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syjT.O’*J LITERARY MESS'fiTER.
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ifest and to cultivate the growing poetical
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The times appear, for several reasons, to
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but manyt The public mind is feverish
and irritated still, from recent political
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over an Immense proportion ot our peo
pie:—Every spring should be set ;n motion,
to arouse the enlightened, and to increase
their number; so that the great enemy of
popular government may no longer brood,
like a pqrtenri'm* cloud, over the destinies
of ot;r country. Vnd to accomplish all
these epds, what more powerful agent can
be employed, than a periodical oil the plan
of the Messenger; if that plan be but car
ried out in practice!
The Sooth peculiarly requires such an
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Northward of that city, there are probably
at least twenty-five or thirty ! Is this con
trast justified by the wealth, the leisure,
the native talent, or the actual literary taste
of the Southern people, compared with
those of the Northern? No: for in wealth,
talents and taste, we may justly claim, at
least, an equality with our brethren mil a
domestic institution exclusively our own,
beyond all doubt, alfords us, if we choose,
twice the leisure for reading and writing
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It was from a deep sense of this loral want
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- - - - ,*■' -- *■- •rmewwm^mi
mutual kindness ‘ and affection. Far from
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e ady drawn, and he hopes hereafter to
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and happy indeed will lie deem himself,
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that now threaten the peace of both, and
to brighten anil strengthen the sacred tics
of fraternal love.
The Southern Litenuy Messenger lias
new been inexistence four years—the pre
sent No commencing the fiftu volume.
How far it has acted out the ideas here ut
tered, is not for the Editor to say; he be
lieves, however, that it falls not further short
of them, than human weakness usually
makes Practice fall short of Theory.
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Richmond. Virginia.
PIiOPASALS
For vu hit shin g in the town ol’ Irwmton, At
aha. iii, a in eh ti/ Fctespapcr, to he cm iti >/
the
ss:%va yro.? chroxiclk
% 8 AVI NO heard m my complaints ot itio
It IL want of a Newspaper in this town, (ti
be conducted in a gentlemanly-likc m-umer.)
the undersigned h ave been induced, by the
e truest solicitations of many friends, tu em
bark in the undertaking.
In assuming tire duties consequent upon
Such an enterprize, we feel deeply consC ,011s
ol ihe responsibility which will devolve up
on us; and knowing, too, the diversi y 01
ihe human mini!, we cannot flatter ourselves
that we will be able to please ai.ic. Dot,
so far as our humble abilities extend-, w*
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life Nin.-idard of truth and correct mural
principles. it will lie our object to ad
v.mce Ihe prosperity of the Eastern section
nl our .'bate, abounding', as it does, iu so
manv uamral advantages, and. as a necessa
ry cou'seijnt nee especially in pronoti#tlie
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mote our general prosperity as a people, aud
the perpetuity of our rights and liberties.
Our paper will be purely Republican, as
practised by those great Apostles of Liberty,
JEFFERSON and MADISON —ptefering
them as our guide, rather than tiie nka\-
li ;iit, sele-stiled Democratic Republi
cans of the present day. We a.e “strict
constructionists” of the Federal Compact,
and shall, therefore, oppose all schemes ol
Internal Improvement, except by the Slates
themselves, as a part of that “American
System” which has proved so ruinous to the
South, aud which was attempted to be las
tened upon us, under that most tlausible
and st‘i:i Tous pretext, the “GENERAL
WELFARE.” Relieving, as we do, that
it is tiie duty of every good citizen to cher
ish with jealous care the “Union of tiie
States, and the Sovereignty of the
States,” and as this cannot be done without
a strict adherence to the Constitution itself,
we shall not be sparing iu our denunciations
of the attempts which are and have been
made by the late as well as the present Ad
ministration, to control, not only the mon
ied facilities of the Government, but ot tiie
entire country. With regard to the ques
tion which is now agitating the country rela
tive to the Currency, we now, unhesitating
ly declare our hostility to the thrice-reje-“-
ed Sub-Treasury System, tending as it tloe»
in our opinion, to an increase of Executive
power, which has already been claimed and
exercised to an alarming extent, in more m
stances than one, if not by the present in
cuuibcnt, by his immediate predecessor, i.>
whose “footsteps’ lie is endeavoring to tread
We expect to encounter many perils, ma
ny adverse winds ; yet aided by the strong
breath of public favor and support, the trade
winds of our world must waft us clear of our
troubles—wc dare raise our anchor, unfurl
our sheets, and venture boldly upon our new
snd untried course. What shoals and quick
aands, what rocks ami hidden perils await us
,‘alas, we kno> not!” L:t us but clear the
harbor and get fairly “under way,” then we
will fear nothing. Nor is this the vain boast
made when danger is yet iu the distance.
It is our firm determination, made after se
rious thought, and weighing well the diffi
culties we are to meet with.
The Chronicle will he issued as early as
diU necessary materials can he obtaiued
from New York, which will be in Decem
ber or early in January next. It will be
printed on a large imperial sheet, contain
ing twenty-four columns, with entire new
type, and willnot be surpassed in beauty by
any paper in the Southern country.
JACK HARDMAN,
RICHARD RUE MOONEY.
TERMS. —Three Dollars per aunuin,
ayah\e invariably in advance.
invintoD,Ala. Oct. 10, 1830.
©A* A3KRIJL 1340.
POLITICAL
REMARKS OF MR. COLQUITT,
OF GEORGIA,
Against the reception <j Abolition Pititions
In the House of liepeesentalives, January
17 , ife 10.
Mr. Speaker: The httle experience l
have hail in your national cuiiiu ils, lias ex
cited my fear that a spirit stalks in our midst,
calculated 10 destroy the purest Government
that lias ever shed tiie sweets ol social life
upon the not Id. Every discussion tends to
excite Ideal prejudice ; every deoatc 10 stir
up political si rile; every question to call
loi 'ii the energies ol party discipline; and ev
ery motion serves but to Uutdle the tires of
individual animosity. Amid these conflict
ing, warring elements, the voice of reason is
too often hushed, and the peace, the glory,
and prosperity ol llte conn try neglected or
I lot goftetj. To me, ilo rcluie, it lias beeu
' gratifying to wilress llte sjiiit that has been
manifested by those w Ini have hitherto taken
part in this debate ; a debate so well calcu
lated to stir up the bit'ercst feelings of ex
citement. 1 too udi gladly follow the gen
erous example, bv sacrificing upon the al
ter of my coantiy, my strong sectional at
tachments, aud lend my aid to soothe the
tempest that threatens destruction to ihe
fairest edifice that human hands ever raised.
1 listened with delight to tlie eloquent
s rains of pat not ism that fell trum (lie lips
of the gentleman Iroin New York, (Mr.
Monroe*) lie spoke the feelings of a heart
burning with love lor the institutions of 1 1 is
country, and 1 can trust his sincerity. Du:
sir. while* I approbate aud cheer his well told
ivgor.i for ngins secured by the Constim
li.m, 1 must beg leave to dissent from 11 it*
mode he lias recommended, as the one most
likely to quiet this ngilating question. We
are invoked not to oleud the questiuu of a
bolition with the right of petitiou ! We arc
told ii is best to receive the petitions and re
port upon them, and in tills way sever the
questions! We are told by another gentle
man of Neiv York. (Mr Granger,) that by
refusing to receive the petitions, we shall
dr-ve into the ranks el tin: ; bohtionists ma
ny a ga:l nt spirit! Sir, it >s a mistake;
honest!v as the sentiment may have been ut
tered. it is .1 mistake. The blendh g aboli
tion with the light <.f petition is a subter
fuge, to which the Representative lias tied,
in order to compromise* with abolition cou
stituemts. lie and they have made the
leigned issue. The Representative, too well
informed, or too much i.evoted to (he Con
uitntion of his toui.t'V, is unwilling to vin
dicate tiie praver of t Ee petitioners ; and yet
to win their f,oMidship, and obtain their snf
rage, he promises to advocate their preten
sim s, which he bases mi the right of peti
tion. Here lie* takes his stand proudly claim
ing a high constitutional prerog; live ; pas
ses an eulogy upon the motives and char
ade,s ol the abolitionists, while lie confesses
Il.lt rite cratiting their prayers, would be the
overthrow ol i.e Republic, lie is opposed
to the trampling down ihe Constitution, and
ol bringing ruin on the country. while they
are hint on cairving out their purpose,
reckle sto the consequence. The petitiou
cm n vet 100 w eak in most of the districts to
elect aKt pit set.l iti\••• who is willing In vin
dicate riu'it p-op 11, imet content themselves
o vie Id their suppoit to him who, in some
-tigii degree, sli nl favor their cause, —while
tit v arc too we.-k to eitet, they ate stro ,g
enough 111 ho council. ’I he gallant spit its,
•v it id 1 it is said won hi he driven into the ranks
of the abolitionists by ret stno td receive the
petitions, arc lit i-te whose patriotism and in
tegrity are too weak to vsisi tin* temptation
to ofiice. In those districts where theaboli
lion influence is strong enough, they semi
abolitionists here, who stand prepared to
plead for the prayer of the petitioners, and
will vote to carry tint their, wishes, iu
those districts where they are not quite
.tiong enough for this, tl.ey support such
delegates as auswer then [Resent purpose;
who dettv being abolitionists themselves,
and vet to retain the friendship of this class
of their constituents, pronounce eli this floor
high cidnmenrialions upon tilt in. You, sir
[to Mr. Monroe,] with your worthy col
leagues, coming tram the proud city ot New
York, can speak a language much more
hold, than tie gentleman who succeeded
you in the debate. You can denounce the
threatened ills to your country, and " itli a
noble, generous spirit, throw vonrsell in the
breach, ami proudly say in the mnlst ot the
Representatives ol tiie nation, that if the
threatened work of slaughter shall proceed,
if civil war shall be the result of (he madden
ed efforts of fanaticism, that your sword w ill
be drawn art 1 your blood bo spilt upon toe
soil of Virginia, tbe. place of your birth, bat
tling for her rights. Rut cr.tt the geutleinan
who succeeded you, (.Mr. Granger,) use
language as bold ! Think you he would
dai«, upon this floor, speak a language of
rebuke to those misguided constituents ivlto
gave him their support, and tell them if they
perseveie in their madness, that his love ol
country will make him their unflinching
foe? No sir; true, lie is no abolitionist,
hut he passes an unwarrantable panegyric,
upon this favored class, says they are intelli
gent, they aie patriotic, they are brttve and
chivalrous *, they are such men, if his eulo
gy be just, as friendship would covet, and
the country need in th • hour of her peril.
Why this difference between you and your
colleague/ It is the proof of the remarks I
have been making. Your constituency will
sustain you in your proudest strains of pat
riotism; they send you, ns you have declar
ed, with the olive branch, and hid you tender
it to the South, and if I may digress a mo
ment, permit me to sav, that seel; a tender
from such hands, sent by such a people t.s
you represent, will meet tiie cheers ot the
South It is what I could have expected
from the generous citizens of the city from
which you have come. Her merchants
have mingled with our people; have shai'ed
our friendship, and have witnessed in the
stillness of our Sabbath morns, at the ring
ing of our church bells, hundreds of well
clad little negroes, cheerfully assembling al
Sabbath Schools to catch lessons of piety,
from the fairest and best of our land. No
shivering standing to arrest your thoughts
of devotion, by begging a pittance to satisfy
his hunger. They know that there is more
comfort, happiness, and religion among the
colored people of the So tth than the North.
They know that the servile hireling of the
North is a subject of deeper pity thanslaves
at the South. Dot other gentle men cantrot
dare not, speak a language so bold and pat
riotic as you line for yourself and associ
ates. They represent a constituency who
are ignorant of our people , who are deeply
imbued with iurtgtiidtive pietism, and they
must needs court their favor to obtain their
suflTage. The eulogy bestowed upon this
portion of your citizens is Unjust, They
are pronounced intelligent, chivalrous, and
patriotic. Sir, *f they are enlightened, if
they understand the Constitution of their
country, if they know that the pillars which
support their Government, ;«c the confi
dence and affections of the people; then
their efforts contradict the Idea that they are
padh'ts ami prove them let klessto the per
petuity of the Union, lie is 110 patriot,
no matter where he lives, no matter wheth
er lie claim to be Whig or Democrat, who
distutbs ihe petce and tranquility of the
Government, wars against the riglfs secur
ed by its Constitution, and labors with zeal
for its total subversion. And he is scarcely
less contemptible for bis folly. Khe is a pat
riot ; than criminal for his conduct, if be be
intelligent. Roth he cannot be, it is a cou
infliction, in terms. Rut we ate charged
with wishing to deny the right of petition!
And that it is monstious that an American
Congress shall now publish to the world her
denial of this constitutional right, tiir.it is
a false issue; no such law is offered; no
such rule or resolution is proposed. The
Constitution inhibits Congress from passing
any law to prevent the citizens from peace
ably assembling to petition Government, In
other words no not act shall be passed as in
England, to he read by some officer o' Gov
ernment, compelling citizens to disperse »lio
may have assembled iu peace, smarting un
der their wrongs, to petit on for their redress
This is the spirit ot'tiie Constitution, the ob
ject plainly expressed by 'he article as a
mended. And yet we are told, that by re
fusing to receive* the petit ions, we violate
this wholesome article of the CoiiKtitutiou.
Is there any injunction that their petitions,
when made, shall be received/ It so, the
same cousti uctiou compels you to act ; and
ifyou act, compels you to grant the prayer
of the petitioner.-. The reason urged for the
constitutional obligation to leceive is claim
ed as a consequence upon tiie constitution
al right of petition. That the right of peti
tion is vain, in.less we leceivo! Ry the
same process ol reasoning, are we not com
pelled to act upon them wheu received, and
to grant the.r pravers whi nwe act ! if it
be useless to petition, unless the petitions tire
received, will it not be equally useless, un
less tiie prayeis begiai.teu? The Constitu
tion is equally as imperative upon us to
grant the things lot which they ask, as it is
in compelling ns lo leceive. Would not
llte advocates for the Constitutional right of
petition feel fully at liberty to decline being
the bearers ot petitions. ov< v which they
lelt satisfied this House had no jurisdiction
Would they not feel it a duty tu reluse be
ing made the instillments ol producing de
lay and vexation in our legislative council,
by preseu'iug petitions which they would
not support, and wtiiciilliey well knew w aid
not and ought not to In: granted ! So might
and so ought each Representative on tins
floor lo act. who regards the institutions of
his country, lielotc I woahl bo made the
ntihalh.wed instrument ol introducing tiie
btand ot discord and the lieice fires of dts
seui.i'r n:to mis Hall, ihieateuing dissolu
tion and ruin, tins rigii;arm should fall rot
ten from its socket. R each memoer. in his
individual light, could refuse lo receive
these petitions, ether denying jurisdiction,
or trout a more laudable impulse-—the peace
and safety of his country: how does it hap
pen that we are clung,d with infringing a
sacred right ; tl we do the same act, lor the
same reasons, iu our congregated character.
Does it add to the dignity of an American
Congress to say, that it must receive for
consideration every runject presented, no
matter how fruitful 01 discord, anarchy, and
insult? Do gentlemen flatter themselves
that they are. lo be esteemed the liighspirit
ed champions of national horor, by forcing
upon it scenes of outrage anti confusion ;
No. sir: it is the lolly of childhood; yea
more, it is the minim ss ol lunacy, to spurt
with llte peace, honor, and perpetuity oi the
nation, under the specious pretext ot estab
lishing the right of petitiou.
The people nowhere complain that they
are interrupted iu the free exerctxe of tins
constitutional right ! They complain that
the South dors not emancipate tier slaves.
The Representative only insists upon the
sacred right cf petition. They petition that
Congress may force slaveholders to set their
negroes free. The Repieseutative only in
sistson the right of petition. .Sir, it is an
insult >0 tiie understanding of the House,
that gentlemen should urge us to receive
and act upon a subject, winch they admit au ■
unfit subject for legislation. They make
this false issue to secure their elections, and
want us that if they b<* driven from thissiep
stone to elevation, many gallant spirits will
oe driven iuto the ranks of the Abolitionists;
that is iu plain language, these gallant spir
its will sooner join tbe maddened y ells of
faun icisnrr, aud raise a sublimated war cry
against the perpetuity and peace of their
country, than hazard the loss of their ap
pointments. On their account, you > ust
receive these petitions, and they will most
cheerfully unite in a report setting forth
their lolly,and denying their requirements.
I will not indulge my thoughts of dele-ta
-1 ion and abhorrence fur this mockery of
patriotism, and hypocrisy of morale. lam
fully reminded of a few lines of deggerel
verse, quoted. I think, by Rulwer, in some
degree descriptive of our present position, j
I‘ark ! in the lobby, bear a lion roar:
Say, Mr. Speaker, shall we shut the door? '
Or Mr. Speaker, shall wc lei him in,
To see htfw quick we’ll turn him out again?
The Representative from l’enusylvania
[Mr. Riddle,] asked my honorable colleague
(Mr. Cooper,) to furnish him with argument
10 combat the Abolitionists; that when he
was laboring in the political hatve.-t-field,
endeavoring to mow down the noxious
growth, that is blasting the nation’s prosper
ity, he was met by this declaration ; if it be
wrong—it it be unconstitutional—why does
not Congress tell us so--- why not declare by
the voice of her resolutions the impropriety
of our proceedings? which, he said, li 3
could not answer; anil begged now to be
furnished with one. sir, 1 listened with
too much interest to the meliflous accents o
his winning oratory, to believe hu was seri
ous. lie is too well informed to need the
prompting ol my colleague ; he ctm, if he
dare base himself upon the pillars of consti
tutional rights, and with a voice, a manner,
ami utterance, that would still the lurbul
ence ol passion, tell Ins constituents that the
inquiry is answered! lie can, if he will,
lake in his hands the journals of Congress
ol 1760, when Georgia bad a worthier and a
bjor advocate of her rights, ii the halls of
Congress her illustrious Raldwin, and point
them 10 a report that tells (Item of their fol
ly. He can, if lie wi 1. tell them, what his
worthy partisan from New Y'ork, (Mr.
Granger) has oiier-d, that for twenty five
years past, have tun illustrious predecessors
leceivedand acted on such petitions, and
polite y denied them. He can, if lie will,
tell them that an aile and conciliatory re
port was made as late as 1836, with the v; in
hope ot quieting their exertions. lie can,
il lie dare, goljrther, and speak in argument
not to be resisted, the wisdom of experience
upon tins subject. He can tell them that
ntauy deluded enthusiasts have ruined them
selves and the objects of their philanthropy,
by Uprooting the order of society. lie can
u II them that Lycurgus gave laws, tiiat Ep
aniinondas and iScipto conquered, that De
mosthenes aud C|eero (toured forth their
strains ol animated eloquence, in a land
where slavery was recogm.std. lie can tell
them of the desolations m Poland, where
Kosciusko and Sobieski battled fur the cause
ot liberty, and yet slavery existed, lie can
tell them of the wats ofnur Revolution ; of
the patriots who penned our liidependence ;
ol the soldiers who stood side by side in the
ranks of war; ol the final victory achieved;
ol the framing and ratification of our Con
stitution; and that the institution of slavery
existed, was ach owlcdgetl, and guarded.
Rut, sir, lie piefrrs to come here with his
argument, throwing a veil ovor the iniquity
of the Abolitioni.ts, and apologises fortheir
mischief. Twenty-five years go, what
Governor of a Slate would have let down
the dignity of his station and liaoe trampled
upon the compact of uuioii; offering the
verriest qtflhle as a reason, relying alone for
his support no the prejudices of the people ?
It is evidence that the spirit of fanaticism is
stronger, or man’s moral virtue weaker
than it used to be. The same arguments,
as to forbearauee aud moderation, have in
duced Southern jnett, < 11 mat y occasions, in
tbe spirit of kind tess and friendship, to re
ceive these petitions. And what, let me
inquire, lias been (he icxult ? To day it is
quoted on us as an acknowledgment of the
right to legi,|aie npm, this subject. The
gentleman tro“> Pennsylvania, (.Mr- Riddle,)
now proclaims that the South has admitted
its constitutionality, and here bases an ar
gument- Sir, the South has been deluded
by the insidious itrotettuion* of their Nor
them It lends; that rejection would increase
the bitterness and acrimony of the Aboli
itionists; they have dared to make a peace
offering, by kindly* compromising the claims
of tiie Constitution, winch is now seized on
us an acknowledgment of right. lam un
able to answer for former Representatives
from Georgia ; the little party, ol which 1
am a member, lias been doomed to defeat,
LaU’iug in the Thennopyla: of politics, n
gainsi h cderal encroachment, but has arisen
again; and I can now answer fur my Slate,
and uusiver tor my honorable colleagues,
and soy, in the lace of the nation’s Repre
sentatives, that we deny the right! (So do
we, so do We ! from many voices.) And
while 1 speak, all around me, tiie represen
tatives fto 111 Al.drama. .South and North
Carolina, and Mississippi, hid me for them,
dt ny the right. We are told the Abolition
batlle must be fought lit ifte North ; that
we must deal Kimlß here, to aliord a cam
pus for their chiv diy at home ? Sir, these
gallant men who now battle ol the North for
(he protection of our rights, will soon sink
by age, under the weight of their armor, or
fall in tlm battlefield by the superior stren
gth ol the toe. 'J !u 11 places will be filled
by men, whose growth aud strength were do
nved Iroin 1 e bosoms of fanaticism ; whose
dreams in clitic bond were broken by the
laithtu) legends ot a mothei’s superstition.
I her: needs no spirit of piophccy to warn
and direct us; no matter where the battle
be fought, here or at the North, we must
meet the lot* upon the outposts ol the Con
stitution . No admitting the incendiary
torch within the holy citadel of our liberties.
Every friend to his country, from the North
and trojn the South, must stand firm upon
the ramparts ol the Constitution, admit no
insiihious foe. out resolve to brttve the grow
ing rage of that imaginative philanthropy,
that is reckless of the peace, liberty or union
ol the Republic. Every conciliatory niea
suie has beeu adopted ; prayers ami cutrea
ies have been offered, to pr-vent excitement
and passion ; discussion itas beeu avoided ;
the voice of paity friends has been regarded;
still the tempest thickens and rages, and is
heating with a success too fatal against the
rock of our freedom. It is not a time to en
courage the prospects of men infuriated
w ith a blind enthusiasm; no time lo hold
out the meteor of hope, whose hateful light
will head to the overt.trow of ottr country*.
Nothing is claimed h re but the right ofpe
tition. which has never been denied. With
this pretext, gentlemen labor, with a zeal
worthy of;» better cause, to open a fissure
in the Constitution, through which an in
cendiary follower rn.y thrust the firebrand,
calculated to burn rtsiinder the connecting
cords ol tiie Confederacy. They tire in Cel
pioneers, clearing up me way that others
may pass m triumph to build the tombstone
ol Hie Republic. They are fixing a powder
train that others may blow up the temple ot
liberty, i can pity and forgive llte blind
zealot and nusgi u .1 religiom ts, who are
ignorant of til** sti u tire of the Government;
but the statesman bo knows that our tree
institutions are h, I upon the confidence
and aAections of t people, who dare not
violate the rights utrd l.y the constitution,
deserves uudyiu. utitenipt, for lie In s not
so much its the- il ot opinion to cover the
baldness ol that /esolaf” which ihreatensthe
land. Weatelohl not to he ra**h, inane
ourselves easy, receive the petitions; treat
them vrith resuet t; ami by it our liieods
from the North wail again be elected, and
“all's well.” 'P'C very entreaties that ate
uttered, and the strung tipped oi party* as
sociates, which tire made, are convincing
proofs that they are courting the friendship
of the abolitionists for liietr votes. lam
neither Whig or Democrat, aud can b« ex
cus“d, therefore. Irosi compromising our
Sl*
rights to secure votes fortheir frieuds. I
will speak writh I oldness my thoughts, and
deal out blows rgainsl Ihe toes of rfmstifu
rional right, uc matter to who h party thev
may belong. | propose to show that while
iliese advocates for the leeeptmn ofsholitiou
petitions are speakint! in accents of tender
ness and love, the Abolitionists themselves
speak a language totally UiflVreut. I will
not detam the House, by reading from this
noli slavery pamphlet, tbe sciirnlous abuse
they heap upon the South; 1 will not in
flame the angry passions of geutleu.en from
slave-holding Stales, by reading the opin
ions here expressed of our morals, our reli
. ion, and our intellects. They are ofa sort,
with the repeated denunciations you have
seen in their philanthropic prims, with
which your desks have been weekly inun
dated since our meeting. But I will read a
lew extracts to show that our reliance for
safety is on ourselves. 1 read liotn the an
nual report ot the Auti-Slaveiy Society of
Maine, thus:
*'J lie tree States possess a clear majority iu
( ongress. Their several objects will there
fore be accomplished, w hvnever the 1 1, bite
sentiment in llte free States shall demand it,
ami that sentiment properly represented in
Congress. \\ e are under solemn obliga
tions, therefore, not only lo diffuse through
the community correct sentiments on the
subject ol slavery, but also to make all prop
er efforts to place in our National Legisla
ture, men who will use the power commit
ted 10 their hands in accordance with our
views.”
Does this extract, 1 ask. show tiiat tha
petitioners oarely wish tlit*ir representatives
here to contend lor the right of petition?
Hut does it 1101 demonstrate that they carry
(heir principles to the poll*, and force as
pirants to Congress lo favor or support their
views ! Sir we are not deceived by yielding
our rights in older to accommodate gentle
men, in courting such votes to secure their
election. Again 1 read ;
“The District, then, is the spot where
the lirst ousel upon slavery is to he made
—the battle-giouiid where this great con
test between liberty and slavery is to be de
cided. Not to employ our political, as well
as all other resources, in the conflict, w ould
lie not merely wrong, but tho very height
of folly.”
Where is the titan, I enquire, so lost to
sense or leelmg, whose heart throbs with
one solitary patriotic emotion, and who
knows the South will maintain her riguts,
or be buried under the ruins, that does not
shudder fur the approaching downfall of the
coiftitry ! Who does not see that the in
sidious attempts to encroach one inch up
on our rights arc the piotnptings of their
influence, which has for its object the tear
ing away the guards of our property placed
by the constitution ? They only wait for
strength to place men iu power, who will
not stop at ihe evasive aigumcnt now used
about tiie right of petition, but who will
labor to carry out their purpose. And while
we are arguii g and granting the right of re
cep ion, they ate ptepariog heavier blows,
mtlaiming the passions ol the ignorant, ihe
idle, and the young, to be poured forth like
the lava of a vo'cano, to blacken and blight
the peace ami government ol the country.—
1 1 is not a time for the Representatives of
the South to be quiet. It is not a time for
the lover of his cuuutry from the North to
palter for office, and vainly imagine “all's
well?” w'-i'ii 111.. elements of disulution are
gathering like frost about tlie heart pulse
of the Republic, it is high tune, it we ex
pect to save the Union, to rebuke the mad
ness of such deluded families js expect to
establish religion by their crimes and to en
force philanthropy by the sword. Sir, my
Heart thrilled at the spirited remarks made
bv the honorable mover of thi> amendment
[Gi n. Thompson.] Ile spoke the language
oltlie patriot and *.he voice of tlm South;
and if every Whig and every Democrat
felt the s. me sentiments, and would tear
loos** from the bonds of any p:u y, no mat
ter wha' their ties, that would dare cherish
this spirit of discord, our institutions, civil
and religious, would he safe. These mod
i’m reformers must be taught, that the South,
with afl’her strong attachments to the Union,
wou'd sooner see the country riven asunder
by an earthquake, and her fertile plains float
ing on the bosom ofa tempest-tossed ocean*
than be forced to surrender a solitary right
secured by tjie constitution,
I have I eard eliminations and recrimin
ations made m party brandings upon this
flour; but I am satisfied there are abolition
ists on both parties, and that party which
'■uiirts them most, is by the American peo
pl t most to be blamed. In proofof which I
snail read again:
••So far as the two gfeat patties of the
day are concerned, we hold to no principles
as abolitionists, that both do not publicly
profess. The objeet we desire to acconi-'
plish, docs not interfere with any, at which
either professedly aims. L'*t it then be dis
tinctly settled that no man,'under any possi
ble combination of circumstances, can re
ceive the votes of abolitionists, who will
not go the ext-nt of his constitutional pows
ers for the abolition of slavery, and both
parties willsooii, either fro'" policy or ne
cessit'*, present candidates for public ollice
for whom wc may vote, in consistency with
our party predilection , and in subserviency
also to paramount duty to the slave.”
Do we not find here sullicitut cause to
induce candidates for Congress, represent
ing such a ppople, to favor or adopt their
views iu a close party contest? But, sir,
these fanatics will not long be content with
representatives here, who are tiie mere ad
vocates of petitiou : and their party policy
here must induce pentleiivri not :o press
this subject, for lear of injuring « partisan
candidate at home, 1 will again proceed
with their declarations, and I asit suiitnern
men to give ear, aud those (ruin the North
win tlet ierc they are nut abolitionists, to
listen, and then tell me if the contest is uot
most safely met at the iheshohl of our
lights. This is the language they say :
“That we shall not again present the
monstrous anomaly of peiiii.uitug Uongt-’ss
to n«e its acknowledged powers foi to* ter
mination of shivery, whtie by our votes we
help to seijd men the.re who we know
beforehand will refuse our petitions.’’
There is no complaint m this language of
the right of petitiou; they admit they do
petition, and only complain that their peti
tions are nut granted. 1 make bo charges
agaiust cither of the great parties, HI L >