Newspaper Page Text
Azalea, Habersham co. Aug. so, is-*
To ATcssrs- Whitten, Moms and-Degn , Committee :
GeStuemeß— l have received your communi
cation, covering a resolution ot the meeting ot the
citizens of Carnesville, on the 6th inst. by which
I am called upon to express my opinions on cer
tain noints therein specified. By the last man, 1
received, through the public prints, a like call
irotn certain of my fellow-citizens ot the county
->1 Taliaferro: To these calls I cannot for a mo
ment hesitate to respond. r l lie instant I consent
ed to become a candidate for Congress, every citi
zen became entitled to know my political opin
ions. In replying therefore to you, I avail mjselt
of the occasion, freely and fully to spread those
opinions before tire whole people of Georgia ; and
; im not unwilling, but anxious, that they should
reach the eve or the ear ot every citizen of the
.state. By those opinions lam willing to stand or
fall, according to the judgment of an houcst and
'dependent people. By many, perhaps by whoh
unties, these opinions will never bo heard; hut
lions will be sent to them as mine, as unlike
t mine, as black to white. Beit so. If I declare
■n fully, and fairly and honorably, and send
i forth to'be published, I have discharged my
duty to my conscience, and my obligations, in that
regard to ray fellow-citizens.
I premise the views [ am about to give, with no
professions of sincerity, or of devotion to the in
terests of Georgia. Professions are not worth a
straw.- I-was born in Georgia; I have no interests
but Georgia interests; I reside in her mountains,
where there are no Banks; and I own not a dollar
of Bank Stock; mv prosperity and welfare, and
tii-it of my children, are fast linked in with the
prospenG Georgia. Jfthese are not sufficient
guarantees for my and fidelity to the State,
no professions I can make -„uld give you a better
security.
Id the course of my remarks, 1 may «-~press
opinions on matters not called for by the inquirers.
If I give more than you ask, you cannot complain.
If I am forced to impugn the opinions of others,
I will do it respectfully, I mean to impugn no man’s
motives; all 1 ask is the benefit of the golden rule
“that others will do unto me, as I would do unto
them-" I will now proceed to auswer the inqui
rics;
The first is relative to the constitutionality of a
United States Bank. As the President, it is well
understood, will veto any bill which may pass Con
gress for that purpose, and if I am elected, my
term of service will end with his, iny opinion or
vote will, probably, not be called for, or, if called
for. will be of no avail. But you have asked for it,
and you shall have it, and that as plainly as I can
give it to you.
Every one knows that the Constitution was a
ri iromise of conflicting interests and views to
‘■/•t a inure perfect union between thirteen sovc
ogu and independent Stales. The best evidence
if the mo leration and love of country of our an-
chors is that such a union, under the circum
stances, was formed at all; the best evidence of
their wisJtrn* that it has been preserved so long;
rad the best hope of their children, that it may
otifinue forever as they formed and left it to us.
it would never have been adopted, if they had not
agreed upon a particular rule, as the basis of the
whole structure—it will never be preserved, if that
ru.c is not strictly adhered to and enforced by
their posterity. That great rule is, that while all
powers were granted to tbe Federal Government
which w=re necessary for the safety and welfare of
the whole, and which could only be used effectu
ally by one common head—no power should be
granted or exercised to protcr.t or foster the inter
ests of one State or section, at the expense of any
other. Powers were specified, and Congress was
vested with further power to make all laws necessa
ry and proper for carrying into execution the spe
cified powers. Without this last clause, the Con
stitution would be but waste paper; but like many
othei good tilings, it has been most grossly per
verted and misrepresented. Some have made it
to give all power; some no power at all; as usual
the truth ties in the middle. The law, to be con
stitutional, must be both necessary and proper —not
necessary or proper. It must not only be neces
sary for the end, but proper, that is just, which is
one of the meanings of the word proper, and in my
opinion the true mcauiug, as it isthere used in the
constitution. Just, for in exercising the uecessa
rv power, Congress must not invade the rights or
privilege* reserved,to the .States. In the contest
power, necessary has preserved its name, but
lost its character; proper has not only lost its
character, but its name. The Supreme Court on
this very question of the Bank, changed it into
“appropriate.” General Jackson found the Pet
Bank system a very jit instrument to breakdown
the Bank of the United States; and Congress
found the Force Bill, and the Army and Navy ve
ry convenient to sue tain the Tariff and to put down
nullification. Thus “proper” first became “ap
propriate.” then “fit,” then “convenient;” which
1 ast. means all a eonsoludafionist can desire. I
wiil give unto Cwsar that which is Caesar’s—not
one jot more. There is no express power granted
to Congress to establish Bank— has it the impli
ed power under the clause above referred to?—-
Genera] Washington, as President, sanctioned
the charter of the first Bank of the United States ;
Mr. Madison the charter of the late Bank-—which
last was advocated by Mr. Crawford, and by Mr.
Calhoun, the present great author advocate of the
m clause of what is now called the Sub-Trea
- v Bill, Thus all these distinguished men, »n
--:i»;■ • the most solemn sanction of their oaths of offi
ce, pronounced these charters as not only con
s''tutional but expedient: If Mr. Calhoun erred
•• * he may err now; at any rate, I am neither
i nor ashamed to be found in such good corn-
believe that a Bank of the United States, un
:i-?r proper restrictions, is a necessary aid of the
t reasury for two purposes: first, to erable it to
transfer its funds with facility, ■ safety and cheap
ness, from points where they are not wanted, to re
mote points where they are warned; and second
-• Iv, to give to the whole country a currency of e
tjual, or nearly equal value every where ; that
while the Government receives its full dues in a
yuedium at par value, the importer at the North
' whaling procure that medium without cost, while
the importer 2t the South shall be obliged to pay
five or tsn per cent ti> obtain it; as was lately, and
perhaps is now the case. I s this the uniformity ol
•the duties intended by the constitution, and can
-the South, under such circumstances, hope to
comnefe with the North in the foreign trade ?
But you will ask, how is this equality to be es
tablished and maintained ? I answer, that all ex
'* Has nroved that it can only be procured
F j *T . • i " Bank of the UnltC*
and maintained thrangu a , I
'“states; an J the same experience has also proven, .
that it is only by the aid of such a Ban k, that the
Treavi/y can be pf.pi'reatly able to make its
transfers to remote points, w itn facility, cneapnc.s,
and safety. I make this assertion in full confi
dence of its truth, and challenge proof to the con
trary. All other means hitherto to effect
these important objects, have failed. Ihe let
Banks as they are called, with the aid m
millions of public deposites failed, and the gov
ernment will probably lose several millions by the
experiment. The wagoning specie across the
mountains, and transporting it by sen, are, l think
you will all admit, neither SYCry cheap, expedi
tious, nor very safe mode of transferring the pub
lic funds, especially in times of war; when both
safety and dispatch may be all important. An ex
clusive specie circulation, which was sag zest and as
I the proper and constitutional mode of eqn di/.ing
the currency, was nicknamed the Benton Hum
bug, and was immediately rejected by all as im
practicable, and by most persons as ruinous to
the prosperity and trade of the whole country.
Under tiie existing system, can these great objects
be accomplished without the aid ol a L nited Zstatos,
Bank, obliged by its charter to furnish a sound
medium ol circulation, and to transfer the public
funds promptly and cheaply to any point required
by the Treasurer? Every merchant knows that
bills of exchange for large amounts cannot always
bp purchased t or it purchased* can only bo obtain
ed at large and ruinous premiums. Without
such a Bank, the Government will be obliged to
purchase bills for remittance on the same terms as
the merchant, and be subject to the incon
veniences, delays, and losses. It l am right in
these views, a Bank of the United States is a neces
sary aid to secure to the country an equal circu
lation, anil to the Treasury, its just dues, and a
cheap, sate, and expeditious mode ol making its
transfers; and to the people of the South an
equality in the payment of duties. For these
purposes and these alone, I consider the power to
create a Bank a necessary power.
But it must not only be a necessary, but a prop
er power, that is, it must be so used, that while
the Bank can accomplish these necessary ends, it
cannoi '.«o,. r fere with, or control the rights reserv
ed to the States. \ charter may indirectly be
gifted with powers, wind, are contrary to the
spirit of the constitution. Iwm illustrate this by
the Tariff acts. No one doubts the constitutional
power of Congress to lay and collect duties. That
power is expressly given—that power, however,
must be limited to an amount necessary for the
wants of the Treasury. To go beyond this for
purpose of ptotecting and fostering manufactures
in one section, at the expense of another section, I
Is a violation ot' the fundamehUi rule I have laid
down, and iu my opinion, aud in the opinion ol
most, if not all of you, unconstitutional, unjust
and oppressive to the planting interest. \et a
court would pronounce such an act constitution
al, because not within its province to determine
the precise amount requisite to meet the wants of
the Government, iso with the charter of the late
Bank of the United States. The powers granted
on the face of the Instrument, were probably all
such as any court would dacide to be constitu
tional and yet it did possess the power, indirectly,
not onlv to regulate and control the State institu
tions, but to raise or depress the market in any
particular place or State, almost at will; a power
not granted to Congress, and therefore not grant
able by Congress to the Bank. This indirect
power, as I conceive, was derived in a great meas
ure, if not altogether, from the almost exclusive
right of the Bank, under its charter, to receive an 1
pay out the public monies, and varied from time
to time, as the public deposites were increased or
diminished. That this power was ever used im
properly, Ido not mean to say; for I do not be
lieve that institution was ever managed with more
ability and more honesty, for the attainment of the
great ends for which it was established, than that
institution was, iiuder the charge of Air. Cheves,
and afterwards of Air. Biddle; but the last named
gentleman, in his late cotton speculation, which
I think was both honorable to hitnself and bene
ficial to you, has given you a hint of what could
be doue, iu tire exercise of such a power by a
board of New York or Philadelphia merchants,
not quite so honest as himself. If lam right in
the source from which this mischievous and un
constitutional power was derived, remove that, and
you have a Bank with all the necessary capacities
for doing good, without the capability of mischief.
If the refusal to give the Bank a right by its
charter to receive and pay out of the public monies
is what is called a divorce of the Government from
the Banks, then lam in favour of the divorce.—
This divorce has been objected to by many who
dread the influence of the President more than
that of the Bank. But whether the funds are
deposited in the United States Bank, in a State
Bank, or locked up in safes, the Secretary of the
Treasury, or the Treasurer can always draw them,
without being questioned; and if these officers
are corrupt, aud the creatures of the President,
they are just as much subject to his influence iu
one place as iu another. Gen. Jackson took the
deposites by force from the late Bank, not because
he couid not control them while in its vaults, (for
die very fact of taking them proved that he could
control them at will) but to weaken and destroy
the Bank.
There was another privilege accorded to the
Bank by the Supreme Court which I believe is
contrary at least to the spirit of the constitution.
I allude to the freedom from taxation by the
States. To have protected it from a greater tax
than the State Banks were subjected to by their
own Legislatures, would have been just and con
stitutional; but to exempt it from all taxation, was
giving it greater privileges than the constitution
secures to a citizen of one State, having property
or business iu another. The charter ought also
to require of the, Rank payments in specie of all
its obligations under a given amount a f aov of its
offices at which they may be presented, no mat
ter where issued, or where payable.
I think a charter, subject to the restrictions I
have stated, would be in accordance with the spirit
of the constitution; and as such a Bank is neces
sary to the Treasury for the two purposes I have
named, I think it would, token so limited, be expe
dient.
In determining upon this question of expedien
cy, it behoves the people of Georgia to consider
well, the situation in which they aru placed. Ex
perience has proved, that as a general rule, the
paper of our State Banks, even when they pay
specie, will not circulate at par. much beyond our
own borders. Our neighbor. South Carolina, has
secured for herself a great Bank of Twelve Mil
lions of Dollars Capital, with the privilege of es
tablishing branches in North Carolina and Ten
nessee, the paper of which will circulate at par,
or above it, in all those States, and perhaps be
yond them; she therefore requires no United
Bank to g ; vc her a par circulation in those
States in which it will be most needful for her.
" - merchant will take the paper of this
The Caronu« _ -» par, and make his
Bank, which be wilj obtain *«.
TllH GHOIMxIA MIRROit.
purchases in the Western market, paying away,
the same paper, perhaps at a pienumn, certainly
without loss. The merchant of Georgia will
into the same market with our State Bank Bills,
wlftch cost him also par at home, but being there
i, do,,- no ii»nst submit to a discount; or he
must draw specie trom our Banks to use in that
trade, Ac ttiereby cri;>plo them. 1 am no merchant
mvself. but it strikes me that the result must be.
to throw the whole Western trade into the hands
of Carolina. Our only chance of escape from
this, in the notes of the Insurance Bank of Co
lumbus, which, backed by the United States Bank
of Pennsylvania, will command credit n the W est,
because receivable in Philadelphia. That Bank
has now branches in several of youi cities, and
the very capability to command a ciydit in the
West, will enable it to control your State Banks
to the same extent that a B. mch of the United
States Bank would without the public deposites.
That it will have this power y our State Banks
know. The moment that Bank was purchased, it
was to our State Banks as a ball of fire on the
mast to the mariner; they hurried to make all
snug by curtailing their discounts. The truth is,
Mr. Biddle is on your shoulders, whether von
will or no, and you cannot shake him off; and the
only alternative left you, in order to get your
share of the Western trade, is to cherish the In
surance Bank or to get a branch ofa United States
Bank. South Carolina may well condemn Ore er
pediency of establishing a Hank of tie l sited
States; but is it the policy of Georgia to do likc
wi se f
My fellow citizens of Taliaferro, have inquired
of me my opinions on the Pet Bank system. 1
was opposed to that system trom the beginning,
am now, and ever will be. It is calculated to give
to the President an influence more widely extern
fled, and more destructive, to our free institutions,
than tlm influence secured to him by ill his other
patronage. It was calculated K* ma te, not only
the Directors, but all the Stockholders of all the
State Banks throughout the Union, supplicants
for his bounty. It penetrated into the cottage as
well as the counting room. It subjected aJilgctiia
rich and the poor stockholder; the One tiiro’ his
avarice, the other thtoiigh |ii J poverty. It gave
him the absolute coupoi of the money power of
the country. 1”e Divorce has been made an I 1
hope, toc-'l’Cr, it was a union against the spirit of
the constitution, and destructive to the rights of
the States. Do not understand me as being op
posed to the State Banks. In my opinion, they
are not only valuable institutions, but. necessary to
the improvement and prosperity of the country;
strictly guarded and limited by Legislative watch
fulness and wisdom, they are a blessing to the
country. A cry has been raised against them—
the cry of monopoly—-I do not join in that cry—
it is calculated to produce the very monopoly you
dread—make the State Bank system unpopular,
and the refusal to create new Banks to meet tire
just wants of the daily increasing commerce of
our State, will at once give to the existing Banks
that very monopoly. Destroy the present State
Banks, and you throw the monopoly into 4 the
hands of the monied usurer and extortioner, who
will then demand twenty five per cent for his
loans—-I ask von to look well into this matter.
Again : My fellow citizens of Taliaferro, ask
my opinion on wtiat is called the Sub-Treasury
question—by this I understand the system of con
fining the government receipts and expenditures
to gold and silver coin and Treasury notes, or in
other words, the twenty third section of the bill
stricken out on motion of your Senator Mr. Culli
bert. lam obliged to understand it in this limited
way, for when that clause was stricken out bv
the combined votes of Van Buren men and Clay
men, Southern men aud Northern men, Union
men and Nullifiers, the great advocate of the Bill,
declared that its life and soul was gone, and he
himself voted against it:—-
1 ain unwilling to speak of the dead Unless l
can say good of it. 1 knvo admired the great
author of that specie clause while standing on the
floor of the Senate, as tlip fearless advocate of
Southern rights, and from tay heart have thanked
him. I have admired him vrhilo unyielding and
alone, he there battled forthisvery clause, I have
examined it with all the lightswhich his wonderful
mind could throw around it, but I am unable, to
see it as he has done, 1 am unable to see how the
South, paying as she does, and as that gentleman
has so often proved that she does, the greater
amount of taxes to the government, can be bene
fitted by paying those tase in specie, which specie
is again to be transferred to office holders uid con
tractors, who principally reside at the North, and
who will command a premium upon it. lam un
able to see why the general government should
and maud specie from the people, and leave the peo
ple and the State governments with a depreciated
currency—for if the Bank paper is good as the
specie, why should not the government take it.
I No one can respect that gentleman's ability and
! sound southern feeling more than I do; but have
j his opinions suddenly become so infallible in Geor-
I gia, that I am condemned for differing with him,
! even bv those who but yesterday called him
TRAITOR? Have Carolina opinions, too, sud
denly become so infslible in Georgia, that I, who
less th m two years ago was condemned for agree
ing with her, am now to sufler the condemnation
for disagreeing with her? 1 impeach uot Mr.
j Calhoun's honesty of purpose, hut still I cannot
! agree with him. 1 impeach neith r the honesty,
j nor the devotion to Southern interests, of those
southern men, who agree with him, (on
points of far more vital importance to the South,
’ our opinions are the saaie:) among these is Major
Mark Cooper, a candidate before, you. and as an
evidence of my sincerity, I will vote for him with i
as much pleasure as for any man on the ticket—
When I meet with a real Christian, l extend the I
hand of fellowship to him without inquiring- into
what keeping he is willing to entrust the funds of
his church, °i in what currency to receive them.—
I have answered the question, and l have meant
ludu it, plainly and respectfully. You may now
ask. what system I would adopt in regard to the
monies of the government. To this I answer,
first, I would reduce the government wants as low
as a proper economy would allov, and I would re
duce the public revenues to ni amount merely
sufficient to meet those wants. I would receieve
in payment, as is now authorized, and lias been for
years hitherto, the notes of sjncie paying banks,
as well as specie and Treasuri notes. 1 would
bind.,the public rece : vers by strong bonds, and
leave them to deposite the Homes as they re
ceive them, in any place they may select. making
them responsible for the resn't. aud re pining
quarterly returns, not only of the amounts, but of
the kinds of money received and paid out. and
proper evidence that the balance on ha g! is there
in the kind ol* money which it ought to be in, and
if deposited in a bank, a certificate of that bank
of tho amount deposited. To such a system
combined with a banit of tlje United States, res-
tricted as I have stated, 1 can see uiu uujw
tion—aud that must exist, to the same extent, un
der whatever other system may be adopted. Ihe
objection is that the public money is left under
the control of the President, but this cannot be
remedied unless the appointment and removal o.
the heads of the Treasury is taken away trom the
President, aud vested in the House of Represen
lives. This will require an alteration of the con
stitution, which ought to be made. It you divorce
the government from the banks, be equally care
ful to divorce the President from the public purse.
If in the opinions 1 have expressed, I have gone
to neither extreme, it is not for the purpose ot
buvinw favor with every side. It is the difficulty,
wh'.clfgrows necessarily out olthe subject, of de
termining the exact line where the rights ol the
Federal Government end, and those of the States
begin,—an I if 1 have offered a plan, it is only to
show, that, in rejecting all otheis, 1 have one of
my own to propose.
Bv the resolution I am requested “to make
known inv choice for the next President, between
V m Buren, Clay, Webster, aud Harrison.” Ido
not understand that the two last named gentlemen
are candidates fur that office,and it does not, there
fore, seem necessary to know mv opinion with
regard to them; but l respect the call ot 'he .nee
ting, and as 1 wish not to be misunderstood, I re
plv\ that the opinions of those gentlemen, as I un
deistand-thein, on tlie points ot vital importune* to
the South, are such that no southern in:i:i couid
safely trust either of them with that offir.o. ]t iS<
in mv opinion, a melancholy evidence of the weak
condition to which tue wuole South h.i.- - , been re
duced, by distractions and divisions on minor
points, that she is forced to fne necessity of mak
ing a choice among the iour gr-i'itleivica v -u h>v
named, all oi whom have, at one t'.mo or another,
advocated measures, or declared opinions, deci
dedly hostile to her best interests, a id to lief safe
ty aud prosperity—ail of whom have advocated or
voted fora hi-/; tariff, and no: one of whom, as far
as l ku»:w. has everdeclafe 1, though pressed to
dy it, that abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia would be unconstitutional —and yet
there is th.c point at which the gangrene is to com
mence. and from which all the slave-lidding fc-fates
may he diseased, and ultimately destroyed, if the
abolitionists should succeed,in their effort to plant
the disease at that point. Would you be willing
to entrust that inviurtuni outwork ot our safety to
the guardianship of any man who will not swear
to defend ft —who, in Fed, after he has sworn, is
liable to be surrounded by such strong influences,
as to be willing to surrender it as a iigattm of ex
pediency ! In answering the inquiry, 1 will state,
that by the constitution, the election of the Presi
dent is vested in the people of the respective States.
If a majority of the whole are not in favor of a
particular candidate, then the selection devolves
upon the House of Representatives, voting by
States. In such case, 1 consider the Represen
tative as a mere agent of the majorit y of the peo
ple of his State, and bound to vote as that major
ity had declared in the electoral College. Accor
ding to this principle, under such circumstances,
1 would represent the will of mv State, by voting
for him in favor of whom the majority of my State
shall have declared.—lndeed, 1 should consider
that 1 had no more discretion in the
any other mere agent would have in ordinary af
fairs.
But yon have asked which l would prefer among
the four named. I have stated my views with re
gard to Webster and Harrison. It seems to be
now generally understood, that Mr. Van Buren
ami Mr. * lay. are t':c two candidates.—On Ihe
subject ol* the Taraff, I consider both as siaml
ini in a.position equally objectionable. On the
subject of abolition, they hav? both declared that
it would be unconstitutional to abolish slavery in
the States, and inexpedient in the District ol'Uol
mnbia and the Territories. — It is understood that
Mr. Van Buren advocate;! the abolition of slave
ry in New York, and if my recollections are cor
rect, he voted to instruct the New \ ork Senators
to vote forthe Missouri restrictions, and Mr. ( lav
compromised that dangerous question. Mr. Clay
is called the father of the protective system, and
Mr. Van BuVen voted tor it in G-B, umlec instruc
tions. So far, they both stand upon pii'V.V equal
grounds as to claims upon southern conb'dence.
Iu whom can the South trust with most confi
dence, (ora veto of the bill, should one be passed
! to aboil hslav'rv in the District of Columbia?
In votknvr fir tin' TarafV of 1828, Air. Van Buren
. either obex ed the instructions ol Now \ ork be
! cause his opinions were in conformity to the bill,
or he voted for the bill agairr-s his own opinion of
its constitutionalUv and expediency It in the firit
case, he is a high Tariff man, iu the last, he wants
independence, and voted agaiust Ins oath. Dur
ing the last vear, Mr. Van Buren declared de
cisively to the merchants of New York, that it was
unnpcessnrv to call an extra session ol Congress,
and yet, immediately after called such session.
This, to say the least of it, was a want of firmness
of purpose.
In December, Mr. Van Buren declared to John
Ross,througli the Secretarv'of War,that the Cher
okee Treaty would be rigidly enforced and exe
cuted, at the appointed time. In May, he recom
mended to Congress to suspend the removal for
two years, if the States would consent, of which
he had little doubt. This change, whether for
weal or woe, is evidence that little reliance istobe
placed noon his declarations.—Mr. Clay, whether
right oi wrong, has always been firm in his pur
poses. Mr. Ciav lives in a slave-holding State,
and, I believe, owns slaves. ,\lr. Van Buren lives
in the midst o‘ the abolitionists. Let me ask,
which is most likely to be acted upon by bad in
fluences, and on whose firmness and decision can
the South with most confidence rely,in this matter?
Attain, Mr. Van Buren is surrounded by a swarm, |
from all quarters, who have already tasted the |
sweets of the Treasury crib,. James tlpe First, ot j
England, humbled himself before his predecessor, ;
to obtain the throne. He was fond of power,-but 1
luckily wanted the daring and commanding ener- j
gv of that predecessor, to use it. He inivht have \
made a good king, if he had not been surrounded ,
by a hungry swarm of expectants and courtiers ;
it is to that swarm I object more than to James.' !
1 have answered your question. 1 have ans
wered all the questions, and l trust explicitly and
fully : an 1 if it shall prove the last lime I shall have
occasion to address vou, I will at least? have the
consolation of knowing, that I have dealt honest
ly by vou. In truth, 1 consider the Sub-Treasury
and Bank questions, at best, cf very secondary
importance to th<» South, u hen the war against the
right! reserved to the States, is con-tantly waging,
and vh*m the storm of abolition has only moder
ated for a moment, to gather new strength, and
burst with destructive violence over our beloved
con ntry.
h our fellow cittzen,
RICHARD \V. HABERSHAM.
From the Sew York Whig.
MORE GOVERNMENT TYRRANNY.
The President of the United States, fiuding
that the energies of our merchants were not to be
overcome eitln r by the suspension, or the sub
treasury. has wantonly issued a mandate putting a
duty 0f25 percent, upon silks, as we stated in
our Saturday’s paper.
It was reported yesterday m \\ all street, aud
the notice found its way to some of the bulletins,
that the attempt to exact duties upon free goods,
was abandoned. The report was incorrect, the
government having “suspended the cncular lor
the present, for tlm purpose of amendment.”
The President is determined to grind our mer
chants to the very cellars of their stores, and ho
will do it, unless they come out to a man, and op-
pose him desperately. The Executive is at no child
pkiy. Late defeats have rendered him more head
strong and tyrranical than ever, and he is re
solved to ruin the commerce of tlze country to
reign monarch ever beggars. Our merchants
can expect no favor from the despot until they
come out in a body, and resist his measures, lie
must be taught int to trample on freemen, is to
spurt \v f ,h ygurptoies. —There is but one way to*
mUig h;m to his senses, anil that is to teach
that wear-r t to he ruined TvltliOUC
determined and uo»*'cnite.
It hf been said m Washington, within a few.
days past, thir since business had partially revi
ved, the governmental officers cczAt do pretty
much what they piers: A with merchants, and;
that the Whigs lr.d no longer any de- ire to enter
warmly into opposition to the President. Welear
there is au apathy pta.vailing amo us our
friends, and if so, wc shall most certainly lose the
State of New \ ork. i lie cry ol victory conies to
oui: ears from every quarter of the 1 jiion, and yet
supineness marks the conduct of the leading men
of on r own state.
If the state is lo t, we tel’the \\ higs they will
have only themselves to blame; If, after destroy
ing the army and navy, mjr tyrant cuts the throats
of our merchants, they will have only themselves
to blame for it. Martin Van Buren would not
dare to abuse them, did he see them ptoperly or
ganising to defeat him.
What can be expected of the master w hen lie
allows his servants to enter such goods for duty
as he considers proper ? The Star states that
Mr. Fergusen, thp Deputy Collector, not find
ing silk braid in the new circular, immediately
wrote “Silk braid twenty five per cent.”
From the Star we copy also the follow ing :
An importing merchant who says he has paid to.
government a million of dollars duty, without
being charged in a single instauce with improper
conduct, states, that in remonstrating with the col
lector on this new and uuiooked for duty, the dep
uty collector remarked that “we” the merchants
“had been indulged long enough;” the copsruc-,
tion of which is that they had long been indulged
by law, but now it was time to, try what could be
done without-the color of law.
The crusade against merchants on P ar ? of
the Government is no new thing. If they stand
on the defensive, and parry tfie attack w ith spirit
itid firmness they can materially aid in producing
a better and more honorable condition of things.
ANTICIPATED INDIAN HOSTILITIES.
The Nash vile Banner of the 22d ult. contains a
correspondence between t.ren. Gaines and Gov.
Cannon, of an important character. We give be
low the lettei of Gen. Games entire, which dis
closes a movement of the Indians on one West
ern front er, iti the highest degree alarming, if the
views of the General be correct. He has, in con
sequence, applied to the Secretary ol War (or
permission to raise ten thousand volunteers, aud
hn< also requested Governor Cannon to be pre
pared to fund-ii pit of them from Tennessee
Governo ('. has replied, promising to furnish
promptly any number that may be required from,
that State.
We sincerely hope tlirrt Geo. Gaines and Col.
Mason have misconceived the object of the meet
ing oftbe Indians, and that it may prove to be on
lv for some business purposes of a pacific charac
ter, having reference to their peculiav- and mutual
interests. Oivainnutti Whig.
Here is the General’s letter ;
Head Quarters, Western Division, }
St, Louis Aug, 8. 1838. jl
Sir Ido myself the honor to transmit here
with, for your information' a copy ofa letter which
t have just now received from Lieut. Col. R. 11.
Mason, Ist Dragoons, commanding at Fort Leav
enworth* reporting to me the well-ascertained fact
that the Cherikee Indians of the Arkansas have in
vited all the Chiefs, together with all the princi
pal braves of all the tribes (excepting the Usages
and Kansas ) residing near our Western frontier
north of the Red river, to meet them in council in
the Cherokee country, on the Illinois river a few
miles above the mouth of the Barren fork, about
the 11 th of September, next mouth.
The object of the council, and the reason for
excluding the Usages and Kansas, are unknown;
but the Lieut. Col. states tiiat there is no doubt
in his mind that the object ofthe council 'Sto ef
fect a union of the different tribes preparatory to
striking a simultaneous blow upon the settlements
of Arkansas and Missouri, from Red liver to the
upper Mississippi.
Concurring as I do in this opinion, aud bring
convinced that the Chorokeos of Texas and Ar
kansas have been instigated by the agents of Mex
ico, who have been endnvoring for more than two
years past to organize a combination of Cherokees
with all the nations west of Arkansas and the State
of Missouri—a combination capable of bringing
into action upon our frontier over twenty thousand
mounted warriors—a" force that, under enterpri
sing leaders, vwnld lay waste the w hole line of
theirs<'ttlements from t e mouth of the Sabine to
the Falls of St. Anthony, including the richest
cotton- .'rowing section ol" A luerica, on Bed river,
with soipc <:i the.most valuable sugar districts of
Loin .‘ana, if indeed the enemy is suffered to com
mence the work of destruction before our measures
of protection are matured—with these impressions
I cannot but anticipate authority to concentrate
upon the Arkansas frontier a suftieent force to en
able me to check the incipient movements ol the
Indians.
Five thousand mounted Kentuckians and Teu
ne .scans, added to our present regular forces, a*
mong which is the IstKegiment of Dragoons- (the
Best I have eversren,) would enable rne effectually
to thwart the designs ofthe enemy, and give l et
ter protection to the frontier than five times that
force would accomplish, after the concentration
of the enemey and hi successful commencement
i:i his savage work of destruction.
1 have therefore to request of your Excellency
the promulgation of authority for the formation
of volunteer companies—to be organized and he I
ready to march by the Ist of September, or 89