The Georgia mirror. (Florence, Ga.) 1838-1839, July 28, 1838, Image 2
SPEECH OF
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, OF GEORGIA,
On the Bill making appropriation Jor the suppres
sion. ami prevention of Indian hostilities, Jar the
year 183d, and to carry into execution the Treaty
made with the. Cherokee Indians in 1835 ; and to
provide for their Removal, Sjc.; and in vindica
tion if the policy of Georgia towards the Chero
ktes. Delivered in the House of Representatives,
in Committee of the Whole, May 31, 183d.
( Continued.)
t have, from a disposition to economize tlie
time oft he committee, passed, without comment,
the legislation of several of the Eastern States,
connected with their Indian relations. Many
w ere fortunate and successful (from the rigor of
th ir enactments, and not, I presume, from their
extreme humanity and indulgence to the Indians)
being releived at an early period from such
troublesome neighbors. I shall, for the same rea
c;a, omit all the Middle States, not one of which,
_>• this day, has even the remnant of atribe remain
g. Such has been the influence which their
philanthropy and humane legislation have had,
:hat the numerous tribes which once existed a
nong them hive vanished, disappeared, and arc
now forgotten: a beautiful commentary on the
benevolence of States, and the practical op
eration of their humane protection!
I will, Mr. Chairman, however, refer for a mo
ment respectfully to the State of Pennsylvania;
otherwise, one of her representatives from Phil
idelphin, and the numerous petitioners whose pe
titions he has laid before this committee, might
onsiderme wanting in respect if I were to pass
unnoticed the Keystone State. I shall not he
wanting in civility. Sir, that State, in 1681, was
•ranted to William Penn by Charles the Second;
‘ was rapidly settled with Friends and Quakers —
ertainly a peaceful and quiet per pie, deeply itn
iued with piiilan'hiopy, benevolence, an 1 Christi n
forbearance; hut still they were vastly perplexed,
disturbed, and harrassed by numerous tribes of
Indians, although their great leader established a
friendly intercourse with the tribe 6, which lasted
seventy years. Will the gentleman from Phila
•elphia, whose feelings during this debate have
jeen wrought into madness, tell me where are
"hose numerous tribes with whom that long and
• :endlv intercourse was maintained ? Will the
“aceful and humane of Penneyivania answer me?
• ive peace, brotherly love, Christian kindness,
i.d benevolence, utterrly exterminated them?
hie fact is certain; not a remnant, not a solitary
■ lan of the forest, remains within the limits of that
State, to tell of the renown of his tribe, their deeds
of war, or to point to the depositories of their
chiefs and their warriors—none to speak, with
the eloquence of nature, of their destiny and the
cruelty of being forced from their homes arid the
graves of their aucestors. What has produced
this state of things? The influence of that
peaceful increase aud ihe indulgent legislation of
the State ? As charity should begin at home, l can
but regret that the good people of Pennsylvania
’ mid not coniine themselves to a careful examin
‘:ou of their own relations and conduct to the
lian race; and, whilst they are pouring out
ir-Ar sympathies with such freedom over rhe
lerokees, they should be reminded that, if they
had been generous in the use of it at home, so
much would not have been on hand to supply
fore.gn markets, when neither religion nor justice
requires it. Chairity is a domestic article, useful
at home, and should never be exported
except tinder extraordinay circumstances. It is
deeply humiliating to observe the character of man,
the tendencies of his nature. A better man than
William Penn scarcely ever lived ; his whole life
was marked by strong virtues, and was influenced
by strong common sense; he always chose the
lesser evil; he had more than the suavity of the
present day; none of its false philanthropy—he
lived for his day. Rum he knew to be the bane
ol the savage; lie, therefore, denied it to them:
land he knew to be the object of his people ; he,
therefore, obtained it for them; for have it they
must—to obtain it peaceebly was desirable. To
succeed, he found rum an irresistible instrument,
filled with arguments strong and overwhelming ;
he, therefore, it is said, permitted it to be given
to the chiefs on treaty making days. It was bet
tor thus to control the ignorance of the savage by
that means, than to have resorted to physical force.
Abstract and metaphysical morality, perhaps, may
deny the position ; it is not my business to vindi
cate it. ,
There are many incidents in the history of this
deleghtlul region which w ill serve to amuse, whilst
they may convince, those who have been so free
in their attacks on others, of the dangers of in
vestigation to themselves. Under the treaties
made at an early day, in Pennsylvania, lands were
measured by the step: our friends, it is said, in
the most peaceful manner, always engaged for that
service a long-legged man, who could step far;
sometimes lines were to be prescribed by a day’s
walk; and it is worthy of remark, that among the
ancestors of our steady and circumspect friends a
man was found who went his ninety-five miles in a
day, to the utter amazement of the Indians ? Was
this a fraud ? The country of Chester, adjoin
ing the city of Philadelphia, and one of the most
fertile counties in the State, was obtained for a
keg of Jamestown Tobacco. This incident be
longs to history; Ido not allude to it for the
purpose of impugning the honesty of that day
not at all; it was in perfect accordance with the
policy of the times. In imitation of such con
tracts and transactions have grown all our treaties
with the Indians; we have used them as means to
-do that which would otherwise have been done by
power. The Cherokee treaty, which has been so
violently Abused, has more to recommend ami
sustain it than afiy treaty which 1 have examined.
I speak of the consideration to be paid; the per
sons who are to receive it; the support they are to
obtain; and the vast and lasting benefits the In
dians are to secure by it. Rum had no instrumen
tality in procuring it; nor is tobacco any part of
the consideration. Let no man cry fraud, and
abuse our people for their intercourse with the In
dians. It is needless to attempt concealment on
the subject—the General Government and the
State Governments have treated the Indians as
children-, seduced tliemby presents, by kindness,
and by such means as would procure the object
with the least difficulty, and without violence.—
Who believes that, if the eborigines of this coun
try had stubbornly and pertinaciously refused to
treat or sell the lands to our race, we would not
have taken them ? I repeat, that our policy has
be*n, under the cover of treaties and contract, to
do.that which would have-been done, and might
rightfully have been done, without them. I ask
- he gentleman from Pennsylvania, who has ac
tually shed tears in speaking of the Cherokces,
not to cry any more fur them, and to take consola
tion, for they are protected by the laws of the
States, are secure in their property, and have more j
wealth than the same number of people in any i
portion of the Union- Aud, let me ask him, when |
he again feels either in a weeping mood, or indig
nant at the injustice committed against the In
dians, and deals in abuse and denunciation, to
commence at home, tlieu travel South, and, I as
sure him, when he reaches Georgia, Ins stock,
unless a very large one, will be all exhausted.
Sir, I will notice the fate of the Indians in one
State only, and that purely for the gratification of
gentleman from that State (Mr. Wise) who has
entered into this race with his “bridle oft,” and
whose leaps and charges shall not be forgotten.
Look to the history of the Old Dominion, and
see what were the three greatest calamities she
had to contend with when she was young and mo
dest, and had no sons capable of “castigating a
State.” That informs us that the colonists of
Virginia encountered many difficulties, among the
most prominent of which were sickness, famine,
and wars itith the Indians. Now, sir, 1 trust, sick
ness has been greatly mitigated in its terrors, from
the increase of intelligence; famine, by the suc
cess of agriculture, and the absence of the Indians,
is banished. But that third difficulty—what has
become of those Indians?—the terror of “young
Virginia?” Gone! Will the gentleman say
w here ? These mighty tribes, reduced to a
wretched and forlorn condition, dwindled down to
some forty or fifty in number, under the influence
of your laws ; and the few now remaining, in con
tinuation of the custom established by the tribes
in their better days, annually pay their respects to
the Governor of Virginia, mid present him with
ducks aud fish, more in commemoratoin of tlu-ir
existence than as a tribute to the power which
has innocently caused the desolation of their race.
Sir, long may this poor remnant live; and per
haps I may yet see the day when the gentleman
from Virginia, “ex ofirio," may be the beneficiary
and recipient of these ducks and. fsh~— the otter
ing of friendship to the power that smote them,
by that last of the warlike tribes, once the scourge
of Virginia. Yes the laws of that State control
ling those people were marked by humanity, and
an abseuce of all cruelty—a liberal spirit breath
ing throughout. But still these nations seem no
less to vanish. It seems to he the doom of this
race to pass away and be forgotten; the efforts of
civilization cannot arrest it. The subject is one
on which the philanthropist and philosopher may
speculate, over which christain benevolence may
weep, and bid us acknowledge, from every valley
we pass, and every lofty mountain we ascend, the
power, the wisdom, and the mystery of the ways
of Providence.
Thus, sir, I have rapidly and very sligtlitly
sketched the policy of several of the States of
this Union, and the consequences of that policy
in its influence over the aborigines of this coun
try; and this brings me to that of Georgia, and
the course she has pursued—a course, too, be it
remembered, made necessary, at least, by attemp
ting to carry out the policy of this Government.
The policy of that State shall he defended, and
her character vindicated from the aspersion cast
upon if. With this object I shall proceed, and
shall do so briefly, as a compensation for that at
tention and patience which have been so kindly
extended to me.
At the adoption of the Federal constitution,
(have gentlemen forgotten it?) —Georgia compre
hended all the territory which now constitutes
three large States ol this confederacy, and held
the propriety control thereof to the year 1802
To that period the now States of Alabama and
Mississippi belonged to Georgia, and were within
the limits of her charter; and the commission,
under the kingdom of Great Britain, to James
Wright, hearing date “on the 20th of January,
1764, constituting and appointing him to be cap
tain-general and governor-in-chief in and over
the colony of Georgia; hounded on the north by
the most northern stream of a river, there com
monly called Savannah, as far as the head of said
river; and from thence westward as jar as our
territories extend; on the coast, by the seacoast,
from the said river Savannah, to the most south
ern Stream of a certain other river, called St.
Mary’s, including all islands within twenty leagues
of the coast, lying between the said rivers Savan
nah and St. Mary’s, as far as the head thereof,
and from thence westward, as far as our territories
extend, by the north bounday-line of our provin
ces of East and West Florida; and. also, accor
ding to the boundaries set forth in the constitu
tion of the State of Georgia. She, however, for
wise and patriotic purposes, by the compact of
1802, ceded to the United Slates the whole of the
territory within the limits of Alabama and Missis
sippi, as will be seen by the first article of said
Compact, which is in these words:
“The State of Georgia cedes to the United
States all the right, litle, and claim which said
State has to jurisdiction and soil of the lands sit
uated within the boundaries of the United States,
south of the State of Tennessee, and west
of a line beginning on the western bank of the
Chattnhoochic river, where the same crosses the
boundary-line between the United States and
Spain; running thence up the said rivet Chatta
hoochie and along the western bank thereof to the
great bend thereof, next above the place where a
certain creek or river, called ‘Uchee’ (being the
first considerable stream en the western ride above
the Cussetas and Coweta towns) empties into the
said Cbattahoochie river ; thence a direct line to
Nickajack, on the Tennessee river; thence cros
sing the said last-mentioned river; and thence
running up the said Tennessee river, and along
the western bank thereof, to the southern bourn
dary line of the State of Tennessee,” Ac.
In consideration of which, the United States j
was to perform certain things, will be seen by ref
erence to the articles of cession and agreement;
and especially, “that the United States shall at
their own expense, extinguish, for the use of Geor
gia, as early as the same can he peaceably obtained 1
on reasonable terras, the Indian title,” Ac., to all !
tire lands in their occupancy within the limits of!
Georgia. Did this compact change any of the t
constitutional powers of the State, and her right of |
jurisdiction over the territory not ceded' to the ’
United States, but retained? Certainly not. I
She yielded nothing within her retained limits ; i
her title to, and authority over, those limits were |
full and complete.
Rut, should any doubt exist on this position,
the articles of cession will remove it. The 2d
article in these words; ‘'The United States ac
cept the cession above mentioned, aod on the con
ditions therein expressed; and they cede to the
State of Georgia whatever claim, right, or title they
may have to the jurisdiction or soil of any lands.''
\c. being within the State. The United States
(as a previous part of my argument, I trust, has
shown) had no jurisdiction within any of the
TIIE GEORGIA MIRROR.
States; and the only powers that she can exer
cise within a State are delegated by the constitu
tion, and not by virtue of any inherent sovereign
power; hut still, if it were otherwise, the 2d arti
cle has determined that power, so far as it could
be determined by a compact.
Independent of the articles of cession, Georgia
has the same jurisdiction and the same power over
hr territory, and the Indians thereon, which other
States possess; with the additional force of the
solemn r :cozntion,that bythecompaetof 1802 the
United States ceded to Georgia "‘whatever claim,
right, or title to the jurisdiction Ac. she had
within the State of Georgia. If she held not
the jurisdiction before, she does now.
The intents and objects of the compact of 1802
were particularly to relieve Georgia from the pay
ment of any consideration which might be
necessary to satisfy the Indians for their mere
right of occupancy, although, strictly, they are
tenants at will. The State, at any time, had the
power to extinguish the Indian right by contract,
or in any. other form her judgement and sense of
justice might dictate. Her power over the Indian
was as unlimited as over the white citizen, lithe
State cannot exercise that power, what political
power can be exercised according to the forms of
otirl Government ?
When the compact was confirmed, which was
in April, 1802, two tribes of Indians, warlike and
numerous, were within the State of Georgia—the
Creeks anil Cherokees. They wore in occupan
cy of nearly one-half of the whole State, and of
the most ferti’t and desirable lands. The United
States was hound to remove them : she had given
her obligation to do so : she had pledged her faith
to do it. Justice and equity required a punctual
fulfilment of fho engagement. What lias been
the history of this transaction ? Many years were
suffered to pass without much effort to discharge
this obligation—at least, no strong manifestation
of a sincere desire to do so. In 1808 an oppor
tunity was presented to the General Government
to fulfir the convention with Georgia, to the extent
of the Cherokee possessions. She did not em
brace it, for causes which were not then satisfac
tory to the Stale.
Since the articles of cession and whilst the
strongest Ie :ll and moral nl.lignlion, ,—erc ton
stantly pressing the United States to the discharge
of her stipulations with Georgia, she has obtained,
by Indian treates, millions on millions of acres of
land. State after State'bas been organized and ad
mitted into the Union—the population of several of
them now far exceeds that of Georgia. Yea, sir;
and I almost blushfor the faithfulness of this Gov
ernment when 1 mention it—she has obtained, by
treaty, from the Indians, every acre of land in the
New States of Alabama and Mississippi; the very
lands ceded Georgia to the United States in con
sideration that she should extinguish the occu
pant right in that State.
These States, the daughters of Georgia, though
not so extense in territory as their mother have
outstripped her in production and an Indian does
not own, within either State, an acre of land ex
cept as reserve. An obligor who should thus
act towards his ohligee would be pronounced
faithless and unjust. A debtor who would thus
disregard the rights of his creditor would forfeit
his character as an honest man. Yet Georgia has
beeli thus treated for more than thirty years: and
now she is accused of rashness, intemperate zeal,
and excessive importunity in pressing the fufil
ment of the compact.
Why did not ibis Government, instead of ob
taining immense bodies of land in the West, hon
estly discharge her obligations to Georgia ? Why
did she not extinguish the occupant right in Geor
gia instead of Alabama arid Mississippi? The
answer is obvious—the lands of Georgia, if obtain
ed, went to that State ; the other belonged to the
General Government. Had the interest been re
versed, the Indians within Georgia would long
since have hern peaceably removed.
This is not mere assertion : 1 will demonstrate
it. In IM7, a treaty was negotiated by Andrew
Jackson, (late President,) Joseph McMinn, (form
erly Governor of Tennessee,) ams General 1),,v.d
Merriwether, as commissioners on the naitof the
United Stales; aud the chiefs, headmen and war
riors of the Cherokee nation east of the Mississip
pi, and the deputies of those on the Arkansas
l iver. This treaty was most fairly obtained, with
out the Wet imputation of fraud from anv quarter,
and was tnanimocsly ratified by the Senate of the
United States! by which Georgia would have ac
quired a 1 the lands in the occupancy of ihe
Cl •rokce ti the w ithin her territorial limit . and the
obligations of tne United States would have been
fulfilled.
Mr. Chairman, the treatment of my State in
relation to this very treaty, was so extraordinary,
unjust, and unfaithful, that I feel constrained to
ask a few moment's indulgence, in presenting the
facts to this bodv, that the State 1 represent shall
be vindicated and the public mind disabused of
the misapprehensions so extensively prevailing.
Let me read to the committee the preamble to the
treaty ol 1817, and [ ask particular attention to
it; (6 vol. Laws of the United States, p. 702:)
Whereas, in the autumn of the year one thou
sand eight hundred and eight, a deputation* from
the upper and lower Cherokee towns, duly author
ised by their nation, 'vent on to the city of Wash
ington—the first named to declare to the Presi
dent of the United States the impracticability
of inducing the nation at large to do this, and to
request the establishment of a division.-line be
tween tire upper and lower towns, so as to in
clude all the waters of the Hiwassee river to tire
upper town; that by thus contracting their so
ciety wiihin narrow limits, they proposed to begin
the establishment of fixed laws and a regular gov
ernment : the deputies from the lower towns to
make known their desire to continue the hunter
life, and also the scarcity of game where they
then lived, and under those circumstances their
wish to remove across the Mississippi river on
some vacant lands of the United States: And
whereas the President of the United States, after
maturely considering the petitions of both parties,
on the 9th day of January, A. D. one thousand
eight hundred and nine, including other subjects,
answered those petitons as follows :
“ Die United States, my children, are the friends
of botli parties, and. as far as can be resonablv
asked, they are willing to satisfy the wishes of
both. Those who remain, may he assured of our
patronage, our aid, and good neighborhood.
Those who wish to remove, are permitted to send
an exploring party to reconnoitre the country on
the waters of the Arkansas and White rivers, and
the higher up the better, as they will be the lon
ger unapproached by our settlements, which will
begin at the mouths of those rivers. The regu
lar districts of the government of St. Lou;s, are
already laid off to the St. Francis.
“When this party shall have found a tract of
country suiting the emigrants, and not claimed by
other Indians, we will arrange with them and you
the exchange of that for a just portion of the'
country they leave, and to a part ol which, pro
portioned to their numbers, they have a right.—
Every aid towards there removal, aud what will
be necessary for them there, will then he freely
administered to them; and when establialied in
their new settlements, we shall still consider them
as our children, give them the benefit of exchang
ing their peltries for what they will want at our
factories, and always hold them firmly by the
baud:”
And whereas the Cherokees, relying on the
promises of the President of the United IStates,
as above recited, did explore the country on the
west side of the Mississippi, and made choice of
the country on the Arkansas and White rivers, and
settled themselves down upon the United States
lands, to which no other tribe of Indians have
any just claim, and have notified the President of
the United States, have sent on their agents with
full powers to execute a treaty, relinquishing to
the United Suites ail the right, title, aud interest
to ail lauds of right to them belonging, as part of
the Cherokee nation, which they have left, and
which they are about to leave, proportioned to their
numbers, including, with those now on the Arkan
sas, those who are about io remove thither, and to
a portion of which they have an equal right, agree
ably to their numbers.
The “lower town,” who thus made known theit
desire, in the year 1808, to continue the hunter
life, and also the scarcity of game where they then
lived, and their wish, under those circumstances,
to remove across the Mississippi river, on some
vacant land of the United, States, were chieflv
that portion of the Cherokee tribe who were in
the occupancy of the lands which the United
States were to obtain for Georgia. Notwithstan
ding this disposition of the Indians to surrender
their lands as early as 1808, the United States did
not embrace it, but, on the contrary, abandoned
her duty, and made no effort to obtain the land
until this treaty of 1817, which extinguished the
occupant right of the Cherokee Indians to nearly
all the lands contemplated by the compact of 1808.
Georgia now thought her just rights were secured:
and that soon her forests would become fields, and
her population increase. Notwithstanding these
just expectations, this treaty of 1817, against
which no allegation had been made of fraud or
injustice, unless it was considered a fraud in the
United States to comply with her contract, and to
have done an act of justice to Georgia, was,
by articles of convention made between John C.
Calhoun, Secretary of War, being specially au
thorized therefor by the President of tho United
States, and the chiefs and headmen of the Chero
rokee nation of Indians, duly authorized and em
powered by said nation, at the city ot Washing
ton, on the 27th February, 1819, readjusted, and,
so far as the interest of Georgia was involved,
measurably abrogated, on its very face, virtually
declared that the United States did not intend to
comply with the articles which she was solemnly
pledged to fulfil. Sir, let mo read to tho commit
tee the preamble of this treatv:
Whereas a greater part of the Cherokee nation
have expressed an earnest desire to remain on this
side of the Mississippi, and being desirous, in or
der to commence those measures which they deem
necessary to the civilization and preservation of
their nation, that the treaty between the United
States and them, signed the eight of July, eigh
teen hundred and seventeen, might, without fur
ther delay, or the trouble or expense of taking the
census, as stipulated in the said treatv, he fluallv
adjusted, have offered to cede to the United State's
a trart of country at least as extensive as that
which they probably are entitled to under i;s mo
virions. the contracting parties have agreed to and
conclude the fol owing articles.
Thus, by this treatv, arrangements are made
and measures adopted,' by who h the In lians wer *
to remain east of the Mississippi, within the limits
of Georgia: and the treaty of 1817 to be set
aside, in violation of the vested rights of Georgia
under that treaty, and with a reckless dbr-gnrd
of the obligations of tho compact. By this treaty
of 1819. the Cherokee nation ceded to the United
States all of their lands lying north and cast of the
following lines, vjz;
Beginning on the Tennessee river, at the point
where the Cherokee boundary with Madison conn
tv, in the Alabama Territory, joins the same - I
thence, along the main channel of said river to I
the mouth of the Iliwassee, thence. alon«’ its
mam channel, to the fir t hill which rlo. es in on I
su.d river, about two miles above Iliwassee old
town; thence, along the ridge which divides the
waiters of the Hiwas- oc and Little Teliico to ih e
Tennessee river, at Tallassee; thence along the
mam channel, to the junction of tho Cowee and
Nanteyalee; thence, along the ridge in the fork
of said river, to the top of the blue ridge; thence
along the blue ridge to the Uijicoy turnpike road •
thence, by a straight line, to the nearest main
source of Chestatee; thence, along its main chan
nel, to the Chattahoochee; and thence, alotm its
mam channel, to the Creek boundary.
I am thus particular, Mr. Chairman, to show
the treatment Georgia has received; to present to
the people of the Union the injustice she has suf
fered, the patience she has exhibited, the Chris
tian forbearance which has marked her submis
sion amidst the embarrassing difficulties and disap
pointments which this Government caused hv its
neglect of solemn engagements. Remember, in
1817 our rights were partially regarded, and our
territory obtained. In 1819 our ri dits di
vested. our prospects blighted; the'lndians
instead of being removed, were arran«in<r
for permanently, remaining and this Government
approving those arrangements; and if Georgia
utters a complaint, files a protest, or uses that
"ultima ratio" of some politicians, remonstrance,
she is charged w -h violence, cruelty, and hatred'
to the Indians. Such conduct is insulting to the
feelings of every Georgian, disreputable to the
General Government. We have paid millions for
the mere obligation to extinguish the Indian titles
Look at the sales of public lands in the States of
Alabama and Mississippi. You have received the
proceeds; and how have you compensated Georgia
for all this. Have you discharged your obliga
tions ? have you acted in faith ] No, sir ;to vin
dicate yourself as a Government, and as an obli
gor, yon have slandered your creditor ; when she
has requested payment, you speak of her impor
tunities. Sir, the whole conduct of this Govern
ment towards Georgia, on this transaction has
been tauhless and dilatory. Why has it been
so ! Mere avarice ; a desire to obtain for herself
to procure millions, for her own use, by neglect
of her obligations to us. J b
1 o add to all this, in making this treaty of 1819 ;
and others, you violate the compact, bv niacin" it I
onto! the power of the Government to discharge 1
it; yon guaranty in fee simple six hundred and !
fortv acres to each head of an Indian-family who |
reside within the ceded territory, who choose to 1
become citizens of the L mted States, Ac. R
this extinguishing the Indian occupant rights for
the use ot Georgia l No, sir, for the use of the Ig.
dian—lie or she is to have the absolute fee, a(l j
the consequent right of individual alieuation or
sale to whom he or she pleases. And yet we arc
told, Georgia is too clamorous.
To be Continued •
Frtrm the Georgia Messenger.
TO THE. STATE RIGHTS PARTY IN G\
Fellow Citizens—We are charged Wl p a
“compromifting our principles,” by adrocatiug a
Sub-Treasury or a separation ot Government aud
Bank. If this be true, then all the States Rights
men in Congress in 1834, are guilty of the same
for then our honest and consistent State Rights
delegate, Col. Gamble, suggested, and Mr. G Pr .
don, another States Rights man, proposed the
Sub-Treasury. Then the loudest denunciations
againt the union ol Government and the Ranks
the boldest predictions of Mischievous failures'
aud the mos* sarcastic reflections against the P e 't
Bank System, were cast and fell lrotn onr party
In aid es our efforts we had the Whigs, the Nation
*!s or Federalists. Such was their predominant in
fluence then, that tnc Union parry o! Georgia to.di
occasion to stigmatize us as Fi Jeralists. Opp.,.
sed to us then, die administration in its c-v
ward course, in pursuit of power, patronage ami
influence, wedded theloeal banks.
Three short years verified 1 ewr predictions, an. I
realized our evil forebodings. Mr. Van Buren soon
found his Administration embarrassed hevoini
measure, and all his operations crippled. F ; ,;|
ing to realize his anticipations, by necessity, and
, not choice, he is driven tu fall outlie policy which
in 1834 the State Rights party suggested, tl )e
Sub-Treasury or separation of Government ami
Banks.
Now the Federalists, the Whigs or National?
true to their opposition, and true to the Bank tin'
grand object of their pursuit, turn from us and
the Sub-Treasury, against us, against the Sub-
Treasury and Van Buren,.
It becomes a matter of sober and serious inqui.
ry, what is becoming in a State Rights man p| u .
ming himself on his consistency, his honest ad
herence to principles, regard iss of men, uuawtd
by terms of reproach, to do ? A portion think it
right to step aside, lest they be found in Van
Buren ranks, aiding administration men but
perceiving the drift of the Nationals, prefer r„* to
run suddenly into the Bank vortex, they choose
to fall back on Van Burenslnte position, tiie Local
Deposite System, so much ridiculed by us. Tho
other portion of the State Rights Party, fincliio
no justification in opposing the measure of their
choice, because Vat) Buren adopts, it, stand firm
to their policy, turn not to right or left—hoping
nothing, fearing nothing, from the company dial
may join them, or the association that may leave
them—cast forth from a prominent individual, a
hitherto concentrated body of linht, that now
makes darkness visible.
The Nationals or Whigs, wonderful in fact and
rich in expedients, being too weak without our
strength in the mass, fall along side our local tie
posite State Rights men. n ow called Conserva
tives,) and go temporarily for the local deposits
plan. Enough however, is left of their rank an.)
file ciying Brink or nothing, to prevent the pas
sage of the Conservatives rule, which being in
terpreted, means another Pet Bank System. All
the Nationals expect to gain by temporary ckvep
» on, is. to (urnish the Conservatives the argument
of necessity, w hich may enable them to sav, “we
are against the Bank, but find it necessary, the
only measure that w ill pass, therefore go for'it.
All wo ask is that you look to our course, ami
thus pronounce whether in advocating the Sub-
Treasurv, we eompromit our principles. What
principles? 1 hose of Nullification ?' They have
nothin* to do with it, aud if they have, they will
drive as to advocate a dovoree, as the argument
will show.
But this Sub-Treasury is pregnant with patron
age. \esit has the patronage of the revenue,
a. id that in list he yielded to the Government, adopt
"’hat scheme you may. Let your policy then be,
to limit that to the necessary wants of an econo
mical Government, ami tor this purpose keep the
interest ot the Banks, ,V. : ■■ and Federal, co-op
eratwig with the people. r \ he only way to do this
is to separate the Government and Banks.
It 1 wanted an insuperable argument to show
that a connection with, affords' more patronage
tram a sop:; ration from hanks, it is presentsd in the
(act, tiiat Van Buren chose the former. If f iv;ug
ted to prove that the Sub-Treasury would most
effectually restrain the excess pf paper circulation,
and limit the excess of revenue, it is furnished in
tiie (act that all United .States Bank men oppose
it.
But. says the Editor, all Sub-Treasury menare
friends ol the Administration ; Van Buren men ; ve
ry good : it it must be so, that in violation of every
principle of honesty, 1 pipst disavow the truth and
sanction error, or be branded a Van Buren man.
T take the latter, and so let it he. But before I
submit to it, 1 have a right to ask on yyhat princi
ple ? Is it pn tiie principle that the Union men
cad you and all of us Federalists and Whigs, or
tn.it on wlm h Nuilffiers wsre galled Disunionists,
I ones and Traitors. Sirs, these are aguments or
expedients improperly used by State Rights men.
Addressed to N ujliners, they have no effect. They
have met danger of this sort too often to turn
now u tnesr approach. The same rule will stig
matize all Atiti-Sub-Tgeasury men, as Bank rneu;
(day men. It is not founded in reason, and is
uqjust ip the application,
hollow Citizens, I have iipw closed my remarks,
and expect to trouble you no more. Y r ou will de
termine this matter as to you may seem right, and
give such direction to your organs as may seem
proper and safe In tlie course deemed best to pur
sue by you, should I ack votes to elect oneo. yoer
candidates, l shall only regret that you did not
nominate one, who, with equal devotion, could
have brought more strength to your cause. Our
opinions ought to be known, that the aggregate
mass ol opinion may be indicated by the choice.
I have said this much from sense of duty to you
and myself. The affair is yours, and with you I
leave it. A greater matter than this I have sub
mitted to you—the smaller is also now referred-
W ith sentiments of strongest attachment, I tt
maiii your Candidate and fellow citizen.
MARK A. COOPER
Bothering a Steamboat. —An old woman on the
banks of the Mississippi, hailed one of the bigger
steamboats passing up the river, which rounded
to, supposing that she wanted to take a passage-
She stepped on board, sought out the captain,
and told him she wanted to sell him i dozen of
eggs. She hadn’t but eleven by her, but said
one of the old hens was on the nest, and if h e
would only wait a few minutes, she could make
out a full dozen.— Boston Traveller,