be branded a Van Buren man. T take the latter, and so let it he. But before I submit to it, 1 have a right to ask on yyhat princi ple ? Is it pn tiie principle that the Union men cad you and all of us Federalists and Whigs, or on wlm h Nuilffiers wsre galled Disunionists, I ones and Traitors. Sirs, these are aguments or expedients improperly used by State Rights men. Addressed to N ujliners, they have no effect. They have met danger of this sort too often to turn now u tnesr approach. The same rule will stig matize all Atiti-Sub-Tgeasury men, as Bank rneu; (day men. It is not founded in reason, and is uqjust ip the application, hollow Citizens, I have iipw closed my remarks, and expect to trouble you no more. Y r ou will de termine this matter as to you may seem right, and give such direction to your organs as may seem proper and safe In tlie course deemed best to pur sue by you, should I ack votes to elect oneo. yoer candidates, l shall only regret that you did not nominate one, who, with equal devotion, could have brought more strength to your cause. Our opinions ought to be known, that the aggregate mass ol opinion may be indicated by the choice. I have said this much from sense of duty to you and myself. The affair is yours, and with you I leave it. A greater matter than this I have sub mitted to you—the smaller is also now referred- W ith sentiments of strongest attachment, I tt maiii your Candidate and fellow citizen. MARK A. COOPER Bothering a Steamboat. —An old woman on the banks of the Mississippi, hailed one of the bigger steamboats passing up the river, which rounded to, supposing that she wanted to take a passage- She stepped on board, sought out the captain, and told him she wanted to sell him i dozen of eggs. She hadn’t but eleven by her, but said one of the old hens was on the nest, and if h e would only wait a few minutes, she could make out a full dozen.— Boston Traveller,