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•round him, residing in the community o' your adversaries, sharing their bo inly, an" partaking daily of their hospitality possiby cal'-d to oflice fr*nn party considetatiou- - r- Mil l fail to be infl leiw-ed. by the same ,-r gem Us. motive*, i*id in-ei lives, nnit If |:.ifO iiiihw-t-d -he Executive of two States to tele- *c a tin-i you? A* well n icht r c h it,» u’.fiui im ( i.ar fatity in a juroi s leittii • 'i ih- family ul ihe hm ie fl ' Under su ’t a si ie et thins:*. onr lights would be ie ■uic tiiaii at present. Tin r-' iso*ll- «»itie* n ..sum, h,»oever, w hieh wiinme is puni on t. The constant fe i «:e ,ev ot iiiii >v -lein is to weaken the ineiii- Drs of the Union. hy an aeeninnlalion ot /mwer hi Iho Government nl the l nil'll.— Tins is dune habitually by t e;>< aird -inplic.’- lioiis mi the part ul the Sri'es. In li.is Gov 4-iumeiil. f,n aid, pecuniary or political, to do that which, for wai t of iiuviii*. energy oi moral courage, they feel iue.mii’ieieril 'o i f ieif.u iii. i ids ;s g: :w ing into as\ stem, and he ineii ilenU which utjl.iiii under fi. are ai y undermining and supplanting the plain 'uteui of orr Constitution. The ell -cl in the present instance is to cherish a s.-nse of weakness;' to rely on oth -n, «vhe:i reliance siinti Id be o*i in sell ts ; io loregn duty to our rhikits ; and piece iheni an I o;ir high est interests m the keeping ul those who are nofunly indepeii’lenl ol us, h it are at ali timer >ie| eudc.it on tho-e we have to con tend with. Jl is clearsy perceived that a hope fur justice, under such circumstan ces, is -‘against hope.” Bui suppose ill:; the Judge should de cide adverse to the demand, wna: as your remedy ? Being au arbiitr <d your own choosing, you c m say nothing. Suppose Congress lieing appealed 10, shall ta.,e a difleieul view ol your riglus and interest, from that you present, wl.at complaint can you then make ! In any view 1 can take, weakness is the result. lint risking a decision against us, sup pose it to bo m !a\\>r of the demand in the case before its, would not Maine find an tinomy in the history of GeorgL, in the Tassels, the iMis-ionaty, and other cases, for disregarding tne mandaic oi tlje Circuit Judge! What tlieu would G.-orgia do? Tlie answer, 1 confess, m iv be made by as king what can she-now do? Hut th r ques tion is not fully met, -ince it is clear she might u nv attempt, with prospect ol success, what sue would certainly fail in, under the proposi ti amendment. To supply, by inli rcnce, implies, ion, ;>e cessily and propriety, the delect ol powers reposed or Withheld from the Federal (Jov eru.ncut hy the ti atn-rs of me Ciuisli ution, is tlfe’'Settled purpose oi a pervading influ ence here." To aid this, every precedent, horvev r erroneously founded, or incauti ously adopted, is referred u» as an expoun der of the supreme law. And it is even now true, that the practice of this Govern ment is substituted for its Constitution. N;«v, a more dangerous rule still is setting up'herc. by which [instead of ihe rule fix ,ed by the Constitution.] to judge the im portant interests involved in this controversy A rule, peculiar to no country; no where adopted: written in no book of laws; but coming from above, is said to he of obliga tion superior to all laws. Does it not be come us, whu can hope or expect no good to come from an evil precedent: who con tend for right and justice for th ir own sake ; who cannot laii to sutler by every depart ure: and who have no security save in tin: , ’ ’ r “•■onar.iuce ot acquieseuce in the assinipton ol a pow er by Congress to decide dir’ctly-or indi rectly, questions which lie at the foundation of the civil rights that exist in our domes tic institutions ! If we are nol prepared to enter on i policy that yields tiicni up, we must promptly close the door against such attempts. Another consideration has wtighi here. It is t his : In 1337. the Legislature of Geor gia declared in this very ease, In anticipa tion, that by this open violatioit,of the com pact on thepirt of Maine ‘ s ln is leleascd from the obligations of that compact \ audit has become her right and her duly to pro vide protection for her people in her oicu U'mj . Jn this 1 think she wts fully sus tained. The course nowreenmi.iendrd is a reced ing from that of 1337, being an appr nl to the Federal Government to protec our people by toe judgement ol its court, -vliich as I have said, may or may not rotund with what our people might hold *o be right. To adopt this recession from the rue j round taken in 1837, I cannot be insti nmentat. Such sir, are irty views of t tie iuterrsts of our State, and such the course • have felt it my duty to adopt, togeti er w!h some of the reasons that have governed me. With great respect, they are submitted. Ton will no doubt fee! it due to the Legislature -and the people, to give speedy publicity to this. 1 studi be pleased if you will do so the more at tills time, in order ti at the earli est opportunity may become available for the correction, jy the people, of any error 1 may have made, la the end tlnu their mer est* may be fully, truly and w *ely repre sented here. 1 have the honor to he Your mast obedient se vant MARK A. OUTER. March Mi, 18-10. T*. S. \ ntir Excellency wi'l perceive tint this communication bears date -'oth January. This is n»y apology for not send ing it before now; it was wril'en under a suggestion that each of the deleg, tes should prepare a reply to be submitted n the as sembled delegates, from which an answer common to ali, might lie presented. This has bden defer.ed from time to time, until, by circumstances beyond my control, it e comesmyduty to forward this. .VI. A. C. CIRCULAR OF MARK A. COOPER TO Ills CONSTITUENTS. I’kllow CtTtZKNs*:—Three months of a long session have elapsed. In the absence ofanv special) call to communicate with V'Htf irwouid be iny .jdeasuie o write - The existence of anxiety on your part to .n-aririyn me, adds to the checilol liess and alacrity which I feet. You have most uniformiiy heon depend :i!:t OM.o'-ir I- -p:p, . -or iiPormaTion.-^- This is spine:im>'s ' ry ui'chti be relied on,- Ii ,i-. fi iwe.ver. v.-rv oijfen ;.u n eeitairt guile, bee iuse they arena] aik;. - possessed oi tuj I e’.s that le.nl l,i correct n, mioii* ; or. , Jieicg posK. ssed o's ijl' Hi. do not fully give 1 -l.ie U> you, lo either' case you ai • de- ' pSod nil dn an e'dircrinf erp-essjon f, v.mr 'opinion This, though entitled to tl.i r. | titno.v <i*ieii> their station, hods occ,.v.iud- I iy to error- JJy your |)e‘rmi«sion, I give yon snch in- ! tel'igenee of what 1 iiave done ii-re in ,m : eU-tri to re.vi s -nr y , as, being app'icd in i Inc rut s0; have ■; veriied you. mm lead t > » ‘;oy- -i jmlg'ni t ou the u t tuude of j uiy conduct, , T e pobtiv;.!vi -vs ? came here to repres ent, vi r ihc-i i-. i» and in 18J3 by me ,H lie R-ghis party- Ry education, n.abit, ; and r.o „ | „wf,| t o represent UUr. j i.cxn h- a v c inisrcpieseuti ,1 j tliein. Unt’l a change passes over me. I n*nr shall. When that shall occur, you -h ill be advised without delay. Asa neces sarv consequence ofthose views, 1 brought wit', me opposition to the chartering ol a bank by tins Government. Consistently «ilh the same. 1 came avowedly to support i s.-j i r i'i.in «f the Goveriinient and the hanks, -ind the es'.ablishm ot of ~u Indeprn d.-u' Treamirv. As to men and office, I did uni fail to advise you, in answer to those who had a light lo inquire, that I should deci - dedtv support Mr. Van lJoren m prefer • ence to General Harrison. On ll.e same prinrioh-s I have ever been opiai-ed to a nrotfi t;ve taritf. a Government debt, ami in , ,en.al improvement*. This ojiposiiion i gl ow out of your views of a -.triet eonstroc | Hon o! th ■ Constitution, coupled Willi th" I id«*a ofa Goveruincnt ol limited delegated powers. Another leading mi asure. soggesti-d from a veiv respectable snuii-e before Congress convene I. 1 »v.,s opposed in for similar <: ius<-, —tlie ass.itttpliou by this (ii vciiiiueul i oft he vast debtoued by tile several States. . Tins, Ia n |iersuaded, you will soou find to ; lie one ol absoibing inlertof. The members ol Congress were found, I on my ainv.il in-re, w.ili few exceptions, to : lie divided, nominally, into Democrats and Whi gs. The Deiiioerats, as a paity. pro tess, and, when not too inconvenient, jmii tise the political opinions here set forth as adopted lor myself, A few nl' their paj iv, however* I hi lieve are known to have been uniformity Fedeiali U. The wliigs have no principle or rule in common that I have discovered, except ad vocacy of a bank and opposition to tile Sub ft.isuiy. '1 Ins parly is a coalition of ail ilie opponents tu the present Administration, professedly having rciereii'e to no given principles of action save that just named.— 11 -uce there are found in it Federalists and Republicans. The Federal jfitluenccs, however, predominate, and ilierelt*rc char acterize (hep nty. I think lam not mista ken ms tying that ihtir triumph, which is seem and m the election of U.irnson, fixes on tlie country a policy founded on a liber al consiructoh ol [powers, that give latitude to this Government to assume powers not and -leg tied and dangerous to its existence. The soul and spirit of this party are tlie bank iuleiest and the tariff. Should the chartering of a bank he hopeless, which can only be by the election of Mr. Van Riireu or one thinking as he does on that point, the next most available policy with that par ity will be the assumption of a debt of two hundred millions, to prop the sinking credit of tlie States. They are even now looking to it. The course idapied for myself was, uot to commit you to either party here hut in reference to measures test each one bv your rub s, and decide accordingly. In reference to me i, to choose those whose opinions would in jst likely lead into your policy. In doing this 1 have not had the least dif ficulty. nor have l felt the slightest hesita tion in aay case, li 1 exhibit a sironger coincidence with one party than the other, it is because it professes and acts more in accordance wi li the rules that I brought here with me. My settled purpose is to ask lor you, nor for those who represent you, nothing but a faithful administration of this Government as its framers designed it. Toat heintr promised, to sustain the par ty who would do if, or most nearly pefurm the task. 1 lies.. ~ r»e>V 10 you, VV.nl ""U froiji mo, having expressed them while a candidate before you. On the principles of the message of he President, 1 could not differ from the Administration. lamat a loss to know how any State Rights man can object to the measures recommen ded. O.rr opposition to Mr. Van Burcn began with his predecessor, anil is priinirilv asso ciated with he ‘‘Proclamaiion ami Force Bill.” Prior to that recognised as a Republican hy William 11. Crawford, and received your support. On the annuncia tion of those measures, tlie mass of the present Whig party, perceiving therein a rule of construction always contended for hy tin: Federalists, concurred with and ap plauded him. There we separated from him and Mr. Van But'en. Triie cause of our separation from, formed the ground of their co operation with him. Since that time, tlie principles involved ill that 1 ititiide of construction have been piot'cssediy and practically repudiated by the Democrats, but adhered to hy the Whigs. It would seem strange it' die causes that seperatrd ui from Mr. Van Boren should not keep us apart from the Whigs. Nor ought it to bethouglitstrange to agree with the Democrats in their adop tion of our policy. The first act worthy of notice arose on the New Jersey election. The demonstra tion was apparently in favor of the Whigs. The Democrats being in this instance un willing to forego the aequsition of strength, were tempted to what we thought a depar ture. The Whigs, by consequence, were left to sustain State rights. Tlie next was the Speaker’s election. Mr. Beil, of Tennessee, was the Wnig can didate. lie is the jnr mlier who introduced the Force Bill. John W. Joins, Esq., of Virginia, was the candidate of the Demo crats. My colleague, Mr. Dawson, was proposed ns the candidate of the Whigs. Another colleague desired to know of us. whether, in tlie event Mr. Dawson could be nominated by the Whigs, he would he supported by me. For myself, 1 distinct ly replied, lie could not, for tins reason : It w mid unequivocally commit those we represent to the Wiiig party, aud place them in a false position. 1 believe we ought to ask nothing of either party, 1 had a willingness to do Mr. Dawson a'personal kindness if possible, without violation of duty to yon, tbe motives for which he will understand, i therefore told him and our w hole delegation that lie out not to be the '•A big candidate . that, it commuted to the W higs already, lie tvonld not better bis condition poetically by coiiiiiiitiing us; by remaining we blight relieve him. It was determined that he should not ruu- Under these circumstances, 1 there upon, lor the sake of harmony, agreed to nnitu tvii lt my Colleagues to vote for and to elect Mr. Dawson it we could. Aocor diugly t voted for him. I’erceiviug he could not be elected, (aud on this point 1 speak lrom knowledge to be .replied on winch tny colleaguedid not possess,) l turned my at. non to ML Lewis, of Ala bama, an early friend and classmate, a Nubilier. a Sun tieasnrec, ami a Georgian. 1 vol I tor him as long rs he had any pros pect. Finally, pc celling tiiat ihe Deuio crais were not disposed to vote for a Sub !reason S atc-Kighls man and that the Whigs an<l ill ■ .State Rights men could unite on Mr. Hunter, 1 agreed with Mr. Wi-', of Virginia to vote for Air. Hunter, it iv s o I a Win., but, like myself, was uiov.-d lrom both parlies. ’J ue next subject that called us out, was ihe U»si ii3- ion on receiving abolition peti tions. The manner in which i represented you on that sui ject is before you. The course winch tlie re*|»ective parties took on this subject of absorbim; interest, is before you. The advantage which one party pre sents to you above the other, is this : The Democrats disavow (ami to some extent maintain it in practice) that latitude of construction, wlneo. kmn* adopted by the mass of the Wings, will eventually tonify the abolitionists with wha»e*er power they desire. The greatest number of what are called abolitionist* here, aie of the Whigs. Ou the subject ol (he petition*, nearly all that are offered are presented here by Whigs The Democrats have the credit of resisting aud rejecting them, at the only time of their (ejection, since, lrom <he uou slaveholdiug Si..!*-.-, but one Whig, and twenty-seven Democrats, voted with u*. The nomina tion of General llarrisou, whether he be an abolitionist nr not, was addressed to those people, and so’tiny understand it : ilis suc cess is their promotion. I Another iiiinortaut matter before us, is one intimately connected w.tii this subject. The res .jutions of your Legislature on llie Maine controversy. In regard to these 1 had irmii ihe first but ouc opinion. It was in me an obvious one, and wuhoiit de lay was c amnuuicated to my colleagues. You have, m my reply to the Governor, same of the ressou* for reiusing to pre sent them here, a., requested by the Legis lature. Another act, second to none in importance, is the motion to repeal the laws appointing a salary foi Camplum. For this you have some of the grounds stated on a motion to reconsider his'election. Those grounds would suffice for me ; but there are others. Nothing is clearer than that wlieu no con nexion i* ordered, none should exist, how ever remote, between tue clergy and Cou ' gre-s. They are tue efficient agents thoughout Christendom, lor accomplishing the objects of abolition, m the fuce-uf your cousiniiiioti. They are the propagators ami supporters ul tne “sublime rnle of ac tion, from God, which has authori ty overruling the constitution, thereby sub verting alt ci-vil rights. They too are the expounders ol this rule. The connecting link is formed fiom this to England and 11;ily. The authority of the Pope has al ready been appealed to; his Bull has gone forth, and eveil in the-e United States, is flourished at your domestic institutions iu menace, especially at Mississippi at.d Louis ana. Under such circuui-dances, it would be faithless in me not to disarm our oppo nents id every weapon. 1 mean the oppo nents of our Union, the Republic. I con sider wiiat is going on, lobe a war upon the Union, tlie main conspirators against which a're now, where they have been, beyond die Atlantic. They are accomplishing now in another, but more effective way, tile objects of the Hartford Convention. And you, fellow ciii/.ens, are called onto defend your institutions, or to prepare to relieve your selves of the evil. This is no recent opiniou. If you are what you have been, you will de fend them. After this came the election of printer, about which so much shameless deuounci ation lias been blindly resorted to. li is me least ol the several important matters brought before us. To publish its laivs is the duty of Congress. This is done by the press. I could not avoid using some press for this purpose; nor could l, without a violation of duty, refuse to have the work done. Two presses only wvr- competent to do the work; the Globe and the Inte'ii wlien the Madisonian, tfie *senvaVi'vo press, being elected had to faun it out, tinder an arrangement by which it pocketed many thousand dollars a* a bonus, and the luteliigenc did the work. I was reduced to the necessity to choose between those two presses, or of refusing to publish the laws and journals. I had always been politically opposed to both. In principle, at all times irore op posed to he Intelligencer than the Globe, since, the editor of the Globe has always professed to be a Republican, while the In telligencer has nuiformily been the organ of the Federalists. This was, and is, more de cidedly opposed to your views, than the Globe. It is emphatically the organ oftbe United States Bank, and opposed to the Sub-treasury. The Globe, outlie contraiy, is actively opposed to a United States Bank, and to tire othei leading Federal measures resulting from the doctrine of imp'ied pow ers—such, for ii,stance, as Inteni.d Improve ments. Protective Tariff, and the assump tion of State ‘Debts-'-aud it zealously sus- LiiUs tlie Sttb-tresUfy policy. Finding myself under obligations to vote between these two, tue only consist vote was to elect between the two, that press which could be expected to advocate the leading measures of tliis Congress, and oppose the spleuded schemes of extravagant exrendi tlire resulting from the views of those who reject the idea of a strict construction of the Constitution. lii casting this vote, no o tlier principle was involved Ilian those avow ed by me when before you as a candidate ; identically tlie same as that involved in the choice ofMr Van Uureu over Mr. Harri son. lam persuaded that no one who ap proves my choice between Mr Van Buren an I Mr. Harrison, with a knowledge of the facts, objects, an I considerations that de termined me to choose Blair <St Rives, w ill Condemn this. My prejudices against them were always as strong as any man’s ought to be. They were not my men, not de sirable to me; but decidedly the best I could do here for your interest. My opposition to the Intelligencer is en tirely political, and of the kind, as strong as can well be. It is of much longer stan ding than that of the Globe. It began in the days of Troup and the Treaty. This opposition is cotemporaneous with tue lust inspiration from Troup that led me to com prehend the elevated conceptions of hi* pure republicanism. From that period to the present. 1 have seldom seen the pa per, and have read it less frequent than a ny leading paper, save the Glebe. Unplea sant as it is to recount the grounds of ob jections, 1 am under a necessity to ?lo it, beginning with their early opposition to your policy. I feel myself called to do tlrht by the editorials in several leading papers of the Biates Rights party, wh<>, without charity enough to surmise a good intent oil my part, haring no perception of the important considerations that have fixed uie iu a rigid adherence lo the principles abbve referred to, have hastily, unwitting ly, and without just cause, attempted to di rect the finger <d denunciation at a portion of your delegation, Y on know how much onr press is given to think they exercise a control over yonr opinions. In that present instance, they Have determined to bring Mr. Biack and myself under its blast by the application to us of terms equally unwarrantable and far more unkind than any which the Globe, in the height of its abuse, ever used against n ny of us. if the Globe, or any press in Georgia politically opposed to me, had used Ihe same language against us, for myself il would have been set down as a result to be expected, and would have passed unnoticed: but, coming from my own friends professed ly, they are supposed to possess undoubt ed credit when pronouncing against those they act with. This explains the reason why, under uiy proper signature, 1 am dri ven to appear in some sort a witness iu tny own case. That truth, as it comes from me, may not be dispa,aged by tue represen tation* of tiiose who denounce us, be it re membered that tlie paper* which have uiad<‘the attack in this case. are. or will prove to be, the direct or indirect supporters of a United States Bank; tiiat the only op pressive weight 1 have had to carry, wheth er a* a candidate before you or iu the dis charge of duty here, have been 'thrown ou me from tiiat influence ; for, while some of my colleagues m o.hcr respects similari ly situated, dllii riug in this, iiave been re lieved ol ihtseat'acks from any State Rights press in Georgia, 1 liave beeu assailed be fore and since coming here. Tins you iu iy«say results from my position. So it does. 1 came here ny your direction a Slate Rights man, opposed to the bank, to advo cate the Sub-treasury. Since here, every act I have performed, and every word 1 have uttered, ho* had liutouly the intent, but the effect to maintain these political views. My vote, for printer, alleged to be an ex ception, 1 will prove lo be the proper choice under the cireu nisi antes. What is the National Intelligencer, and what are the objects an., ends ot its labors ? My tecollcciioiis go back in these mailers no further thau the lite war with Great Britain. That auu Niles's Register were ihe only medium of political intelligence at tny father’s fiicaidc. I knew nothing of politics, and cared but was ol tiiat age, when the thrilling sensations produced by the recital of the suiieri..gs ol a bleeding ami injured country, would involuntarily spring me from my sest as my lather would nightly read the news. This pleasure 1 enjoyed, but mainly lrom the latter paper, until 1 entered upon life. Education and association made me a Jeffersonian repub lican aud a Irieud ot i'roup. Up lo 16J3, 1 acted ou these rules, without perceiving their import or justice. Fortunately for me and lor Georgia, liie most remarkable man of ihe age, and one of the lew patriots belonging to it, was then guiding the destin ies of our State—George M. Troup. lie was engaged in a contioversy with this Government, involving our rights of sovereignty, iu attending to his corres pondence, the must v.*.!u.,ble in our annals, 1 pciceived the rules, and traced the land marks; since which time 1 never have tor gotten or lost sight of them. During its progress, as i fancied tlie sigh; of bayonets a id noise ol soldiery, ihe same feelings that thrilled at tlie news liom tlie war, in the days of boy hood, roused to in dignation liie feelings of a man. From that day to this, politically. I iiave had but one ambition: that his oeen to see the country rallied in support ol the republican doc trines, aud ill: politicians of the day practi cally carrying them out. At this period, who hut the Federal snl ministraiiou of this Government, with Air. Adams at its head, w ere the oppesirs of Governor Troup. Ga.es and Seaton were itsorg-ju and suppoites; aud with all their kind tee-lings lor our great men, could ne>t sustain the principles ol Governor Tro- p. From that day forward they have been and stilt are the decided supporters of the- p it icy you oppose and opposed to tint you maintain. heir press is devoted to the establishment of a United States Batik; and if tiiat which lias been olten asserted aud libl com i-airii tea, ne troc, n mis u>, -,eais beet), and still is, mortgaged to th-.t nank for ii ore than it ran pay. Such is the bank’s interest in it that it effects ihe in surance on it. Although this may not con trol the opinions of ihe eduu s, it is perfect ly certain that it is in the power ot the bank to sell it out whenever ii lingli advocate a policy opposed to its intei vats. To subject the prilling to such casualty would cer tainly be unwise. They are supporters of the tariff; of intern.i improvements, and other I I'itudin iriau doctrines; which, in the hands of the federalists, would sooner or later overwhelm your inte o.,ts. Bursu ing the interest oi liieuunn, th-y are the >r gan iiereol Harrison's friends, and lima by indirectly aui the abolitionists; tlo v have been at ad times as widely op; osed io vour views as any paper here; that they have pre seived greater regard to courtesy, is ad mitted. In 1832, the darkest period of your his tory. when Nullification seemed but an other name tor ‘‘treason;’’ iu the mission ary case, where its principles were strictly involved, tlie Intelligencer held that ‘-the Supreme Court might release the mission aiise, issue process, and execute its own judgment;” that it would seem “quite evi dent tiiat ail the agents of Georgia who are concerned in retaining t..e missionaries in j jail are trespassers, and must ..nswer one day for the false imprisonment.” At this time tiiis seemed to cut against our domes tic adversaries, they being in power, but it was a vital thrust, through them, at your faith. The Globe, on that occasion, held 11 .-at the President was not bound to execute the unconstitutional judgment of the Court a gainst Georgia This the lutcili c eocer de nounced as a heresy, notwithstanding the Globe vindicated it by citing the case nl Mr. Jefferson’s refusal to execute the alien and sedition laws. The same principles were advocated by that press in the Tassel's • case. The Globe denounced the Nullifiers, and j so did she other their doctrines, and in this supported Jackson and the Force Bill.— i Si ,co 1837, the Globe and tlie Demoerat j ic party as such, have puttorth and advo-' j cated doctrines at variance w ith the k’orce j Bill, and consonant with ours. And the l very measure, tlie Sub-treasury, which is j the great cause of my otJeuding, was sug gested by Coudy Raguet, a State Rights man, whom you'remember as editor ol the Examiner, and proposed and supported fiist in 1834 by our State Rights delegation here. It is now the leading measure of the Globe aud the Administration. The Globe has uniformly opposed a bank, the tarifT, internal improvements, and tlie late move to assume tlie two hundred millions of State debts. It opposes them on the grounds which you do. In private life, so far as 1 know, the edi tor of the Globe stands unimpeaclied. He is temperate, free fiom dissi lation, and in dustrious. He is a southern man in his birth and education, and whatever he may liave heretofore said or doue, as an editor, he is now proposing and supporting many of your leading features of policy, and op posing those which you have opposed, lie is. furthermore, a native American. What ISute Rights man, whose prepossessions are not strongly for a bank, and against a Sub treasury, could hesitate to take the Globe, | .as an alternative, rather thau the Intelligen cer ? If any of you still doubt the consistency of my course here, that doubt shall now be removed, by turning your attention for a moment to our past history, and pointing to i the rule and object that have iuvaiiably gov- j erned me. 1 In the nomination of Judge White of Tennessee some years ago as yonr candid ate for President, a tendency was maniles ted to sacrifice principles for uieu, and merge in the Federal ranks. Governor Troup was iheu our noiuiuee. On that occasion the principles ol the party were formally sur reiideied ; Governor I’roup's name infor mally ami unceremoniously token down. It was substituted l>y an advocate ot the Pro clamation and Furce Bdi; one who, with all his oppoeiliou to Jacksotiisill, professed Jacksouisiu. Here wo* the beginning ol errors. The object was to gi t numbers. It was done at the sacrifice oi principle.— The slow but certain progress of truth was too lardy. We now leei the evil effects.— I, with many oilier, opposed (hi*. We per ceived in it w lull 1 iiove abundant prnnt of lecenily, that Ihe centralizing influence of jeanies here was planning to amalgamate you with the Wliigs. ou mere teelings of opposition. Your editors uuited in the ef lort, aud at one time called you liie Whig patty of Georgia, but afterward sty led you tue Ami-V.m Buren party. In May. 1-37, in tne cnnventioo tiiat nominated Mr. Gil mer, a very Jecided attempt was made to formally reoigamze your parly and change its name,to eiect a platform to tread with w higs upon. Those otyou who were there will remember the preamble and resolu tions lhat were read lor that purpose ; that 1 opposed it, aud on what ground. You will remember what was done with the ef fort. Ii tailed, aud your party name was saved. Thi-> tendency, being checked in form has been manliest in our action, until y our op ponents at home are seen io plant themselves on youi own grounu, as you recede, and claim with exultation that they are the Suite men, This they always did, but ct-it only with more propriety, now that they occupy your ground, than when yuu stood firmly on it. I liave steadily * resisted this, whenever called io act or speak, up to the vote lor printer. On that occasion, preferring to represent your principles, rather thau your feelings and prejudices ol opposition , re gardless o! those principles, I was governed by lIk: same rule. Y uu are now able, feUow-eitiz-ms, to de cide whether 1 have made your political faith liitj uniform rule of my conduct, ami, consequently, have tiujy represented you; or tv her uer, according to the unsparing cal umny ot your editors, l have beeu gmiiy ot ii ‘•moral prostitution, regardless of political considerations.” or have solu my birthright for “a mess of pottage.” I’Lere is, fellow-citizens, a controversy a moiig you ; you ddler one lrom another. I have the misfortune to differ from some of you, >wn!e some of my cm - leagues difler from myself aud) oil ers. i hesuiuol Ibis difference is the Bank. It stirs you. it n oves Harrison, and it is the spirit ot the Whigs. Its success would lie secured by t e Iriumphk of the Whigs. I’heir dyliasiy wilt be established in ii,uni son's election. \\ ith them (lie Federal rule of action gains the ascendency. B> their rules of construe!ion, the oeposers o’l yum institutions iiave a law above tlie con stitution, that wilt sweep them li.,e stiii-v Lelbre me wmd. Tlie same system of policy that Ins in duced me to act here, ou every occasion as 1 hu>c, will slid govern me as long as I re main. No interest siiall suej-ve me; no ap prehension deter me; no stratagem, wi.hin my power io detect, shall circumvent me. '***””• ~0a1J,.,l ulu, have not ihe patience to examine my views, to set me down lor “imprat ticalde,” that being ihe least laborious method ol dispos ing oi a rouble-;,me argument. 1 impi fairness will at once relieve me ot tint! impu - tatimi, or acquit me of die opposite one, implitu in ihe allegation of a desertion oi your principles. i he same rules that have governed me in chousing a primer, ii.unl gov ea u in cho ce ol Bi exult nl, and will lead tu a decided pref i-ience ol lire incumbent over Ins opponent. Y oui interest is opposed to ei ttu r a direct m indirect support ol Harrison i his i Uave to.d you before. Having «<!- dhiuuai evidence now, and more sa isfactory, 1 repeat it here. il is repealed lor this additional r-asnn. I never wii!, knowingly, misrepresent tm mimesis oi the | e pie who send me lime. And yet i will act o- no opinion which i cannot make my own. The remedy for this is at hand. It Ido not truly represent you, select one whose opinions, differing lrom miue, may accord with your own. And iu the absence of any imputation on my integrity, 1 simu'd not only be con'eni/ but iiave cause to rejoice that yon will have done your duty. But if tne State Right* party is what it lias been. 1 have not mis represented its policy, it it is difl'erent, I am unfit to be its representative. For say ing this much < f myself, let the apology be that tt was in sell-defence, and iu commen dation of your policy. That 1 have said but little of my colleagues, who agree, with me, and are similarly, situated, lesults lrom the tact tiiat they prefer to speak lor them selves. We have oo further concert than agreement ui sentiment brings about. Their objects and wishes are such as are here ex pressed, and their views and reasons are clear and, to iny mind, conclusive. This matter, which entirely belongs to you, 1 submit into the hands of those whose it is, aud respectfully bid you adieu. MARK A. GOOBER. LETTER FROM THE HON.EDWARD J. BLACK TO GOV. McDONALD. Washington, February 17, 1840. I House of Repisematives. To His Excllency, Charles J. McDonald, Governor of the State of Georgia. Sir—l have been toi some time in re ceipt of your communication, covering tbe preamble and resolutions relative to our c m troversy with Maine, introduced into the last legislature by Mr. Jenkins, and ulti mately passed by tiiat body: in lieu of the more decided am! appropriate measures pro posed to the Satiate by the Hon. A. J. Law son, of Burke, and to the Honse of Repre sentatives, by George W. Crawford, Esq., es Richmond. 1 should not have suffered so much time to elapse before I adiltessed your Excellen cy upon the grave and important subject submitted by these resolutions to my con» sideratiou, but that I hoped something might transpire from the authorities of Maine, which would relieve tne from the necessity of speaking plainly on a subject on which it was evident, my views and o pinions would come indirect collision with those of others, who had heretofore been re cognised as advocates of Stare Right's, at least, as they were connected with this ab sorbing question. Aly expectation has not been realized ; Maine still is erect in her adverse potitiou, and 1 am forced to perfoim what l conceive to be a duty imperative up on me in my representative capacity, to re turn to your Excellencj the resolutions you enclosed, and with them my reasons for declining to present them to congress. How then stands the case ? Sometime in May, 1837, Daniel Bhiibrcok and Edward Kelleran itizens of Maine, the former, mas ter, and the latter, mate of the schooner Bos ton, trading in Savannah, while in ihaj port feloniously : uveigl*d iron James Sngur* and Henry Sagurs, citizens of Georgia their negro slave, Atticus, whom thsy cinu’- destinely conveyed into the State ot Maim and thus illegally deprived tlie owner* 0 f their property . Ou the 16th day of May I’liilbrook and Kelleran were charged Lv Janies Sagurs, on liis oath, in the eon in v ol Chatham, with Lav ng, ‘ on or about the 4tn of May last, leloniouslyjinveigled, stolen taken, and carried away without tbe limits of the Stale ol Georgia,” tlm s | av « Atticus ; “that the said Daniel Philbrook and Edward Kelleran, have been guihy deponent is iutormed, and believes of a fel ony undei the laws of this State,” **Tliat since the commission of said felony, the said Philbrook aud Kelleran have fled fiom this State, and are, as lie believes, at tlu.s time, within i lie limiis of the State, ol Maine 111 till* Unite' States.” Dn the same u : ,y, the Magistrate, before whom this oath was made, issued his warrant to arrest these men and the officer charged With ihe execution thereof returned, that they were not to | Je found in the county of Chatham. Corres pondence then took place between Ilis Ex cellency. William Schley, at that time Governor ol Georgia, and ilis Excelled v, Robert J Dunlap, Governor of Maine, in which the latter demanded of the former that the said Philln'nok and Kelleran should be delivered up to Georgia as Itigiiiie* lrom ju’tice, being charged ol feloniously inveig ling, stealing, taking, aud carrying away tbe slave Aui-us ; and wuh the demand a duly -•Hitheniicated copy of tlie affidavit warrant ■•ml 'he return tin r.'on w is forwarded tu the Executive of Maine. Outlie 16rh ol Au gust tin-rent e;, Gov. Dunlap, in Inrinal cuu.- iiititiicaiion to the' Executive of Georgia, declined to comply uiiii tlie demand made on t.iin. Matters rested in this position until De cember 1837, when tiie Legislature of Georgia prompted hy (hat hign feeling of patrotism, which had ever characterized the >iaie when liie riglns ol her humblest eh z"ii-.-.vire infringed, adopted resolutions declaring the refusal ol i!i<; Executive of AI me, to suirender Phi'biook and Kcilerau dangerous lo tlie lights of the people of Georgia, direct'y and clearly iu violation of tlie j lain letter ot the Constitution of the Uui<ed States ; That the 3tate of Georgia became a party to the federal compact, no less for me belter protection ot her own, man ihe co iii in on rights and inu-re-is ol ail tun when these ends are d-neated, she is ic leased lrom iLiu obligations of th u com, act and it becomes herr.ghl and tier duly to pro vide protecion tor her people iu her own way—That when a-> 1 idicauent should be found against Philbrook and Keller,in, the Execu ivc he requested to renew the de mand lor their arie.-t, Nc. Accordingly, on ilie7.li ol February , 18 8 an liuhcin jui w'..s found by a Grant Jury olCh.itiia u County, charging Piinbrook and Kedeia i with larceny iu felouiousiy inveigle.g, steal ing, tdiing and c.uiying away llies.arc Al liens. (Jn the 27i1l ol Apiii ini owing, t it. error Gdiner, then m ihe Execu.ne cuan o! Georgia, mads a final uciii md nt pursu ance oil instruct.mis 11oiii the Legix,.uma upon Governor Kent, s .cccs or ol Gi v r<.< r Dunlap, accompany m g me same wuli „n authenticated copy oitiie iiidiciiin-iii found, and the tacts and t n cuii.stauci sou winch it w' os lias and. Gevcriioi Kent refused on tlie u->,n -lum, lr.'tß, to comply will, diis rei - orated deni md, and tiecimeu to arrest tn-se Inaitives from justice. • The Resolutions ol the Georgia Legisla litre above referred to, had btcu laid oefi re the Legislature of .Maine, dunbiless v, i:lt iLu pacific and pat'iilic purpose of picsenliug lo that St ate, aool hei and last opj orUn iiy of ie(r;< v ng her character by leiiacmglitr s eps ; ill it opportunity was no accepted, ami tlie Legislature o. Maine, aware oi ail th** circumstances, de< lined to legislatco i .he subject, ia felling it exclusively to too action of tits Executive. This then is subs! autially the state oftl e •case don n io the period ol .he adoption of "ie resolution you enclosed, and nlainlv stavd, reads thus: Two citizens es Al.due it* to Georgia, telouiously steal :lie iiropei iy of two of the la'ter Slate, and with ilic stolen piopeny in their possession, fly from .iu-lice, aud take refuge within the limits of their own State. The Executive of Georgia demand* tfietn lrom tne State of AEiiue, and tlie Execu ive of that State backed by tlie Legislature, refuses to deliver them up. To remedy these grievances, the Legislating resolve that the act of Congress of 1"93, inadequate to effect the purpose for which it was enacted, that it ought to be amended so as to authorize the denu.nd to be made on the Circuit Judge having ju risdiction in the State wherein such fugitives may be louud ; and to require said Judge, upon demand made, to issue his warrant to the United St; tes Marshal, req- i ing hin. to arrest and deliver up iln- fugitives claimed in the wariant, to the person antnorized to re ceive Inin, anti I mi,[requested.ls om of the Representatives iu Congre.s of the State of Georgia, to endeavor to procure such an i.- mcinlmeni of the .Statute in question, as in my judgement, will behest calculated to ell'ect the desir and object. If the 2d Sec. of the 4th Art. ot the Constitution of the U nited States was entirely stricken out of that Instrument—it the whole frame and policy of our political structure could be radically changed from a coi federation of Sovereign Stales for snec.lie purposes, to a great con solidated Government, the splendor and durability of n Inch demand upc ihe nnlim . ited submission of all its parts to one central power :~»-aud if with this radii a) change of onr Institutions, 1 and the political prin ciples 1 have cherished from my youth up wards, could be thoroughly, totally and miraculously ckadged also, then, aud not until then, might 1 lie free to make it a ques tion of expediency, whether I could submit a matter invo'ving the vital question of sla very, to the ultimate and aholute jurisdiction of Congress ;»-to a hotly wherein never un til lately, even the meagre majority of 6 could be found unwilling to disturb the re lation of master snd slave, not because that Cajority favoured the domestic Institutions of the South, but because they felt that tlieif hands were tied up by the strong cords ot the Constitution. Sir, cv°n if the Con stitutions warranted this legislation, could we hope to succeed in appealing to such . men as John Quincy Adams, Francis Gran* eer, L< v_v Lincoln, and William Slade? Judging of the future from the past, could we rationally expect cien for a moment, that these men who are powerful and in fluential leaders of cither party ii.'ihe House of Representatives, woul I omit th* opportu nity so aptly presented by our submission of the rights and interests of slavesholder* to their decision, to strike a deadly blow at our domestic Institutions, which would re sult in legalizing theft, in protecting fugi tive thieves, in liberating the slave, in dis troyingthis Union, and in desolating our fair and happy country ! What fond hal lucination coaid have influenced the au