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r»*nc«-w rebt-d in r*ie foregoing chapters. The
murder of Martin Montalbert, had beeu almost
forgotten, no clue bad been di.-oovered. Elvira
’Tontaltx-rt had also disappeared, but as at the
nc of rue murder of Martin, she was with liiin, it
us generally believed that she also had be .-.i inur
ed.
it first, the murder of a gentleman of so high a
• jding as Martin Montalbert, Esq., caused
v it excitement, but after a fruitless search, it
and now been, as previously mentioned, almost
'atten.' The vast possessions bad descended
VI artins’ younger brother, Henry Montalbert,
i, after this fatal occurrence, left tho country,
. <.airing an agent at borne, to manage his affaires.
\ilow us gentle reader to p»<s over tho Atlan
ta skim that vast shot t of water; imagine
elf in Paris, the great, the beautiful, tire eu
ting Paris. Now mark »ne,, 1 again repeat,
ii tis not my intenfiou to give animate desrip
jii. I write no novel. I write a talc, a simple
• *, ’Twas in Paris, th« s rond anniversary of the
of the murder »»f Martin Montalbert. We
■.a?: in the Jardn dn Tivoli ; the principal
,re resort most frequented by strangers. The
was this afternoon unusually crowded, but
am wander, let me rertace.
i the visitors was a man of majestic sta
ir*. well made, and with a countenance which
«m <>nce have beeu called handsome, but tjow
ir;, down by some cause or other, perhaps grief;
cheek was hollow, his large dark and well
o. -.ped eyes, gazed frightfully around, and on his
a pressed lips, stood a proud contemptuos look,
lie mixed not with crowd, but walked musingly
U ; now would he stop, and with a penetrating
~ scan ev. ry new face that appeared; and
again relapse into his silent musings. This
lerrry Montalbert.
had been strolling tin anil down for hours,
was. about retiring, « hen a person apparently
years of age, entered the Jardiv, accom
foied by two ladies. His was above tire middle
though not so tall as Montalbert, his coun
.ce represented a suspicious and distrusfuj
The Jardin resounded w ith peals oflaugh
m himself and his gas companions.
-■ntrance immediately attracted the atten
of the hawk eyed Montalbert, who gazed
hi.n till he disappeared from his sight.—
j he, Tis he,” muttered Montalbert, ••’tis
-* dy he, I cannot be mistaken ; if 'tis he,
;U«vr -then mus.* the oath be fulfilled, but
men, oh heaven*, how long must J wander
• rhe earth?” He had lost sight of the oh
l.is scrutiny, when again meeting in another
•mbhscrved, one look more convinced him
• Renrgc Hubert.
art and his companions soon left the Jar*
>:ig a sent in a cabriolet arid drove fewards
' 'urgs of the city, where they stopped be
agnificent Hotel. But one silent observer
in another vehicle, and well indrked the
. which they alighted,
i.o lives in that splendid edifice,” remarked
i.bertto a man in rich livery, who had just
••d from the door.
ly master the Count de Lilioli, on a visit,
isiciir,*’replied the roan,
il is he long beeu residing here,” asked Mon
re rt.
"Vo Monsieur, he has just arrived from Italy.”
Ihe man then proceeded on his way. Mon
">'jort, after several inquiries of persons around
" place, was informed that the Count w as a rich
la. VoliUnun. vh-i hail romp nn a visit to
pleasure, and kept the first society iu the
• proceeded to the first case , which
oort distance, and called for pen, ink
ier, and then addressing the C&hnt a note,
retj sted, his presence in a remote and lonely
place among the faubourg*. He then despatched
the note and proceeded to tho rendezvous.
•le had not long been waiting when the Count
• 'lilioli appeared. The meeting was as unex
j.oete 1 on t'. • one side, as wished for on the other,
but ns the Count had no intention of recognizing
the well remembered Montalbert, he walked up
with aJJ the sang fioid imaginable, “vouly vous
ane voir monsieur.”
“Speak your native tongue,” impatiently re
plied Montalbert.
“Signor.”
•‘Liar, ’tis not your native tongue. —Speak,
coward speak, ah, I see thou wilt not recognize
me,” continued Montalbert, seeing that the Count
xlid uo! reply, “w ell then scoundrel,l know thee,and
know thee well; you see in me the too credul
ous Ilenry Mostulbert, who tells you are the mur
derer of his brefkor. George Hubert I know
•thee.”
“Well. Montalbert," answered tire .now raging
ihbert, “I knew thee from the ifirrft, Vut. •tiwiH
ut not inhabit the same world in w hich 1 live,
st, crossitig me in my love, now interrupting
i:i tny pleasures.” So saying, lie hastily
w his sword and plunged it at Montalbert,
h however only reached his arm, and caused
ght flesh wouud; but ere the Count could
> rre)>eat the blow. Montalbert drew a pistol
.. his bosom and lodged the contents into
•erf’s breast.
• ibert immediately fell “Henry thou art re
ed,” said the dying man, “thy brother is re
■,eJ—but know proud boy—Elvira-—thy Ire-
Ad Elvira—tny Elvira—is no more—she felt
■ ;.r>ired—l struck the blow—she begged for
c -but of one w hom she had discarded she beg
■ i Hubert and not Montalbert,”ihe gasped and
. sow moments expired.
- nd now my brother thou art revenged,” cried
■talbert, looking at the inanimate body before
10 not quite the oath is near fulfilled—one
urdcrers is dead, the other will soon fob
:>ert returned to the city, with a haggard
i chaining his hotel, retired early to his
;:::g hitnself up, after discharging Ids
-less not seeing him come as was usual
ia ..■ owing day, sent for him. Ilis door was
1 . ic servant called, aud uo answer was re
. i. . t last the door was forced oi>en. On
. bed lay a lifeless body, a cup stood by its side,
.'pi containing the dregs of a deadly poison. Ilis
■ ath had been made good to -the letter.
Mocfjlbert was no more.
SINGULAR LOVE AFFAIR.
j ielaware Gazette tells a good story oftwo
V is saved from the wreck of the l’ulaski,
•■ we will endeavor to repeat in a few words:—
ren® the passengers was Mr. Ridge, a young
■i wealth and standing, from New Orleans,
mg a stranger to all on board, and feeling
ouch interest in his own safety as in that
, other person, was,in the midst of the con
• wuicb followed the dreadful catastrophe,
; j*. helping himself to a place in one of the
'•; .. . ./bun a young lady who had frequently eli
cited hisadrnirtion during the voyage, but w rh
whom he was totally unacquainted, attracted his
attention, and he immediately stepped forward to
offer bis services, and to assist hero a board but in
this generous attempt lie aot/wly K>>t sight of the
young lady, but also lost liis place in the boat.
Afterwards, when he discovered that the part of
the wreck on which he floated would soon go down
he cast his eyes about for the means of preserva
tion, and dashing together a couple of settees and
an empty cask he sprang on it aud biuched him
self upon the wide ocean.
Ilis vessel proved better than he expected, and
amidst the shrieks, groans,'-and death struggles
which were every where uttered around him, he
began to feel that hjs lot was fortunate; and was
consoling himself upon his escape, such as it was,
when a person struggling in the waves very near
him, caught ins rye, It was a woman—and, w ith
out taking the second thought lie plunged into the
water aud brought her safely to his little raft which
was barely sufficient to keep their heads and
shoulders above w ater. She was the same young
lady for whom he had lost his chance ia pho boat
and for a while he felt pleased at Iwurg effected
her rescue; but a moment’s reflection convinced
him that her rescue was ijo rescue, and tnat un
less he could find some more substantial vessel,
both must perish.
Under these circumstances he proposed ma
king an effort to get his companion in one of tho
boats which was still hovering near the wreck, but
the proposition offered so little chance of .success
that sip* declined, expressing her willingness at the
sams time to take her chance with him either for
life or death. Fortunately, the.y drifted upon a
part of ths wreck which furnished them w ith ma
terials for strengthening thorr vessel, and w hich
were turned to such good account that they soon
sat upon afloat sufficiently buoyant to keep them
above the water, and when tho morijing dawned
they found themselves upon the broad surface of
the “vnslv deep” without land or sail pr human be
ing ip sight— -without a morsel to eat or drink—
almost without ciothes. aud exposed to the burn
ing heat of a tropical sun.
hi the course of next day they came in sight
of land, and fora time had strong hopes of reach
ing if, but during the succeeding night the wind
drove them back upon the ocean. On the third
dav a sail was seen in the distance, but they had
no means of making themselves discovered—They
were, however, at length picked up by a vessel af
ter several davs of intense suffering, starved and
exhausted, hut still in possession of all their facul
ties, which it seems had been employed to some
purpose during thcirsolitarv gad dangerous voy
age.
We hare heard of love in a cottage—love in the
deep green woods—nay, even of love on the wide
unfurrowed prairie; but love upon a plank in the'
midst old ocean with a dozen frightful deaths in
views is still mere uncommon. And yet it would
seem that love thus born npon the bosom of the
deep-—cradled by the ocetfTi waive, and refined
under the fierce beams of an almost vertical sun---
is, after aB, the very thing. There is about it the
trneso ice of romance—the doubts, the hopes, the
difficulties—aye, and the deaths too, to say noth
ing of the sights and tears. Mr. Ridge, mast
therefore, be acknowledged as the most romantic
oflovers, for there upon the deep deep sea, he
breathed hisprecocious passion, mingled his sighs
with the breath of old ocean and vo»«d eternal
affection, Women are the be.st creatures in the
world, audit is not to bo expected that Miss On
iiew (jfeuuli was ibe lady’s name) could resist the
substantial evidences of affection which her coni-
Dauwii had given, and accordingly they entered
into an alliance offensive aud defensive,’ as the
statesman say, which has since been renewed upon
terra firma,’and is ere long" to be signed and sealed.
On reaching the shore and iccovering somewhat
from the effects of the voyage, Mr. Ridge thinking
that perpaps liis lady’s love had entered into the
engagement without proper considereation, and
that the sight ofland ami ofold friends might have
caused her to change her views, waited on her and
informed her that if stick was the case he would
not hesitate to release her from the engagemett,
and added further that he had lost his ail ivy the
wreck of the Pulaski, and would heneforth be en
tirely dependent on his own exertions for his sub
sistence. The lady was much affected, and burst
ing into teais assured him that her affection was
unchangeable, and as to fortune, she w as happy to
say tjbsl she J*wd enough for both. Sire is said to
be worth two hundred thousand dollars.
ffrookii/n Advertiser
On Saturday last, the Banks of this city all re
sumed specie payments, including the Branch .of
the State Bank which had previously resumed.
The day passed off without any sort ofexciteinent
so far as we could perceive, aud without any run
upon any of the banks so far as we have I/eard.
During the suspension, many J>e«pie were crazy
for specie, and the hanks were abused without
mercy forlnot shelling it out, hut now when every
body can get specie, nobody wants it. What does
this prove ? It proves couclusiely that the anxi
ety of the people for the banks to resume, did not
arise from any desire to get specie for the purpos
es of trade or to hoard if, but to reduce the high
rates of exchange and to produce a sound and
liealthv condition in the currency. It proves al
so that if such a thing were practicable, it is not
desirable, to have an exclusive metallic currency,
and that so long as bank bills are convertible into
specie, they will always be made use of for busi
ness purposes by every description of people.
Augusta Sf nhvsl.
gen. NELSON’S CAMPAIGN.
From the late report of Gen. Jesup we per
ceive that the Georgia Regiment accomplished
wonders in Florida!! Gen. Nelson’s brigade kil
led fi 'lndians and raptured 14! What number
.of these were women and children we are not in
formed in the report, hut we have learned from
some source, that several of the objects on which
these feats of heroism were displayed, were help
less and aged females! This -matters not. The
expedition has .cost the United States nearly, if
not quite half a million of dolUvrs—the moder
ate sum of .$‘.25,000 perlread. And for this Gen.
N. is to be elevated to a seat an -Congress, it' the
Union party eau poll votes enough in October
next. A modern hero is rather a singular sort of
being indeed.
w T!ie King of France with 40,000 inen.
Marched up the hill and then marched down
again." —CdUimbus Enquirer.
We understand (says the Globe) that Dr. An
son Jones, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Re
public of Texas, arrived -in this city a few days
since, and has taken lodgings at Gadsby’s Hotel.
The population »f the city of Columbus, accor
ding to the census recently taken is, whites S23t*6,
black 1779. Total 4lfis.
THE GEORGIA MIRROR.
f'rom the Augusta PeojAe's Press,
Scihvkn CotlTi, Aug. 25, 1838,
To A. E. Whitten, Ksq, and others, a Commit
tee of the citizens of Franklin County, and Simp
son Fouche, J. H. C. Sliacklefort, Esqs. and
others, citizens Os Taliaferro County ;
Gentlemen ilt gives me great pleasure to an
swer the questions you have propounded for my
consideration,and which have teen addressed to
me bv letter, aud though the newspapers. The
Resolutions enclosed to me from Franklin County,
call upon each Candidate for Congress, in the
State of Georgia for his opinion relative to the
constitutionality, and expediency of establishing
a U. States Rank, and to express *heir “ choice ”
for tho next President between Van Boren, Clay,
Webste*. and Harrison; the citizens desire to he
informed whether l am for, or against, the separa
tion of Government from all connection with
Hanks, and if that question he answered in the
negative, then whether I api for or rgainst the cs
taldishment of a National Bank, or for or against
the re-organization of tlie I'et Bunk scheme. For
the convenience of all panics concerned, I beg
leave to reply tp both these communications at
once, and to promulgate my answers through the
press, as the best possible means of conveying to
the voters of Georgia, all tpe information in rela
tion to the opinions of one of the Candidates for
Congress, necessary to a correct and patriotic ex
ercise of the elective franchise. This, J ifo more
readily, because l have ever contended, as 1 yet
do, for the tight of instruction, and consequently
for the right of the people to be fully informed as
to 4he views and opinions of those who are off ered
for their sufferages.
I am asked then, 1o make known my “c//o'ce”
for the next President between Van Buren, Clay,
Webster, and Harrison; —being a State lliglrts’
man, aud accustomed from the earliest period of
my political career, to look to the principles of
Thomas Jeff'er»,on as the only trye creed in politics,
1 of course can have no choice between tlje individ
uals above proposed.
Mr. Van Buren is a recorded advocate for free
negro suffrage—admits the right of Congress to
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, tsikJ
leaves p-s ijo safe-guard for our domestic iustifu
tions,but h\zpromised veto. lie voted against the
Tariff, and taade a speech in favor of it—he was
an advocate for the Proclamation and Force Bill—
he approved the removal of the deposits of public
money in violation «.f existing laws—lie advised
aud approved the Pet Bank system, to which the
States Rights party were unanimously opposed;
and last, not least, lie “paltered with us in a double
synse” in relation to the removal of otjy Indian
population,
'Can it fie seriously supposed, after this state
ment of facts, that Mr. Van Buren is my choice
for President! If there are any among us who
can choose him with a full knowledge of his polit
ical character all I have to say, is, they are much
more easily satisfied than I am. It is true he is
at this time favorable to the establishment of an
Independent Treasury; but ho has been forced
into that position by the successful opposition of
the State Rights party of the South, and the
Whigs .of the North, to his own Pet Bank system,
to wjjipli lja chins ds long as there was a ray of
hope to animate him.
Shall his temporary advocacy of a single ab
stract proposition, ivolving a question as much of
expediency ns principle, mil-wcifili the Inny li-t of
political heresies with which he stands so justly
chargeable? He has had one fair trial before the
people of Georgia; his friends were then, as they
now are, “moving heaven and earth to ensure his
acceptance by the voters of this State; but alter
all that was in support of his pretentions to their
favor, they rejected his claims by a triumphant
majority. Upon that occasion l contributed noth
ing to his support, for the reasons above stated
and aware of no reformation in his principles, or
policy, since that time, I shall be tree to leave
liita to the support of those who affect to admire
the >clevatio!i of his political character, and his
devotion to the right and interest of Georgia.
If genius and intellect of the highest order—if
■oratorical powers comparable to the ablest efforts
of ancient or modern times—if a free and gene
rous character in every thing personal to himself
were the only attributes and qualifications neces
sary to constitute a wise, and efficient magis
trate, upon whom the South as we)l as the West
could rely \oi the protection of her Constitution
al rights, I should certainly select Henry Clay, in
preference to almost any man, for the exalted
station to which he aspires. But unfortunately
there are “dark spots on his sun,” which in the
eyes of a Southern avian, educated in the strict
tenets of evur padivveal faith, must eclipse all his
brightness, and obscure jhis -effulgence. He has
been charged with advocating in a Convention of
the people of Kentucky, and more recently at a
meeting of the Colonization Society, the abolition
of Slavery—and the charge, though publicly
made, has never been denied ;—he is the father of
the so-called “American System,”—the plain
English of which is, he goes for a high protec
tive tariff of discriminating duties, lie has sug
gested a “Fifty Millions National Bank”—lie ap
proves the Proclamation and Force Bill, and has
lately boasted in the Senate of the l . States, that
“1IE,” had saved the necks-of the States Rights’
men of the South from Gen. Jackson's snare and
halter!—He is a consolidationist, and, if elected
to the office he see'-.s, would .do, as he has done,
every thing in his power to convert this confeder
ation of States into a splendid, central, Consoli
dated Government. Although a Representative
of the West, his patriotism has become so expan
sive of late, as to take into its embrace nllsoTH of
people, bankites, tariflites, consolidationist*. fed
eral is ts, and all; —in short, he has no politico*) ip
tcrests or principles in common with us, and we
could not rationally expect hint -to side with us in
relation to our violated rights.
For these reasons Hour Clay is not tny ll rhoicc
•for President. ’ 1 admirchitn as a man of power
fui and facinsfingtalents; I»utwe mast be wholly
forgetful of what we have been, and are, before
we pan support him for any office.
Daniel Webster is a giant in intellect as in
Federalism. Glorying in the name and principles
of the old Federal Party, he adheres to there with
a firmness of purpose, which, while it elicits our
admiration for his constancy, is by no means cal
culated to conciliate us to his advancement. He
is so totally foreign tolls in every view of the case,
that l do not believe die could get ten votes in the
State of Georgia for the Presidency, Os course,
I consider him out of tire question.
As for Gen. Harrison, he is not known in this
section of the State as a Candidate for the Execu
tive—and if he has been occasionally spoken of
among us, it has been only as an abolitionist, and
a man who would not suit us under any circum
stances.
I em aware, that in thus r-jeetiug all th* names
you have proposed, I will be wrongfully-subjected
to the uncharitable imputations of some who would
be glad of any pretext of opposition. It will be
said by our opponents, that l leject every body,
ere rtf thing —that I am negatively captious, and
have no choice. such, however,'is not the fact
If you present me with four decided anil ackno.v!
edged crib, you surely will pardon for ci’oas
ing neither cf them, but rejecting all. If your
question had gene a step farther and asked who 1
t could support for President, if I should reject all
the Candidates you offer, I could readily have
given you au affirmative answer. I would vote
for George M. Troup, or any other man of his
intellect and principles, for the highest office in
the gift of the people: because in so doing, I
should not only be voting for a man of confessed
abilities, but in tho appropriate language of the
citizens of Taliaferro, 1 should he “sustaining one
who hail faithfully represented our views and
feelings,” and should not he “hazarding the total
overthrow of those long cherished principles of
politics and constitutional construction, for which
we have so zealously contended through evil, and
through good report.”
For my opinion relative to the questions of Bank
and Treasury, permit me to refer you to the his
tory of the State Rights’ Party.as connected with
th it subject. That party have u » tTrudy, amlal
almust unanimously, been opposed to the creation
nt a U. States B ink upon she constitutional
ground—that Con cress had no right to charter
such an institution. They believed that as the
Constitution contained no grant of power to the
federal authorities to charter a Bank, tha fact that
power to pass acts of incorporation by Congress,
had been more than qnce proposed and rejected in
the Convention which framed that instrument, was
proof positive that the question had been fully
considered, and decided in the-negrtive by those
to w hom the people h and entrusted the task of or
ganizing the general government. They refused
to legislate into existence, q power which the law
paramount of the land did not grant, and which
was expressly rejected by the Convention itself.—
These, and other grounds of objection to a Bank
having been again and again deliberately resolved
by our Legislature, and repeatedly sanctioned by
the primary assemblies of tRe people, precludes
once the question of expediency. That which is
unconstitutional is certainly inexpedient, at least to
those who are disposed to abide by tire Constitu
tion “in spirit and in truth,” and to recognize it as
tile gworc-iity us thoir riulitc amt piivilcpifis. If
that instrument should even be so amended as to
grant to Congress power to pass acts of incorpo
ration, it may then very properly become a ques
tion whether it is expedient to create such an in
stitution. Until such an amendment is mad;-, I
will not permit myself to entertain, even for a
moment, the question of expediency, in opposi
tion to my constitutional scruples. The object
to he attained can never sanctify the means.
The snccefnl opposition of the t-fate Rights
partv of Georgia to tha ■vl’e: Bank i rheme” of
Gen. Jackson and Mr. Van Buren, is of too recent
occurrence to demand proof by reference to the
facts which transpired at the time. Having pqi
ticipated in that opposition, 1 entertain now, a$ 1
did then, asetsb-d repugnance to the “scheme 1 * as
one, the signal failure of which, lias proven con
clusively, the truth of the njapy objections which
were urged against its adoption. Even its ori
ginal authors have abandoned it ns inefficient, and
a vast majority of the p -.iplc have fully s-ustainc i
our opposition roursf* rpirciins tliou fur
us to pursue ? If we intend to be true to ourselves
and consistent with our former professions, we
must neces.aadvocate tire .tdoptionof an !n
--i*kpe!sdent Thkasury. Having regccted a U.
States B ink as unconstitutional, and consequently,
as inexpedient— having repudiated the IT: Bank
system in ail its hearings, we are no longer at liber
ty to refuse a fair trial to that only remuing planed
collecting and disbursing the public revenu**,
winch proposes to divorce the Government from
ah connection with Ban! oas fiscal agents. While
however. I admit the general principle of divor
cing the Government from Banks, I should insist
upon a satisfactory arrangement of the details of
the system, before I could give it nn s i; r, i rt;
for that which might fee a very acceptable “Sub-
Treasury” to one man, might be exceedingly ob
jectionable to nre. I should vote not only to sever
the Government from Banks, but I sh#nld insist
\inon severing the Treasury, and the appointment
of its officers, from the hands of the Executive,
f wonfd place the control of the Treasury, and
the appointment and snpen 'sion of those who are
to administer its affairs, in the hands of the House
of Representatives. The members of that House
are elected nt shArt intrrvais hy the people—their
responsibility is more direct, and their connection
with the constiiiient body more immediate than
any branch of the general government.—
To that department too, the Constitution evident
ly looks as the most appropriate agent to super
vise the “ways and means” of the people in their
political capacity, when it eloihes it with exclu
sive power to originate a revenue. I would also
leave the govermnetd free to receive the bills pf
specie paying Banks; for while 1 distinctly rqcog
niye gold and silver only as money, and as the only
eurrenev known to the constitution, I do not think
l should be violating either the letter or spirit pf
that instrument, by receiving the bills of such
banks as promptly paid specie, dollar for dollar,
at the will of the holder. 1 should look .upon
such .bills as the immediate representative of the
precious metals—-as specie certificates, converti
ble with gold and silver, so long as they were so in
fart. I should receive them not as matter of fa
vour to the Banks, but of convenience to the ,gov
ernment. I refer to these particulars only to
shew that the general principle of the divorce is
one thing, and the details of any bill, establishing
that principle, quite another, and equally impor
tant, if hot more so, as the original question,
I make this exposition, thus .minutely, of mv
views in relation tp an Independent Treasury*,
purely in obedience to the call from Franklin atid
Taliaferro, for while we look to it with some in
terest, in this section of the State, as q question
of policy, involving the direct violation of nn fun
damental principle , we do not recognize it as a
teste of political purity. It is not permitted to in
terfere with considerations of higher moment, or
to operate to the exclusion of those who may hon
estly differ from us.
I have the honor to he,
very respectfully,
vour fellow-citizen,
EDWARD J. BLACK.
re
From the Columbus Enquirer.
Of.Wtlemen : —I have noticed some interroga
tories put to the candidates for Congress, by a por
tion of the citizens of the county of Taliaferro,
which I beg leave to answer through the medium
of your paper. My absence from home will be
a sufficient apology for not having noticed calls
wlrch may have been made from other quartc-
Tbe people of Georgia, to vhon 1 am known t
feel satisfied are assured that 1 entertain ne p<u t
ical opinion that 1 disguise, not any sentiment u*'
on the absorbing topics of the day, that I cnre * *
withhold. In very early life I espoused the J 3
trines of the iftate Rights party, from an hon.
conviction that they were sound,— I did riot and '
serf them when tho popular tide run rough)* (!V .
their advocates; and by those doctrines 1 a!n st| o
willing'to stain! or fall. Among tijc doctrines !,
that party is the one denying to Congress the rit i"
to exercise powers not specifically granted bv U„
Constitution, Our opponents claimed the ruff,':
to assume powers.hv implication, against whf,'
we have waned in Congress aud the States, qq *
warmest advocates for the establishment of a V
tional or U. States Bank, do not contend that
there is any specific grant for this purpose, aud
consequently churn it by implication. You'vlj
perceive, therefore, that unless I abandon tin
principle of the parry, iu which I have been school
ed, 1 cannot be i he advocate of either a National
es Uuiiv-'l Stales Bank. J an, mmiHinr to obtniL
the suff rages of any portion of my fellow citizens
bv d“> •i-ti.ig long cherished opinions, while Imu'-
be conscious they are permitted to loathe n it f
an apostate. Il l were sure that tny defeat wen': i
be the result of a.i imeo;:i| r<-mi: g adherence i„
tny Manciples, it would be no tempiatiou to abac
tion them. The peer h* of this country will g ro * H
wearv ol such clrer .ehires ire arn ever ready j
jump Jim Crow for tire bribe of office, An hm,.
est and generous community will sooner or later
rebel against eiprustiug their rights in the hands
ofdetna o rues, who are clamorous against pii n .
ciples and niea.sues to day, if office can be obtain
ed by it; and n ho, in a short mouth, are fine,
most in carrying ’ those very measures, of offiee
depoods upon it. It is to ns a great national mis.
fortune, that criminations or reoriminatinns bv
antagonist politicians, publish to the world what
sickening changes the vile motives of place and
power, inflict on the characters of our publi,;
men. Read tins .speeches of uew-light converts,
and hear their excuses; “times and circumstan
ces have changed,” “expediency requires it. *
‘ they must yield to the power of the people.”
&c. Arc.; to all which I make one general inter
pretation, to wit : they would not change tutlm
something could he made by-it ; they would retain
their birthright, but' for the pottage. 1 feel that
any’appointment is purchased at a price Carton
extravagant, if that price bo- the undying contwnpt
lor consistent*, f<oth.nn<l I am, therefore
content to trudge on in the bouton track, and stilt
oppose either a National or United .States Bank;
and while 1 respect the opinions of those who
differ with me, they will ultimately, I have nu I
doubt, regard my character the more kiudj.v, for I
qn honest adherence to my own. Tht great prin-1
ciples pf liberty cannot be permanently main-1
tained by a sacrifice of honesty. Apart fro.ii), tjre
constitutional objection, I do not esteem, the es
tablishment of such iustitu tiot’s. at this time cith
er safe or expedient. The derangement of the I
currency anil pressure of the times are well ea) r
ciliated to awaken enquiry, in order to find a reme
dy. But we should not be. hasty in ridding our
selves of temporary ovals, by • . /.aiding a pan die
i east of a die the dearest and must permanent in
terests of the country. All admit that < iff u
NutioimJ or United States Bank would have con
trol of fearful and dangerous powers; and our
safety, as a natqm, would necessarily depend v. re
touch upon the integrity and patriotism of their
mamigpiucnt. 'i his Ida not undtisiaud re be ci
ther a sound or sale principle of Government.—
l’lie concentration ot power, without proper
checks ami balances, is the subversion of freedom.
The rook upon which rests tire ark of oursalety,
is the retention of power in the hands of the peo
ple, and 1 trust ir will neither he moved-or shaken
by the factions, agitated wav sos selfishness nm|
ambition. I am oppo ! to collecting and dis
bursing ;he public funds, through the agency of
pet banks, and shall feel sorry to learn that tire fis
cal concerns of tV government cannot bo man
aged without the aid of irresponsible agents; cor
porations chartered with an eye to no such trust;
whose stockholders, officers, nor dependants, me
selected fey the poop!'* of tiieir representatives.—
Upon thi (rein: the Suite Rights pat tv, as a party,
stand committed; they have, bv vote, pen, and
speech, registered their unqualified disapproba
tion. I f.-ni decidedly in favor of disconnecting
the governtmnt from alt banks. Surely the agents
of the government, selected by the people of their
representatives, are likely to be as competent and
as honest as corporations which are under the con
trol of neither. Let the treasury b£ independant.
The receiving specia alone in payment of public
dues, Ido not think necessary; and without a go,<ii)
reason for it would act oppressively on the banks.
1 have fuHy answered the questions propounded,
and ana glad to have it in my power to show that 1
have been honestly struggling for principle, not for
office or power. That i.rr raising the war-cry
against the administration, it was from no selfish
cause: lint to aid in making our principles, not
self-interest, triumphant. 1 regret the danger ot
division upon tire question among us, who have
been for years united. It has not been our lot, fir
a season, to enjoy the honors or emoluments ot
a victorious party, boldlv contending for princi
ple, fearlessly struggling against federal encroach
ment. andppenljMrpposing the arm of power; we
have been depreciated and signalized by a lame
calumny, ns enemies to the Union, and as inimical
to freedom, Our reward has been our integrity;
and l trust we shall ever find consolation, even in
defeat, in onr consistency and our conscience, —
Upon tire main point, <t stperotiou of government
and Batiks, there is little or no difference of opin
ion between the candidates on our ticket ;*but as
to tlie details of a bill, bv which this scheme can
be best effected, then may he and is a difference of
opinion. There is no doubt, however, that each
will cordially embrace sueli plan as he feels "iff
afford tlie least patronage, be the least corrupting
in its operations, ami most safe for the country.—
the great question for divorce being settled, in
which we agree, in exercising our best judgments
in its details, there can be no cause of quarrel. —
There have always beeu a few of our associates;
who have believed in the constitutionality, if not
the expediency, of the United States Bank, fn
those friends 1 would submit in kindness, a lew
remarks. Would you or either of you be willing
to organize a Bank for political purposes ? From
my knowledge of some of you, I flatter myse”
you w ill unequivocally answer NO! Do yon not
perceive that should a National or United States
Bank be organized at this time, they must be in
evitably blendid with politics? That the election
of members of Congress, the success or defeat ot
President, will be made to depend upon tills ques
tion ; so that the foundation ot such an institution.
if created will be mode to rest on polities ? 1
effort made in Georgia to make this a test ques
tion, contributes to the certainty of the political
character of the and certainly should