The mirror. (Florence, Ga.) 1839-1840, April 04, 1840, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

a* Till: OKORUIA lIKKOR IS PUBLISHED KVKRT SATURDAY, lly It. Gardner &J. Ball. ( E Mors and Proprietors.) At NIKKIS DOLLARS a year, if paid in advance, or FOUR DOLLARS, if not paid until the eud of the year. Aovkrtiskmknts will ba conspicuously tu;rted at One Dollar per square, (15 lines in less,) the first, and 50 ceuts for each sub. insertion. Ail advertiseinnits handed in far publi cation witiiou' s limitation, will be published t || torbid, and charged accordingly. 8»les of Land aifd Negroes by Execu s Ad ilinistrators and Guardians, are re- I tired by law to lie advertised in a public ii i/.ette, sixty days previous to the day of s lie. The sale of Persona! property must be a l.er ise- 1 iti like manner forty days. Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an c tate must be published forty and ijs. Notice that application will be made to t ae Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land ~| Negroes, must be published weekly for I, nr mouths. All Letters on business must be i .isv paid to insure attention. .IOH iVfN nxc. £ 1 ONNE ') LV, 1) with the office of the M I llß' tit, is a splendid assortment ot a&z , . T . Vn I \Y2 tire c*ii title I to cxciitt* till Li?u! o! Jo*) \>«»rk.io i lie ne.itest iuau.iei* .iiui iit 1)10 short si notice. of every i!csi;rip.i,-iii wni constantly be Kept o hand, such as Attachments, Justices’ Executions, ii » Summons, J ary di ’Subpucuas Clerk's Recognizance Scicri Facial, Appearaace Iliads, <J.i. Si. Dircirratioa Debt, 1 ii ra-i .V\ \ ssn ill put. Sheri.V Deeds, * ~riwsrcTt;s OK T*l K syjT.O’*J LITERARY MESS'fiTER. fllillS is a monthly Magazine, devoted 1 chiefly to fii ifaiATURK, bftt occasion ally (ia ling room also tor articles tlia tall within the scope ot Science ; and not |>ro fssi ig an <5 at ire disdain Os iwsteful selections, though its matter his been, as it Will cwn tinac to lie. in the m si i, original.. Part’/ PoUti*. atVl controversial Thenl- O'rv. as" far ns possible, arft jealotislv exclu iled. 'J’iiev are sO rtCu.m's so bleu ted with discussions in literature or in motal sci ». o-e, otherwise umibjet-tioiiiTble, as to g-un olmittmee for the.sake of the more valu ab’c matter to which they adhere: bo' whenever that ii ippehs they are inenh atal, only, nit i> rim or •/. ThOv arc dross, tolera ted only because it cauimt well be severed from the stenii‘3; rire wherewith it is im'ur purafe 1. Ukvifvs and Cairn at. Noticks, occii pv theird'io space ia the worit: audit is tin* Editor's aim that they should have a three fold tendency—to convey, in a condhiseu form, such valuable ‘ruths or interesting iu i . lents Us are embodied in the works re viewed, —to direct the readers attention to books that deserve to be read—and to ware him against wasting time and money upon that large number, which merit only to lie burned. In this age ot publications that by their variety and multitude, distract and o vcrwlielnin every undiscriminating student, impartial criticism, governed by the views just merititfuod, is ottC of the most incsti mable and indispensable of auxiliaries to ltim who itoes wish to discriminate. Essays and Talks, having in view utility rtr amusement, or both; Isis romcAi ske:t cii its—and Rkmimsk.ncks ol events too min ute for History, yet ehteidafing it. and lieightning its interest —may be regarded as forming the staiihi Ot the work. And of indigenous Potcrur, enough is publish ed—sometimes of no mean strain —to man ifest and to cultivate the growing poetical ♦ asie and talents of our country. The times appear, for several reasons, to deiftand such a work—and not one alone, but manyt The public mind is feverish and irritated still, from recent political strifes: The soft, assuasive influence ol Lit erature is needed, to allay that tever, and soothe that irritation. Vice and lolly are rioting abroad : —They should be driven by indignant rebuke, or lashed by ridicule, in to their lining haunts. Ignorance lords it over an Immense proportion ot our peo pie:—Every spring should be set ;n motion, to arouse the enlightened, and to increase their number; so that the great enemy of popular government may no longer brood, like a pqrtenri'm* cloud, over the destinies of ot;r country. Vnd to accomplish all these epds, what more powerful agent can be employed, than a periodical oil the plan of the Messenger; if that plan be but car ried out in practice! The Sooth peculiarly requires such an agent. In all the Union, south of Washing ton, there are but two Literary periodicals I Northward of that city, there are probably at least twenty-five or thirty ! Is this con trast justified by the wealth, the leisure, the native talent, or the actual literary taste of the Southern people, compared with those of the Northern? No: for in wealth, talents and taste, we may justly claim, at least, an equality with our brethren mil a domestic institution exclusively our own, beyond all doubt, alfords us, if we choose, twice the leisure for reading and writing which they enjoy. It was from a deep sense of this loral want that the word Southern was engrafted on this periodical: and not with any design to nourish local prejudices, or to advocate sup posed local interests. Far from anv such thought, it is the Editor’s fervent wish, to see tue North and South bound endearing ly together, forever, iu the silken bands of - - - - ,*■' -- *■- •rmewwm^mi mutual kindness ‘ and affection. Far from meditating hostility to the north, lie lias al e ady drawn, and he hopes hereafter to draw, much of his choicest matter tlienre; and happy indeed will lie deem himself, should lus pages, by making each region know the other better contribute iu any es sential degree to dispel the lowering clouds that now threaten the peace of both, and to brighten anil strengthen the sacred tics of fraternal love. The Southern Litenuy Messenger lias new been inexistence four years—the pre sent No commencing the fiftu volume. How far it has acted out the ideas here ut tered, is not for the Editor to say; he be lieves, however, that it falls not further short of them, than human weakness usually makes Practice fall short of Theory. CONDITIONS. 1. The Southern Literary Messenger is published in monthly numbers, of til large supci royal octavo pages each, on the best of pa;»er, and neatly covered, at 3>o a year— payable i:i advance. 2. Or five new subscribers, by sending tlieii names and S2O at one time to the edi tor, will receive their copies for one year, for thqt sum, or at $4 for each. 3. The risk of loss of payments for sub scriptions, which, hav< ; . bceri properly com mitted to tile mail, sir to the hands of a post master, is assumed by the editor •!. If a subscription is not directed to be discontinued before the first number of rue next volume has been published, it w ill be taken as a continuance for another year. Subscriptions must commence with the be ginning of the volume, and will not be ta ken for less than a year’s publication. 5. The mutual obligations of the publish er and subscriber, for the year, are fully in curred as soon as the first number of iite volume is issued : and after that time, no discontinuance of a subscription will be permitted. Nor will a subscription be dis continued for any earlier notice, while am thing thereon remains due, unless at the option of the Editor. Richmond. Virginia. PIiOPASALS For vu hit shin g in the town ol’ Irwmton, At aha. iii, a in eh ti/ Fctespapcr, to he cm iti >/ the ss:%va yro.? chroxiclk % 8 AVI NO heard m my complaints ot itio It IL want of a Newspaper in this town, (ti be conducted in a gentlemanly-likc m-umer.) the undersigned h ave been induced, by the e truest solicitations of many friends, tu em bark in the undertaking. In assuming tire duties consequent upon Such an enterprize, we feel deeply consC ,011s ol ihe responsibility which will devolve up on us; and knowing, too, the diversi y 01 ihe human mini!, we cannot flatter ourselves that we will be able to please ai.ic. Dot, so far as our humble abilities extend-, w* will, at at! limCs hi? found striving to eh vale life Nin.-idard of truth and correct mural principles. it will lie our object to ad v.mce Ihe prosperity of the Eastern section nl our .'bate, abounding', as it does, iu so manv uamral advantages, and. as a necessa ry cou'seijnt nee especially in pronoti#tlie interest of our own tout). Uur aim will b> to render our paper useful and valuable to ail classes of the coniniuniiy—iu short Lit mature, Useful 1 nforinatioii,- Agriculture. Foreign and 1) .meslic Intelligence, ui.l each Yeeeiv : a due poili .nos our attention. in legaid to Politics, we deem it ncce> sary to say, that we shall give th« general Political intelligence of (he whole count!}” w hile, at the s *me time, as conductors of a Free Press, we will fearlessly, aud without favor or affection, advocate and support ah such measures as will, iu our opinion, pro mote our general prosperity as a people, aud the perpetuity of our rights and liberties. Our paper will be purely Republican, as practised by those great Apostles of Liberty, JEFFERSON and MADISON —ptefering them as our guide, rather than tiie nka\- li ;iit, sele-stiled Democratic Republi cans of the present day. We a.e “strict constructionists” of the Federal Compact, and shall, therefore, oppose all schemes ol Internal Improvement, except by the Slates themselves, as a part of that “American System” which has proved so ruinous to the South, aud which was attempted to be las tened upon us, under that most tlausible and st‘i:i Tous pretext, the “GENERAL WELFARE.” Relieving, as we do, that it is tiie duty of every good citizen to cher ish with jealous care the “Union of tiie States, and the Sovereignty of the States,” and as this cannot be done without a strict adherence to the Constitution itself, we shall not be sparing iu our denunciations of the attempts which are and have been made by the late as well as the present Ad ministration, to control, not only the mon ied facilities of the Government, but ot tiie entire country. With regard to the ques tion which is now agitating the country rela tive to the Currency, we now, unhesitating ly declare our hostility to the thrice-reje-“- ed Sub-Treasury System, tending as it tloe» in our opinion, to an increase of Executive power, which has already been claimed and exercised to an alarming extent, in more m stances than one, if not by the present in cuuibcnt, by his immediate predecessor, i.> whose “footsteps’ lie is endeavoring to tread We expect to encounter many perils, ma ny adverse winds ; yet aided by the strong breath of public favor and support, the trade winds of our world must waft us clear of our troubles—wc dare raise our anchor, unfurl our sheets, and venture boldly upon our new snd untried course. What shoals and quick aands, what rocks ami hidden perils await us ,‘alas, we kno> not!” L:t us but clear the harbor and get fairly “under way,” then we will fear nothing. Nor is this the vain boast made when danger is yet iu the distance. It is our firm determination, made after se rious thought, and weighing well the diffi culties we are to meet with. The Chronicle will he issued as early as diU necessary materials can he obtaiued from New York, which will be in Decem ber or early in January next. It will be printed on a large imperial sheet, contain ing twenty-four columns, with entire new type, and willnot be surpassed in beauty by any paper in the Southern country. JACK HARDMAN, RICHARD RUE MOONEY. TERMS. —Three Dollars per aunuin, ayah\e invariably in advance. invintoD,Ala. Oct. 10, 1830. ©A* A3KRIJL 1340. POLITICAL REMARKS OF MR. COLQUITT, OF GEORGIA, Against the reception <j Abolition Pititions In the House of liepeesentalives, January 17 , ife 10. Mr. Speaker: The httle experience l have hail in your national cuiiiu ils, lias ex cited my fear that a spirit stalks in our midst, calculated 10 destroy the purest Government that lias ever shed tiie sweets ol social life upon the not Id. Every discussion tends to excite Ideal prejudice ; every deoatc 10 stir up political si rile; every question to call loi 'ii the energies ol party discipline; and ev ery motion serves but to Uutdle the tires of individual animosity. Amid these conflict ing, warring elements, the voice of reason is too often hushed, and the peace, the glory, and prosperity ol llte conn try neglected or I lot goftetj. To me, ilo rcluie, it lias beeu ' gratifying to wilress llte sjiiit that has been manifested by those w Ini have hitherto taken part in this debate ; a debate so well calcu lated to stir up the bit'ercst feelings of ex citement. 1 too udi gladly follow the gen erous example, bv sacrificing upon the al ter of my coantiy, my strong sectional at tachments, aud lend my aid to soothe the tempest that threatens destruction to ihe fairest edifice that human hands ever raised. 1 listened with delight to tlie eloquent s rains of pat not ism that fell trum (lie lips of the gentleman Iroin New York, (Mr. Monroe*) lie spoke the feelings of a heart burning with love lor the institutions of 1 1 is country, and 1 can trust his sincerity. Du: sir. while* I approbate aud cheer his well told ivgor.i for ngins secured by the Constim li.m, 1 must beg leave to dissent from 11 it* mode he lias recommended, as the one most likely to quiet this ngilating question. We are invoked not to oleud the questiuu of a bolition with the right of petitiou ! We arc told ii is best to receive the petitions and re port upon them, and in tills way sever the questions! We are told by another gentle man of Neiv York. (Mr Granger,) that by refusing to receive the petitions, we shall dr-ve into the ranks el tin: ; bohtionists ma ny a ga:l nt spirit! Sir, it >s a mistake; honest!v as the sentiment may have been ut tered. it is .1 mistake. The blendh g aboli tion with the light <.f petition is a subter fuge, to which the Representative lias tied, in order to compromise* with abolition cou stituemts. lie and they have made the leigned issue. The Representative, too well informed, or too much i.evoted to (he Con uitntion of his toui.t'V, is unwilling to vin dicate tiie praver of t Ee petitioners ; and yet to win their f,oMidship, and obtain their snf rage, he promises to advocate their preten sim s, which he bases mi the right of peti tion. Here lie* takes his stand proudly claim ing a high constitutional prerog; live ; pas ses an eulogy upon the motives and char ade,s ol the abolitionists, while lie confesses Il.lt rite cratiting their prayers, would be the overthrow ol i.e Republic, lie is opposed to the trampling down ihe Constitution, and ol bringing ruin on the country. while they are hint on cairving out their purpose, reckle sto the consequence. The petitiou cm n vet 100 w eak in most of the districts to elect aKt pit set.l iti\••• who is willing In vin dicate riu'it p-op 11, imet content themselves o vie Id their suppoit to him who, in some -tigii degree, sli nl favor their cause, —while tit v arc too we.-k to eitet, they ate stro ,g enough 111 ho council. ’I he gallant spit its, •v it id 1 it is said won hi he driven into the ranks of the abolitionists by ret stno td receive the petitions, arc lit i-te whose patriotism and in tegrity are too weak to vsisi tin* temptation to ofiice. In those districts where theaboli lion influence is strong enough, they semi abolitionists here, who stand prepared to plead for the prayer of the petitioners, and will vote to carry tint their, wishes, iu those districts where they are not quite .tiong enough for this, tl.ey support such delegates as auswer then [Resent purpose; who dettv being abolitionists themselves, and vet to retain the friendship of this class of their constituents, pronounce eli this floor high cidnmenrialions upon tilt in. You, sir [to Mr. Monroe,] with your worthy col leagues, coming tram the proud city ot New York, can speak a language much more hold, than tie gentleman who succeeded you in the debate. You can denounce the threatened ills to your country, and " itli a noble, generous spirit, throw vonrsell in the breach, ami proudly say in the mnlst ot the Representatives ol tiie nation, that if the threatened work of slaughter shall proceed, if civil war shall be the result of (he madden ed efforts of fanaticism, that your sword w ill be drawn art 1 your blood bo spilt upon toe soil of Virginia, tbe. place of your birth, bat tling for her rights. Rut cr.tt the geutleinan who succeeded you, (.Mr. Granger,) use language as bold ! Think you he would dai«, upon this floor, speak a language of rebuke to those misguided constituents ivlto gave him their support, and tell them if they perseveie in their madness, that his love ol country will make him their unflinching foe? No sir; true, lie is no abolitionist, hut he passes an unwarrantable panegyric, upon this favored class, says they are intelli gent, they aie patriotic, they are brttve and chivalrous *, they are such men, if his eulo gy be just, as friendship would covet, and the country need in th • hour of her peril. Why this difference between you and your colleague/ It is the proof of the remarks I have been making. Your constituency will sustain you in your proudest strains of pat riotism; they send you, ns you have declar ed, with the olive branch, and hid you tender it to the South, and if I may digress a mo ment, permit me to sav, that seel; a tender from such hands, sent by such a people t.s you represent, will meet tiie cheers ot the South It is what I could have expected from the generous citizens of the city from which you have come. Her merchants have mingled with our people; have shai'ed our friendship, and have witnessed in the stillness of our Sabbath morns, at the ring ing of our church bells, hundreds of well clad little negroes, cheerfully assembling al Sabbath Schools to catch lessons of piety, from the fairest and best of our land. No shivering standing to arrest your thoughts of devotion, by begging a pittance to satisfy his hunger. They know that there is more comfort, happiness, and religion among the colored people of the So tth than the North. They know that the servile hireling of the North is a subject of deeper pity thanslaves at the South. Dot other gentle men cantrot dare not, speak a language so bold and pat riotic as you line for yourself and associ ates. They represent a constituency who are ignorant of our people , who are deeply imbued with iurtgtiidtive pietism, and they must needs court their favor to obtain their suflTage. The eulogy bestowed upon this portion of your citizens is Unjust, They are pronounced intelligent, chivalrous, and patriotic. Sir, *f they are enlightened, if they understand the Constitution of their country, if they know that the pillars which support their Government, ;«c the confi dence and affections of the people; then their efforts contradict the Idea that they are padh'ts ami prove them let klessto the per petuity of the Union, lie is 110 patriot, no matter where he lives, no matter wheth er lie claim to be Whig or Democrat, who distutbs ihe petce and tranquility of the Government, wars against the riglfs secur ed by its Constitution, and labors with zeal for its total subversion. And he is scarcely less contemptible for bis folly. Khe is a pat riot ; than criminal for his conduct, if be be intelligent. Roth he cannot be, it is a cou infliction, in terms. Rut we ate charged with wishing to deny the right of petition! And that it is monstious that an American Congress shall now publish to the world her denial of this constitutional right, tiir.it is a false issue; no such law is offered; no such rule or resolution is proposed. The Constitution inhibits Congress from passing any law to prevent the citizens from peace ably assembling to petition Government, In other words no not act shall be passed as in England, to he read by some officer o' Gov ernment, compelling citizens to disperse »lio may have assembled iu peace, smarting un der their wrongs, to petit on for their redress This is the spirit ot'tiie Constitution, the ob ject plainly expressed by 'he article as a mended. And yet we are told, that by re fusing to receive* the petit ions, we violate this wholesome article of the CoiiKtitutiou. Is there any injunction that their petitions, when made, shall be received/ It so, the same cousti uctiou compels you to act ; and ifyou act, compels you to grant the prayer of the petitioner.-. The reason urged for the constitutional obligation to leceive is claim ed as a consequence upon tiie constitution al right of petition. That the right of peti tion is vain, in.less we leceivo! Ry the same process ol reasoning, are we not com pelled to act upon them wheu received, and to grant the.r pravers whi nwe act ! if it be useless to petition, unless the petitions tire received, will it not be equally useless, un less tiie prayeis begiai.teu? The Constitu tion is equally as imperative upon us to grant the things lot which they ask, as it is in compelling ns lo leceive. Would not llte advocates for the Constitutional right of petition feel fully at liberty to decline being the bearers ot petitions. ov< v which they lelt satisfied this House had no jurisdiction Would they not feel it a duty tu reluse be ing made the instillments ol producing de lay and vexation in our legislative council, by preseu'iug petitions which they would not support, and wtiiciilliey well knew w aid not and ought not to In: granted ! So might and so ought each Representative on tins floor lo act. who regards the institutions of his country, lielotc I woahl bo made the ntihalh.wed instrument ol introducing tiie btand ot discord and the lieice fires of dts seui.i'r n:to mis Hall, ihieateuing dissolu tion and ruin, tins rigii;arm should fall rot ten from its socket. R each memoer. in his individual light, could refuse lo receive these petitions, ether denying jurisdiction, or trout a more laudable impulse-—the peace and safety of his country: how does it hap pen that we are clung,d with infringing a sacred right ; tl we do the same act, lor the same reasons, iu our congregated character. Does it add to the dignity of an American Congress to say, that it must receive for consideration every runject presented, no matter how fruitful 01 discord, anarchy, and insult? Do gentlemen flatter themselves that they are. lo be esteemed the liighspirit ed champions of national horor, by forcing upon it scenes of outrage anti confusion ; No. sir: it is the lolly of childhood; yea more, it is the minim ss ol lunacy, to spurt with llte peace, honor, and perpetuity oi the nation, under the specious pretext ot estab lishing the right of petitiou. The people nowhere complain that they are interrupted iu the free exerctxe of tins constitutional right ! They complain that the South dors not emancipate tier slaves. The Representative only insists upon the sacred right cf petition. They petition that Congress may force slaveholders to set their negroes free. The Repieseutative only in sistson the right of petition. .Sir, it is an insult >0 tiie understanding of the House, that gentlemen should urge us to receive and act upon a subject, winch they admit au ■ unfit subject for legislation. They make this false issue to secure their elections, and want us that if they b<* driven from thissiep stone to elevation, many gallant spirits will oe driven iuto the ranks of the Abolitionists; that is iu plain language, these gallant spir its will sooner join tbe maddened y ells of faun icisnrr, aud raise a sublimated war cry against the perpetuity and peace of their country, than hazard the loss of their ap pointments. On their account, you > ust receive these petitions, and they will most cheerfully unite in a report setting forth their lolly,and denying their requirements. I will not indulge my thoughts of dele-ta -1 ion and abhorrence fur this mockery of patriotism, and hypocrisy of morale. lam fully reminded of a few lines of deggerel verse, quoted. I think, by Rulwer, in some degree descriptive of our present position, j I‘ark ! in the lobby, bear a lion roar: Say, Mr. Speaker, shall we shut the door? ' Or Mr. Speaker, shall wc lei him in, To see htfw quick we’ll turn him out again? The Representative from l’enusylvania [Mr. Riddle,] asked my honorable colleague (Mr. Cooper,) to furnish him with argument 10 combat the Abolitionists; that when he was laboring in the political hatve.-t-field, endeavoring to mow down the noxious growth, that is blasting the nation’s prosper ity, he was met by this declaration ; if it be wrong—it it be unconstitutional—why does not Congress tell us so--- why not declare by the voice of her resolutions the impropriety of our proceedings? which, he said, li 3 could not answer; anil begged now to be furnished with one. sir, 1 listened with too much interest to the meliflous accents o his winning oratory, to believe hu was seri ous. lie is too well informed to need the prompting ol my colleague ; he ctm, if he dare base himself upon the pillars of consti tutional rights, and with a voice, a manner, ami utterance, that would still the lurbul ence ol passion, tell Ins constituents that the inquiry is answered! lie can, if he will, lake in his hands the journals of Congress ol 1760, when Georgia bad a worthier and a bjor advocate of her rights, ii the halls of Congress her illustrious Raldwin, and point them 10 a report that tells (Item of their fol ly. He can, if lie wi 1. tell them, what his worthy partisan from New Y'ork, (Mr. Granger) has oiier-d, that for twenty five years past, have tun illustrious predecessors leceivedand acted on such petitions, and polite y denied them. He can, if lie will, tell them that an aile and conciliatory re port was made as late as 1836, with the v; in hope ot quieting their exertions. lie can, il lie dare, goljrther, and speak in argument not to be resisted, the wisdom of experience upon tins subject. He can tell them that ntauy deluded enthusiasts have ruined them selves and the objects of their philanthropy, by Uprooting the order of society. lie can u II them that Lycurgus gave laws, tiiat Ep aniinondas and iScipto conquered, that De mosthenes aud C|eero (toured forth their strains ol animated eloquence, in a land where slavery was recogm.std. lie can tell them of the desolations m Poland, where Kosciusko and Sobieski battled fur the cause ot liberty, and yet slavery existed, lie can tell them of the wats ofnur Revolution ; of the patriots who penned our liidependence ; ol the soldiers who stood side by side in the ranks of war; ol the final victory achieved; ol the framing and ratification of our Con stitution; and that the institution of slavery existed, was ach owlcdgetl, and guarded. Rut, sir, lie piefrrs to come here with his argument, throwing a veil ovor the iniquity of the Abolitioni.ts, and apologises fortheir mischief. Twenty-five years go, what Governor of a Slate would have let down the dignity of his station and liaoe trampled upon the compact of uuioii; offering the verriest qtflhle as a reason, relying alone for his support no the prejudices of the people ? It is evidence that the spirit of fanaticism is stronger, or man’s moral virtue weaker than it used to be. The same arguments, as to forbearauee aud moderation, have in duced Southern jnett, < 11 mat y occasions, in tbe spirit of kind tess and friendship, to re ceive these petitions. And what, let me inquire, lias been (he icxult ? To day it is quoted on us as an acknowledgment of the right to legi,|aie npm, this subject. The gentleman tro“> Pennsylvania, (.Mr- Riddle,) now proclaims that the South has admitted its constitutionality, and here bases an ar gument- Sir, the South has been deluded by the insidious itrotettuion* of their Nor them It lends; that rejection would increase the bitterness and acrimony of the Aboli itionists; they have dared to make a peace offering, by kindly* compromising the claims of tiie Constitution, winch is now seized on us an acknowledgment of right. lam un able to answer for former Representatives from Georgia ; the little party, ol which 1 am a member, lias been doomed to defeat, LaU’iug in the Thennopyla: of politics, n gainsi h cderal encroachment, but has arisen again; and I can now answer fur my Slate, and uusiver tor my honorable colleagues, and soy, in the lace of the nation’s Repre sentatives, that we deny the right! (So do we, so do We ! from many voices.) And while 1 speak, all around me, tiie represen tatives fto 111 Al.drama. .South and North Carolina, and Mississippi, hid me for them, dt ny the right. We are told the Abolition batlle must be fought lit ifte North ; that we must deal Kimlß here, to aliord a cam pus for their chiv diy at home ? Sir, these gallant men who now battle ol the North for (he protection of our rights, will soon sink by age, under the weight of their armor, or fall in tlm battlefield by the superior stren gth ol the toe. 'J !u 11 places will be filled by men, whose growth aud strength were do nved Iroin 1 e bosoms of fanaticism ; whose dreams in clitic bond were broken by the laithtu) legends ot a mothei’s superstition. I her: needs no spirit of piophccy to warn and direct us; no matter where the battle be fought, here or at the North, we must meet the lot* upon the outposts ol the Con stitution . No admitting the incendiary torch within the holy citadel of our liberties. Every friend to his country, from the North and trojn the South, must stand firm upon the ramparts ol the Constitution, admit no insiihious foe. out resolve to brttve the grow ing rage of that imaginative philanthropy, that is reckless of the peace, liberty or union ol the Republic. Every conciliatory niea suie has beeu adopted ; prayers ami cutrea ies have been offered, to pr-vent excitement and passion ; discussion itas beeu avoided ; the voice of paity friends has been regarded; still the tempest thickens and rages, and is heating with a success too fatal against the rock of our freedom. It is not a time to en courage the prospects of men infuriated w ith a blind enthusiasm; no time lo hold out the meteor of hope, whose hateful light will head to the overt.trow of ottr country*. Nothing is claimed h re but the right ofpe tition. which has never been denied. With this pretext, gentlemen labor, with a zeal worthy of;» better cause, to open a fissure in the Constitution, through which an in cendiary follower rn.y thrust the firebrand, calculated to burn rtsiinder the connecting cords ol tiie Confederacy. They tire in Cel pioneers, clearing up me way that others may pass m triumph to build the tombstone ol Hie Republic. They are fixing a powder train that others may blow up the temple ot liberty, i can pity and forgive llte blind zealot and nusgi u .1 religiom ts, who are ignorant of til** sti u tire of the Government; but the statesman bo knows that our tree institutions are h, I upon the confidence and aAections of t people, who dare not violate the rights utrd l.y the constitution, deserves uudyiu. utitenipt, for lie In s not so much its the- il ot opinion to cover the baldness ol that /esolaf” which ihreatensthe land. Weatelohl not to he ra**h, inane ourselves easy, receive the petitions; treat them vrith resuet t; ami by it our liieods from the North wail again be elected, and “all's well.” 'P'C very entreaties that ate uttered, and the strung tipped oi party* as sociates, which tire made, are convincing proofs that they are courting the friendship of the abolitionists for liietr votes. lam neither Whig or Democrat, aud can b« ex cus“d, therefore. Irosi compromising our Sl* rights to secure votes fortheir frieuds. I will speak writh I oldness my thoughts, and deal out blows rgainsl Ihe toes of rfmstifu rional right, uc matter to who h party thev may belong. | propose to show that while iliese advocates for the leeeptmn ofsholitiou petitions are speakint! in accents of tender ness and love, the Abolitionists themselves speak a language totally UiflVreut. I will not detam the House, by reading from this noli slavery pamphlet, tbe sciirnlous abuse they heap upon the South; 1 will not in flame the angry passions of geutleu.en from slave-holding Stales, by reading the opin ions here expressed of our morals, our reli . ion, and our intellects. They are ofa sort, with the repeated denunciations you have seen in their philanthropic prims, with which your desks have been weekly inun dated since our meeting. But I will read a lew extracts to show that our reliance for safety is on ourselves. 1 read liotn the an nual report ot the Auti-Slaveiy Society of Maine, thus: *'J lie tree States possess a clear majority iu ( ongress. Their several objects will there fore be accomplished, w hvnever the 1 1, bite sentiment in llte free States shall demand it, ami that sentiment properly represented in Congress. \\ e are under solemn obliga tions, therefore, not only lo diffuse through the community correct sentiments on the subject ol slavery, but also to make all prop er efforts to place in our National Legisla ture, men who will use the power commit ted 10 their hands in accordance with our views.” Does this extract, 1 ask. show tiiat tha petitioners oarely wish tlit*ir representatives here to contend lor the right of petition? Hut does it 1101 demonstrate that they carry (heir principles to the poll*, and force as pirants to Congress lo favor or support their views ! Sir we are not deceived by yielding our rights in older to accommodate gentle men, in courting such votes to secure their election. Again 1 read ; “The District, then, is the spot where the lirst ousel upon slavery is to he made —the battle-giouiid where this great con test between liberty and slavery is to be de cided. Not to employ our political, as well as all other resources, in the conflict, w ould lie not merely wrong, but tho very height of folly.” Where is the titan, I enquire, so lost to sense or leelmg, whose heart throbs with one solitary patriotic emotion, and who knows the South will maintain her riguts, or be buried under the ruins, that does not shudder fur the approaching downfall of the coiftitry ! Who does not see that the in sidious attempts to encroach one inch up on our rights arc the piotnptings of their influence, which has for its object the tear ing away the guards of our property placed by the constitution ? They only wait for strength to place men iu power, who will not stop at ihe evasive aigumcnt now used about tiie right of petition, but who will labor to carry out their purpose. And while we are arguii g and granting the right of re cep ion, they ate ptepariog heavier blows, mtlaiming the passions ol the ignorant, ihe idle, and the young, to be poured forth like the lava of a vo'cano, to blacken and blight the peace ami government ol the country.— 1 1 is not a time for the Representatives of the South to be quiet. It is not a time for the lover of his cuuutry from the North to palter for office, and vainly imagine “all's well?” w'-i'ii 111.. elements of disulution are gathering like frost about tlie heart pulse of the Republic, it is high tune, it we ex pect to save the Union, to rebuke the mad ness of such deluded families js expect to establish religion by their crimes and to en force philanthropy by the sword. Sir, my Heart thrilled at the spirited remarks made bv the honorable mover of thi> amendment [Gi n. Thompson.] Ile spoke the language oltlie patriot and *.he voice of tlm South; and if every Whig and every Democrat felt the s. me sentiments, and would tear loos** from the bonds of any p:u y, no mat ter wha' their ties, that would dare cherish this spirit of discord, our institutions, civil and religious, would he safe. These mod i’m reformers must be taught, that the South, with afl’her strong attachments to the Union, wou'd sooner see the country riven asunder by an earthquake, and her fertile plains float ing on the bosom ofa tempest-tossed ocean* than be forced to surrender a solitary right secured by tjie constitution, I have I eard eliminations and recrimin ations made m party brandings upon this flour; but I am satisfied there are abolition ists on both parties, and that party which '■uiirts them most, is by the American peo pl t most to be blamed. In proofof which I snail read again: ••So far as the two gfeat patties of the day are concerned, we hold to no principles as abolitionists, that both do not publicly profess. The objeet we desire to acconi-' plish, docs not interfere with any, at which either professedly aims. L'*t it then be dis tinctly settled that no man,'under any possi ble combination of circumstances, can re ceive the votes of abolitionists, who will not go the ext-nt of his constitutional pows ers for the abolition of slavery, and both parties willsooii, either fro'" policy or ne cessit'*, present candidates for public ollice for whom wc may vote, in consistency with our party predilection , and in subserviency also to paramount duty to the slave.” Do we not find here sullicitut cause to induce candidates for Congress, represent ing such a ppople, to favor or adopt their views iu a close party contest? But, sir, these fanatics will not long be content with representatives here, who are tiie mere ad vocates of petitiou : and their party policy here must induce pentleiivri not :o press this subject, for lear of injuring « partisan candidate at home, 1 will again proceed with their declarations, and I asit suiitnern men to give ear, aud those (ruin the North win tlet ierc they are nut abolitionists, to listen, and then tell me if the contest is uot most safely met at the iheshohl of our lights. This is the language they say : “That we shall not again present the monstrous anomaly of peiiii.uitug Uongt-’ss to n«e its acknowledged powers foi to* ter mination of shivery, whtie by our votes we help to seijd men the.re who we know beforehand will refuse our petitions.’’ There is no complaint m this language of the right of petitiou; they admit they do petition, and only complain that their peti tions are nut granted. 1 make bo charges agaiust cither of the great parties, HI L >