THE CRAWFORD VILLE ADVOCATE.
Consolidated DEMOCRAT. with 6,1893 1
CRAWFORD VILLE Oct.
NOTES AND COMMENTS.
Democracy pleads guilty.
Did somebody say tariff?
Shall we surrender to the banks?
The probabilities of repudiation are
increasing.
lias the democratic party forgotten
ail its promises?
Bonds do not employ labor—but
greenbacks would.
Grover Cleveland has proven himself
an ideal r epublican.
_
The Rothschilds are still in the busi¬
ness of crucifying Christ.
Bonds are issued to contract and not
to expand the circulation.
The more bonds arc issued the less
money will be left in circulation.
The democrats seem to have no hesi¬
tancy about going to the bottom of the
situation.
The people have the right and the
power to control the government and
the banks.
No wonder Christ was crucified when
he tried to convert the ancestors of
Rothschilds.
Is taxing the unborn with gold bonds
taxation without representation? Don't
11 speak at once.
_
The contract slave system practiced
by the factories is as bad as chattel
slavery ever was.
It is folly to strike while the corpor¬
ations hold the military. Vote the guns
out of their hands.
The sugar trust coating don’t seem
to improve the bitter pill of the demo¬
cratic administration.
We can’t stand on the platform with
one foot and on tha line of concessional
policy wit h the other.
_
Every workingman who is enlisted
in the militia should get out of it be¬
fore he is ordered to shoot his brothers.
The first is, they must get on the
platform with us, or, secondly, we must
get off the platform and stand with
them.
There is a rapidly growing senti¬
ment that there is fraud in the issue
of bonds to buy gold—and that they
should bo repudiated.
Congressmen are apparently begin¬
ning to tumble to themselveg—when
they familiarly call each otlrfer.'Tinrat’
and “impertinent scoundrels.” <
Too til tier,—Credit with theC bond
sharks is what is the matter with the
country. Abolish the gold reserve and
-restore .the credit of the government
with the people.
If the militia is to be used solely for
tlie protection of the rich, let them do
the fighting themselves. Workingmen
should not join the militia to shoot
down other workingmen.
The secretary of the treasury admits
that there is a surplus on hand, more
than enough for current expenses of
the government—and yet Grover says
wo must buy gold from Rothschilds
to sustain our credit.
We have long been accused of fa
voring repudiation—we now accept
the challenge and invite the financiers
to put us down in their blacklist book
as favoring the repudiation of every
• bond issued during the reign of King
Grover.
The very men to whom we made this
concession would be the first to de¬
clare to the world that we ad aban¬
doned our platform and organized a
free silver party. Thus we would bo
forced to defend both our conduct and
our principles.
Those men say that they can’t stand
on the Omaha platform, yet they want
to stand with us. For thi3 ourpose we
are appealed to by some of our own
leaders to make the silver question tlie
great issue and stand with those men.
and prevent the formation of a new
party. What would be the logical con¬
clusion of such action?
_
“Fly to the life boats! the ship is
sinking!” was the cry of alarm on the
doomed Elbe. “Get out; you are a cal¬
amity howler," was the response of a
pompous aud se'f-satisfied passenger,
who turned over in his bunk and was
drowned with the rest of the victims.-
The Age.
_
They shall cast their silver in the
streets and their gold shall be removed.
Their silver and their gold shall not be
abie to deliver them, in the day of the
wrath of the Lord. They shall not sat¬
isfy their souls, neither fiull their bow¬
els—because it is the stumbling of
their iniquity.—Ezekiel 7:19.
There seems to be a persistent effort
on the part of some to push the cur¬
rency question to the Iront and then
make free silver the issue. It is urged
that such men as Senators Stewart,
Jones and others holding similar view's |
cannot join us unless we do this. This j
we are told is an occasion to exercise i
some sense as practical politicians We
must have a policy, it is said. Very j
well. Now, let us announce the logic
of such a proposition, !n the light of the
situation._
We are a party nearly two million
strong We J have built up this strength Les i
through straight fight on ihe of
the Omaha platform. Our motto baa
heen to "keeD in the middle of the
road”—that is to stick to the platform.
Sent tors Jones and Stewart knew this,
and knew what the Omaha platform j
when they joined us—or. at least, 1
was
when they were said to have joined us.
Now, if Jones and Stewart, and others
of their way of thinking want to go 1
with us and we want t, go with then.
there are only two courses to pursue by j
which we can accomplish such a union,
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He don’t seem to it, but on
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fie votes fop 6 continuance cf the Ndtione
DANDER IS AHEAD.
WE MUST NOT ABANDON OUR
PLATFORM.
The Next People's Party Convention Must
Be Controlled By Populists—A Popu¬
list Is Known by His Indorsement of
Populist Principles.
In all the discussion that has been
going on witti regard to the relation
that should exist between the People’s
party and the new silver party, there is
one important phase of the matter
which, so far as we know, has not
been touched. It is the question as to
who will control the national conven¬
tion of the People's party in 1896? If
Mr. Taubeneck’s “policy” is indorsed
we understand that the fight is to bo
made on the currency question alone.
If he has not said so in so many words,
there can be no other inference from
what he does say. Now suppoee we do
this. Suppose that all the Populist
papers would take up the fight on this
line. The object would be to unite all
who oppose the money power. On this
basis every man who favored free coin¬
age of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, and
opposed banks of issue and interest
bearing bonds, would be eligible to elec¬
tion as a delegate to the national con¬
vention. This would let down the
bars for nearly every democrat in the
west and south, and many republicans
in the same sections. No- better plan
could be conceived for the purpose of
turning the People’s party over to the
politicians of the two old parties, and
permitting them to control the conven¬
tion, make the platform to suit them,
or break the convention up in a row.
If it is urged that this will not be the
case, we ask how are you going to
help it? The politicians will take every
advantage they see open. With such
an arrangement Bland and Bryan and
the whole tribe of demagogues could
come in. How could they be kept out?
It is understood that we are going to
make the fight along those lines and
that is what they are fighting for. At
the very outset we start with the avow¬
ed object of trimming the platform.
What for? To satisfy men who are
not now in the party, Gen. Weaver
admits that the “next national conven¬
tion will be factional.” That is it will
follow in the footsteps of the two old
parties and formulate its platform, not
from the standpoint of principles, hut
so as to “catch the voter ’gwine and
cornin’.” This is Mr. Taubeneck’s
policy, and the policy of the politicians,
it never emanated from the people, nor
will it be indorsed by them. It is the
policy which prompted the French
revolutionists to unite in deposing the
king, and afterwards to turn and de¬
stroy each other, making what is
known as the "reign of terror.”
The People’s party as at present
composed is practically a unit on the
platform. We believe that a majority
of the voters in the United States are
in favor of the position we take on fi
nance, land and transportation. But
they are groping in the the dark. All
they want is a little more light. They
are thirsting for knowledge. So far as
the o!d Ponies are concerned they are
< i emora R zed - Now is our golden op
P° rtunit v ’ N '° w iS
-
true go6pe of , reforra - Uh> ’? OUl<
we hesitaa, e now - anfl only take up
-
Tueotlons which the two old parties will
likely cover in some way *; hat **" de '.
* n< * e tae vof — rs again. y no row
3Ur anti-monopolv banner o e reeze
and announce to the world that we are
<> pp ^ al > ntonopohee and will
thi * llne " ,ake " *
thousand years? T’he elect , I n of of
fleers is not always a victory. It brings
with H responsibilities and the redemp
CRAW FORD VILL E, GA.. :I1)AY. APRIL 20, 1895.
tion of pledges. To meet the expecta
tions of the people we must be able
not only to unite before election, but to
stay united afterward. The Fifty
third congress is a valuable object les
son in support of the truth of this
statement. The party was united at the
polls, but divided in congress. It had
the responsibility, but with a largo
majority in congress it failed to carry
out its pledges. The success of the
democratic party In 1892, was Its
Waterloo. To command the respeot
the voteis ln Ui<n-couhti> n pa.'S Must
be consistent. It is not so when it
Changes its platform to suit the poll
ticians’ whims. The People’s party
platform may need some change In
phraseology and possibly the dropping
of one or two features, and the addi
tion of that many others, but the
questions of finance, transportation and
land must not be disturbed. If wo
were suggesting changes we would
make no reference to the subtreasury
and Incorporate the referendum and
government banks Into the platform,
A11 these things will come, and they
are going to come soon. We must
learn to be patient. The worst one
mies the People’s party has are the
men in the party who want office and
can’t wait until wo can win a legitl
mate victory. These men may be well
meaning enough, but their judgment is
warped by inordinate desire for official
po* tion. Uncle Charley Cunningham
once said to the writer: “Morgan, we
could handle the - rascals if it
wasn’t for the--fools in our party.”
The logic of events is doing more for
us now than we are doing for ourselves,
The People's party is growing as it
never did before. Why strike our flag
and enter into the clamor for a new
party. Why disband our army that
presents a solid front and go over to
one that has no front at all? The man
who insists on it and seeks by his per¬
sistence to turn nine men out of every
ten his way, will find that he has
“kicked a dura solid dog,” as the fel¬
low said when he kicked the cast iron
representation of a canine.
W. S. MORGAN.
Do Yon Know?
Do you know what you are raising
your child up for? Do you know what
it can do in the fTiture against the gi¬
gantic monopolies that are crushing
all competition? If it is a daughter and
has to struggle for a living? Or it mar¬
ries a man who gets out of work? You
know the balance. Or a son who finds
every avenue of honest industry closed
to men of his means? Crime is the only
thing left. Yet you, a father, are so
eternally blind, so idolatrously preju¬
diced to your party, that you oppose a
party because these monopolists tell
you it is “paternal,” that offers your
children an equal show with every
child in the nation. The rich don’t
want your child to have an equal show
—they want their children to have all
the advantages, and you vote for their
methods! Great heavens, how can you
be so ( ] u mb gauzy? you cannot What hypnotic see through spell a J
trick so |
blinds you to vote to destroy your own j
}jf e an d that of your children that a:
f ew r i c h may prostitute them for tbeir i
pleasure? Fathers, think! Don’t think J |
of me 0 r how it will affect your party,
but think of your family just as it is
just as it is likely to he, and 'hen o
the mon °P° li8t ’ s idk; ’ viciou!t ’ 1
Rant family. They are supported by ,
3 ’our labor, on account of monopolies
in private hands that should he in the
ownership of the whole people. Com- ;
j,,g Nation. !
The People* P*rt> . has h- advanced to
the dignity of
states in ^ the c unu.n. „ n. n an! Hnh^e the yL >oung.ter Lter
is shown grea^ er - - - '
formerly c arac e,
The gotten ijistgptfj* j'rianpylitan Press.
Events are c occurring to
prove’ that cap iifmlism is constantly
making the puUic*prints a vehicle £leas for
the conveyance and*t]»ai plutocratic to
the public, M*® metropolitan
papers are run W hirelings vyho arc
paid to write w-j f they do not
whose duty jt ? ” the truth
and write or.jBfeu. wlm |e he Is lombard no* true.
A year A tg&jrwaa
tavMt(UM
. mprt
>{X(r pointed for
fftfttdSTamouK ^hsres
by the receiveri!we ln the Kaft
S as City Times to Fue amount of $57,
000. This accounted for the tone and
policy of that phper one of the most
rabid gold-bug sheets in the west.
What did the Lombard Investment
company want with stock in that pa
per? The sheet never has paid its own
ers a legitimate dividend, or dividend
on legitimate newspaper business,
Tli a t. sto<$c—with a great deal more
from other sources, perhaps, for the
same purpose, was to control the pol
j C y 0 f tlie paper in the interest of eapi
falism. Here is an instance where we
b ave the direct proof that English cap
itallsts are using our American prints
to not only educate, American voters in
their duties, but browbeat and abuse
them for standing in the way of the
schemes of these foreign robbers,
jt ; 8 ga j,j as a matter of fact that of
the seven leading papers ia New York
city, a majority of the stock of five
0 f them is owned by English capital
j s t s , and yeLthe American people are
sucking tf! ioison from such sources
—from thc|(5id hirelings who manage
them aud, who simply make commerce
of their opinions’.
Ail over the country as a rule, the
papers—democratic and republican,
that carry the Associated Press dis¬
patches are owned largely by bankers,
railroads and other corporations, and
these investments are not made with
the view or expectation of profit, in the
same—as many of them are worthless
so far as dividends are concerned, but
the investments are made for the pur
pose of controlling the papers and use
them in aiding them in their many
schemes of plundering the people.
Bankers have mortgages on many
plants throughout the country for no
other purpose than placing these pa¬
pers under obligations to them, and
thus enabling them to mold the policy
of the papers particularly rega rding the
national banking question. You don't
see Rny. .metropolitan dailies in the
smaller cities saying anything in con¬
demnation of the national banking
system, or corporate interests getter
ally, do you? The reason is that the
penny-a-liners do not dare to do so.
If they did they would lose their job.
Men employed on the metropolitan
papers do not dare to write their hon
est convictions, as not a man among
them would hold a jolt an hour, if he
should tell the truth, instead of writ
ing what he knew to he a lie.
The would-be leaders in the Peo
* are learning a lesson they
“ . . i par ned years aim The
m n an() womr>n in tWs grt . at reform
recoenize IcrapXe the o‘ leaders in the
that term
ww , e tb(?y may recogn ize men and
women i n 0 ur ranks as advanced
thinkers and zealous workers, the rank
and file are thinking and acting them
selves independent of would-be lead
ers, and in proof of this we have only
to refer to the storm of Indignation
aroused ail over the country by the
efforts of a few fellows at Washington
who sought to side-track the People’s
party on a single-plank issue.
More money is needed to open up the
undeveloped resources of the country.
THE ROND CONTRACT.
CLEVELAND KEEPS IT BEFORE
THE PEOPLE.
Conspiring to Defraud—The Contract
for Bond Deal by Which American
Liberty Was in the Most Disgraceful
Manner Surrendered,
This agreement, entered into the 8th
day of February, 1895, between the sec
retary of the treasury of the United
States of the first part and Messrs.
August Belmont & Co. of New lor e on
behalf of Messrs. N. M. Rothschild At
Sons of London, England, and them¬
selves; and Messrs. ,T. P. Morgan & Co.,
of New York, on behalf of Messrs. J. S.
Morgan & Co., of London, and them¬
selves. parties of the second part, wit
aeeseth:
t”j s’* vl ~ 'the .
\Vh civ ” l d d h
c,- 8, pro e y re
r
vised statutes of the United States (sec
tiou 8700) that the secretary of the
treasury may purchase coin with any
of the bonds or notes of the United
States authorized by law, at such rates
and upon such terms as lie may deem
advantageous to the public interests;
and the secretary of the treasury now
deems that an emergency exists in
which the»pubHc Interests require that
as hereinafter provided, coin shall be
purchased with the bonds of the United
States of the description hereinafter
mentioned, authorized to be Issued
under the act. entitled, “An Act to Fro
vide for the Resumption of Specie Pay
meats," approved .Jan. 1 1. 1875, being
bonds of the United Slates described in
an act. of congress approved July J4.
1870. entitled, “An Act to Authorize the
Refunding of the National Debt;” now,
therefore, do the said parties of the sec
ond part hereby agree to sell and de
liver to the United States 3,500,000
ounces of standard gold coin of the
United States, at the rate of $17.80441
per ounce, payable in United Slates 1
per cent thirty-year coupon or regis¬
tered bonds, said bonds to lie dated
1Mb. 1. 1895, and payable at the picas
ure of the United States after thirty
.vein's from date, issued under the acts
of congress of July 14, 1870, Jan. 20,
1871, and Jan. 14, 1875, bearing interest
at ’the rate of 4 per cent per annum
►payable quarterly.
first, Sqph purchase and sale of
kl coin being made on tho following
•,‘Uinditlons.
L A.L J^nst one-half of nil coin de
Uvered ueretjuiiuler shall bo obtained
fti and sMppt o Iraqi Europe, but the
shipments *haU> not lrt&equlred to ex
ceed a$)O,0tkHmu>res per month, unless
.**:•'V"ih« jx"gt-.hrJl con
sent thereto.
2. All deliveries shall be made at any
0 f the gubtrensurtee or at any other
legal depository of the United States,
;j. All gold coin delivered shall be ro¬
reived on tho basis of 25 8-10 grains of
standard gold per dollar, if within tho
limit of tolerance,
4. Bonds delivered under this con¬
tract are to be delivered free of ac¬
crued interest, which is to be assumed
and paid by the parties of tho second
pavt at the time of their delivery to
them. "
Second. Should the secretary of . the ,,
treasury desire to offer or sell any
bonds of t'he United States on or be
fore Oct. 1, 1895, he shall first offer the
same to the parties of the second part;
but thereafter lie shall tie free from
every such obligation to the parties of
the second part.
Third. Tho secretary of the
treasury hereby reserve the right
within ten days of the date hereof, in
case ho shall receive authority from
congress therefor, to substitute any
bonds of the United States, bearing 3
per cent. Interest, of which the prin
cl pal and Interest shall be specifically
payable in the United States gold coin
of the present weight and fineness, for
the bonds herein alluded to; such 3 per
ceut bonds to he accepted by the par¬
ties of (he second part at pur that is,
at $18.60465 per ounce of standard
gold.
Fourth. No bonds shall be deliver
ed to the parties of the second part, or
either of them, except in payment for
coin from time to time received here
under; where, upon the secretary of the
treasury of the ... United . States , shall , ,, and .
wfll deliver the bonds as herein pro
vided, at such places as shall be desig¬
nated by the parties of the second part.
Any expense of delivery out of the
United States shall he assumed and
paid by the parlies of the second part.
Fifth. In consideration of the pur¬
chase of such coin, the parties of the
second part and their associates here
under assume and will bear all the ex
pense and inevitable loss of bringing
gold from Europe hereunder; and, as
far as lies in their power, will exert all
financial influence, and will make all
legitimate efforts to protect the treas¬
ury of the United States against the
withdrawals of gold, pending the com¬
plete performance of tfiis contract.
In witness whereof, the parties hereto
have hereunto set their hands in live
parts, this 8th day of February, 1895.
J. G. CARLISLE,
Secretary of the Treasury.
AUGI.bl . IT „ r „ T HFI HbLMU.v MON . T j & . ui., rn
°" 1,chalt of MeHsrH - N - M Rothschild
& Sons, London, and themselves.
J. P. MORGAN & CO.,
On behalf of Messrs. J. S. Morgan & Co.
of Ixrndon.
Chauneey Depew has suggested as
a means of getting round the new con
stituiional provision in New York that
forbids members of the legislature from
riding on free railroad pass< to vote
themselves mileage ticket s. If he did
not, as president of tli Erie railway
system, expect favors in return he eer
tainly would not be so anxious for the
memtiers of the legislature to ride j
free. :
SURPLUS AND DEFICIT
TOM WATSON SCORES CLEVE
LANDISM.
^SVall Street Is I'easting on the Deficit
as It, Did on tlie Surplus—Broker’s
Nefarious Schemes Brought to
Idght.
l)urlng the flrat administration of
Marlah Halpln . a man Cleveland, this
count wa8 told ln ponderous sen
teacM Rll about the awful havoc that
, hc wa8 m aktng with the pros
parity of the people.
The Surplus became a nightmare,
a scare-crow, an old Man of the Sea;
and we got to the point where we
could hardly go to bed in confidence
and comfort, uuiess wo first looked
under the bed to see that the surplus
was not laying in wait to murder us in
0 ur slumbers,
Cleveland lia.1 kept talking about
Surplus, Surplus, Surplus, until lots
of us began to have the same feeling
toward It that, a negro used to have
toward the Ku Klux Klan.
So seriously disturbed were wo in
olu . min( ] 8 about the dangers and the
deadfalls, the snares and the man
traps, the deceits and the betrayals,
which Mr. Cleveland assured us
lurked in the Inner caverns of the
Surplus, that we Implored him to save
us—to save tis by any methods what
ever from the armed enemies of our
national welfare which crouched oon
ne aled within the Insides of this mod
ern Trojan Horse of a Surplus.
After onr .scare was over, and the
Surplus had been met and conquered
by the hero of Buzzard’s Roost, we
gIW oa i m enough to listen to a cold
m . ltal 0 f the fac.lH, and to realize the
exact nature of the perils we had os
ca ped.
>pi 10 surplus, it seemed, was a pile
of money which had been collected
from the tax-payers, over and above
the needs of the Government, and
■
which the office-holders absolutely
could not spend.
i This was awful Indeed.
It is difficult to exaggerate the
mental agonies of two or three hun
rtred thousand office-holders who
have to stand In sight of a big pile
of public money day after day, week
after week, month after month, and
not have the power to lay their fever
*«h fingers upon it.
It Is the unwritten law of this Mesa
ed Republic that the Government must
spend at least as much an the tax
payers can l^e made to pay. *
Bv ar oversight, Uohgress had railed
to locioaeo the expenses In proportion
to the increase of the Tariff and I mor¬
nal Revenue Taxes, and hence, to the
disgust, and dismay of Cleveland and
his tribe, the taxes far exceeded the
expenses Congress hod authorized.
No wonder the disturbance in offi¬
cial circles was so great. No wonder
Mr. Cleveland made the continent
tremble as ho heavily held forth on
the dangers of a Surplus.
What, was to be done with the
money?
Andrew Jackson had, under similar
circumstances, divided the Surplus
am(>ng thR Btat6H ..... U)ll8 sending the
money the Government didn't need
back to the people to whom it be
longed.
Jackson, however, and his kind of
Democracy being deader than Plia
roah, Mr. Cleveland never once thought
of getting that Surplus money back
Into the pockets of the people to whom
jt belonged,
Ah Is well known, he made a gift of
aboll t sixty million dollars of it to the
Wa „ H(roet bondholders, by way
of premiums, for the privilege of
paying Government debts which were
1U) . (b|1 ,
Another sixty million dollars of it
was given to the national hankers, free
of interest, to lend out at usury to the
poor devils to whom it belonged.
These little palliatives eased the
pains of the Surplus very considerably,
and held its fever under control untii
Congress met again. As soon as that
able body of Stmday-amashers and
law-despisers met, they promptly ran
the expenditures up to the full limit
of the taxes, aud thus we have never
8ince from the pa , nfll , , :o lic
of hav| too much mone y for our di
gestion to cope with.
Mr. Cleveland’s brilliant statesman
ship never shdwed to better advant
age than when he struggled with the
dangers of tht Surplus and came forth
from the contest covered with victory.
Ho got rid of the Surplus by giving
it away.
The Government had squeezed it out
of the tax-payers, aud the President
made a gift of it to the Privileged Class
which pays no tax at all.
To rob Peter to pay Paul is common
place rascality; but to rob Peter, the
tax-payer, to make a gift to Paul, the
bondholder, is an average sample of
latter-day statesmanship.
In pushing expenditures upwards to
head off another possible Surplus, Con¬
gress rather over-did the thing.
The tax-payers began to be exhaust¬
ed. and the stream of national revenue
did not run so bounteously as of
5orc -
The Billion-dollar Congress of the
Republicans scraped the bottom of
Uncle Sam’s cash-box. and a Deficit
began to he a small cloud upon the
horizon—no larger yet than a man s
han '*’
r ' hM - Foster prepared Republican
Plates for the issue of Republican
bonds in order to get more money.
The in-coming Democrats indig
nantly stopped the plan, and sternly
rebuked the planners.
The Democratic Congress even used
lippy language to Charles Foster about
daring oontiuue 4(4 per cent bonds at
2 per cent. I reooH<*ot that Judge
VOL. II. NO. 22.
Turner, the able Democratic statesman
of South Georgia who has so nimbty
boxed the entire compass on the finan¬
cial question, was seriously displeased
with said Foster for venturing to re¬
new national debts which Democrats
were ready to pay.
Then came the Billion-dollar Crisp
Congress No. 1.'
And then the Billion-dollar Crisp
Congress No. 2.
But before the Democrats had been
on deck long enough to get the pie
counter questions adjusted, the Deficit
was upon us—a gigantic, remorseless,
and devouring Deficit.
Wali Street 1 r feasting upon the De¬
ficit Just as It did upon the Surplus.
In Cleveland’s first administration
they fattened upon premiums and free
deposits.
In his second, they fattened on non
taxed bonds, and ten million dollar
private deals, Foster’s plates are
doing heroic duty grinding out 5 per
cent bonds—and Judge Turner saying
nothing.
The dangers of a Surplus brought
pie to the bondholders.
The perils of a Deficit bring pie to
the bondholders.
They plunder us when we pay too
much, and they despoil us when we
pay too little.
A Surplus hurts, and a Deficit des¬
troys.—People’s Party Paper.
"Pitternalliim" In Toronto, Canada.
Toronto, Canada, has a population of
about 200,000. It sells Its street railway
privileges—not for boodle, as our
American cities do, but to the highest
bidder at public auction, and ns a re¬
sult that city is deriving a. large income
from the street railways, and enjpya
cheaper fares and a far better service
than under the old system.
No long-time franchises are granted,
but periodically the companies aro
compelled to bid for the privilge of us¬
ing the streets, which, as can be easily
seen, compels companies to operate
their lines for the accommodation of the
public.
At. the last telling, despite the strin¬
gent conditions imposed by the muni¬
cipal authorities, three companies sub¬
mitted bids for the privilege of using
the streets, and ns a result the city
receives $1,600 a year for eac|i mllo of
double track operated, and agraduated
tax on the gross oarnings of 8 per cent
on the first, million dollars, on the next
five hundred thousand dollars 10 per
|ettt*r<g«d so on in a progressive scale,
tfie. raff! going as high as 20 per cent on
all receipts over three million dollars. I
The city determines the rate of fares,
ordinary tickets being sold six for 23
cents, or 25 tickets Mr ft. Ticket.; =’>r
working people, good morning and
evening, are sold at eight for 25 rents, •
while school children ride for two and
a half cents.
The revenue derived by the city from
this source Is $125,000, a Hum four times
as large as the revenue derived by the
city of Chicago from its street car
lines, and yet Chicago has ten times
the population of Toronto.
When It is suggested that it iR possi¬
ble to have such things in this country
we have a class of people who are at
once seized with spasms of “paternal¬
ism,” who lift their hands In holy hor¬
ror at anything that would have a ten¬
dency to relieve the people of monopo¬
listic burdens.
In spite of the fact that hundreds of
cities In this country own their own
water works, gas and electric lighting
plants, and in every single instance
entire satisfaction being rendered, you
hear foolish people Baying every day;
“That, won’t do; that’s paternalism,”
and nine out of every len of these peo¬
ple who are having the shivers for fear
we may have a littlejiaternalism ln this
country, wouldn’t know it if they should
1 meet It in the road.
Fanners !><’ Yon **ee It?
I Mr. Brown loaned Mr. Smith in 1SS8
$1,000 at 10 per cent interest.
Each year Mr. Smith paid Mr. Brown
$100 Interest. Mr,
To pay bis interest at that time
Smith sold:
50 bushels of wheat,
or 250 pounds of butter,
or 165 bushels of oats,
or 125 bushels of corn.
or 500 pounds of pork,
or 250 pounds of wool,
or 500 po,,nds of cotton ’
Ia ^ thP mortgage was renewed
and the interest cut down o i per ceu„,
l p '’* P oor Smith fount, eten at ne re
duced rate of inteiest, le was o ge
to sell in order to raise the $79 interest;
135 bushels of wheat,
or 300 bushels of oats,
or 265 bushels of corn,
525 pound- of ’ Utter,
or
or 1,100 pounds of pork,
or 450 pounds of wooi, t
or 1,000 pounds of cotton.
Smith may not know- it was Cleve- *
land's gold standard that did him up,
—Ex.
They Feel It Too.
The secretary of state of Ohio has
received returns from the county audi¬
tors of sixty-two of the eighty-eight
counties, in which is given the selling
price of land and the amount of mort
gagRS From these retur ns it is found
! that about one acre in twenty has
j f . hange d hands in the last all year, the way and
i that the shrinkage runs
j j from 4 to 40 per cent, and that the
j wortgage debts has increased $8,000,
000 [n a word the farmers are worth
.
less by $50,000,000 than one year ago.
,
Ohio Is one of the best states ln the
p'nion, and has no "calamity howlers
to speak of; therefore, it may be con
eluded that the farmers “stayed at
home and killed weeds ' and voted ’er
straight, either republican or demo
eratic, and lo! they are not better off
than the "calamity howlers of Kan
sas who “whittled goods boxes. Kan*
sas Agitator.
